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Full text of "Interim report on the Competition Act : report of the
Standing Committee on Industry
"
See other formats
LUN
3 1761 11970848 5
HOUSE OF COMMONS
CANADA
INTERIM REPORT ON THE
COMPETITION ACT
Report of the Standing Committee on Industry
Susan Whelan, M.P.
Chair
June 2000
The Speaker of the House hereby grants permission to reproduce this document, in whole or in part, for use in
schools and for other purposes such as private study, research, criticism, review or newspaper summary. Any
commercial or other use or reproduction of this publication requires the express prior written authorization of the
Speaker of the House of Commons.
If this document contains excerpts or the full text of briefs presented to the Committee, permission to reproduce these
briefs in whole or in part, must be obtained from their authors.
Also available on the Parliamentary Internet Parlementaire: http://www.parl.gce.ca
Available from Public Works and Government Services Canada — Publishing, Ottawa, Canada K1A 0S9
mm, ee Se
SREB,
INTERIM REPORT ON THE ‘\
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COMPETITION ACT’,
Report of the Standing Committee on Industry
Susan Whelan, M.P.
Chair
June 2000
STANDING COMMITTEE ON INDUSTRY
Susan Whelan
Walt Lastewka
Charlie Penson
Pierre Brien
Gerry Byrne
John Cannis
Antoine Dubé
Jim Hart
Marlene Jennings
Jim Jones
Eric Lowther
Gurbax Singh Malhi
Dan McTeague
lan Murray
Jerry Pickard
Nelson Riis
Essex
VICE-CHAIRS
St. Catharines
Peace River
Témiscamingue
Humber-St. Barbe—Baie Verte
Scarborough Centre |
Lévis-et-Chutes-de-la-Chaudière
Okanagan-Coquihalla
Notre-Dame-de-Grâce-Lachine
Markham
Calgary Centre
Bramalea—Gore—Malton—
Springdale
Pickering—Ajax—Uxbridge
Lanark-Carleton
Chatham-Kent Essex
Kamloops, Thompson and
Highland Valleys
CLERK OF THE COMMITTEE
Richard Rumas
RESEARCH STAFF
Parliamentary Research Branch, Library of Parliament
Daniel Shaw
Geoffrey Kieley
Digitized by the Internet Archive
in 2023 with funding from
University of Toronto
httos://archive.org/details/31761119708485
THE STANDING COMMITTEE
ON INDUSTRY
has the honour to present its
SEVENTH REPORT
Pursuant to the Committee’s mandate under Standing Order 108(2), a Review of
the Competition Act:
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
CHAIRS FOREWORD «02 ss desc dca oe te ee rine oe a ix
PREFACE 22 net de facet 2 te er eh Peer cen ne Peet ree: xi
LIST.OF PRELIMINARY. FINDINGS. 42 PAPE MI etnies. nee XV
INTRODUCTION a. ht (A Oe GHIA DOR BWOLV LO Wale OViLS f 1
CHAPTER 1: COMPETITION AND COMPETITION POLICY IN CONTEXT.................. 6
Recent Economic Developments and Competition Policy... 5
Competition and Competition Policy Interplay ............0000.ccccccccceceessscececceesseseeeestseeeeens 9
Competing and Complementary Provisions of the Competition Act... 10
Legislation, Guidelines and Enforcement…..................................................... 12
CHAPTER 2: CONSPIRACIES AND OTHER HORIZONTAL AGREEMENTS ............ li?
Legal. Treatment-of.Conspiraciesanduts FIStOny Mise... Birth vere. EAN ‘wh
Conspiracy-Strategic Alliance-Merger: An Organizational Continuum...................008 18
Proposal. for [wo-Track Treatmenticreusnenascunc ie sane PERRIER ett A get 19
CHAPTER 3: PREDATORY PRICING AND BEHAVIOUR ..…......................................... 23
Predatory Behaviour Defined and the Cost Test... 23
Predatory Behaviouriandiitss Legal sireatmnie nt tee carseat: tee erase antec ao 6 9--ceee ewe oe Zo
CHAPTER 4: PRICE MAINTENANCE, DELIVERED PRICING AND REFUSAL
TO DEAL .......0. ccosnresopousanianapuncosisnusesdnwecteretmentnedeFecereucccesesst: M TEE Sinsane: ai tant Rann S Mee 3
Price. Maintenance ince ic cescucneutee eeeee treater ee emer ee, cates ce rey teat ences ag oi
Delivered'Pricing..20.. Aor: 1. ARG ee... ree. 35
Refusal tO Déal it ven see eee en meen teeeee etree ten eaee ner te en tees eee eee 36
CHAPTER 5: PRICE DISCRIMINATION. ..............:::.::c:cccceeeeeccscnccessssseseeseccssenseneeceeeenaes 39
Economics‘of Price DISGriIMination. 2PRRRORPERE TIRER neste eee mater eae, poe neat 39
Legal, Treatment OLRiCe. DISC INA OR th tcnacsof sens eanaivensceceerretaccrasr 40
CHAPTER 6: PRIVATE RIGHTS OF ACTION... 43
Private Claims for Damages Arising from Criminal Violations .…................................ 44
Public Enforcéementofithe Competuion Acts eee ee ee 45
Competition’Tribünal Process SENS PRE PER E eee etaetch feat aTaseeave te mented 0 47
Private Access, Protecting Against Abuse and Remedies …..................................... 48
Vii
CHAPTER 7: INTERIM CEASE AND DESIST POWERS............................................. 53
Role-otthe TriBUNal. RE re cement ntauaamnaes 5e,
Proposals for New Cease and Desist Powers... 55
Alternatives eme rte ee a ec ed EST e082 aC ee 59
CHAPTER 8: THE NEWSPAPER INDUSTRY, A DIVERSITY OF VIEWS AND
THE COMPETITION ACT ................................... + YRAMIMLISASS. 30.7 61
A Diversity of Views and Ownership Concentration... 62
Competition Bureau and-Newspapers....….....….. Mass ss ss. ROME ARMES deo semnp en sean 63
Objectives of the Competition Acta. :atiiecinc.. bre. aineniata van | Oreo eee 65
TWO Approaches..:,:2.1.4uem.... MONA PEE MO ne MONET 67
Foreign Ownership RestrictionSac?).ant.!s. snciekaas mmemolqmo De. pme 69
Other ProposAIS.........s... ser NOM ne EOP MEM ater» eat eat 71
CONCLUSIONMAMaSR SS LATMORS ON BARTS. SAA SOARS 5. 837s) 73
REQUEST FOR GOVERNMENT RESPONSE ….......................................................... 79
A DISSENTING OPINION — NEW DEMOCRATIC PARTY ....................................... 75
APPENDIX 1: THE VANDUZER REPORT... Meme Aer ent 108 Rone 77
APPENDIX 2: PRIVATE MEMBERS’ BILLS TO AMEND THE
COMPETITION ACT Re pouch aoe Need a Ree ERERSS 81
APPENDIX 3: LIST OF WITNESSES SR anes cee 87
APPENDIX:4:. LIST OF BRIBES Se caer cae ree oe oe ee 91
MINUTES OF PROCEEDINGS (25, oc ccredscviecsos i7ooncacuntnpaunsbaseiichenascasaecsuatuo-ee ee ee 93
Vili
CHAIR’S FOREWORD
Pursuant to an Order of Reference of the House of Commons dated October 20,
1998, the Committee considered Bill C-235, An Act to amend the Competition Act, which
was designed to protect those who purchase products from vertically integrated suppliers
while competing with them at the retail level. Bill C-235 was the product of an in-depth
look by Mr. Daniel McTeague, M.P., and others at a single industry, the petroleum
products industry in Canada. The proposed amendments to the Competition Act,
however, would apply to all industries. The main objective of the bill was to strengthen the
provisions of the Act intended to combat the anticompetitive effects of predatory pricing in
the marketplace.
The Committee commended the stated objectives of Bill C-235, but had
reservations regarding the means chosen to achieve them, fearing that legitimate
procompetitive practices of integrated suppliers could be inadvertently caught. For
instance, the Committee’s view was that the ultimate purpose of the bill was to ensure
that: (a) manufacturers could not sell to independent retailers at higher prices than to their
own affiliates; and (b) integrated manufacturers could not sell at a wholesale level to
independent retailers at higher prices than their own retail price. Clearly, the bill was
intended to protect independent retailers from perceived threats by the integrated
manufacturers who supply them. The unstated assumption was that by protecting
independent retailers, the bill would enhance competition and thus protect consumers.
However, the Committee disagreed with the approach taken and with this underlying
assumption. The Competition Act is crafted to protect the process of competition
generally, not competitors or classes of competitors specifically, yet the proposed
amendments to the Act in Bill C-235 departed from this fundamental principle and were
intended to protect independent retailers.
Accordingly, on April 15, 1999, the Committee reported Bill C-235 with
amendments that deleted its clauses and title. At the same time, the Committee decided
that an in-depth study of the Competition Act was warranted. The Honourable John
Manley, Minister of Industry, then expressed his wish that the Competition Bureau would
engage a third party to undertake an independent review of the anticompetitive pricing
provisions of the Competition Act and the Bureau’s enforcement record in order to assist
the Committee in its deliberations.
J. Anthony VanDuzer and Gilles Paquet, both of the University of Ottawa,
conducted the in-depth study of predatory pricing, price discrimination and price
maintenance, including their economic motivations and impacts, as well as their legal
treatment and enforcement. Their work, entitled Anticompetitive Pricing Practices and the
Competition Act: Theory, Law and Practice, was completed and presented to the
Committee in October 1999 (see Appendix 1).
Upon receiving this document, the Committee began its hearings on the
Competition Act and its enforcement, starting with the Commissioner of Competition,
Konrad von Finckenstein, and Professors VanDuzer and Paquet. Furthermore, the
Committee’s decision to study competition in the newspaper industry was taken in June
1999, well in advance of the recent announcements by both Hollinger and Thomson of
their anticipated newspaper sell-off. While the announcements might appear to have
“shifted the ground” in the industry, the Committee is of the view that issues of newspaper
concentration will continue to resurface as issues of significant concerns to Canadians.
Moreover, as a result of the rapid and widespread development of electronic media in the
past decade, the nature of the debate has changed significantly since the 1970s or
1980s. For these reasons, in the context of its study of the Competition Act, the
Committee has taken the opportunity to explore the interface between competition law
and the newspaper industry. So for a three-week period beginning in May 2000, the
Committee embarked on an intensive study of the Competition Act, hearing from as many
as 32 experts in the field of competition policy and law, as well as interested stakeholders.
Part of the way through our hearing process, the Competition Bureau engaged the
Public Policy Forum, a non-profit, non-partisan organization for improving the quality of
government in Canada, to consult the Canadian public widely on changes to the
Competition Act and the Competition Tribunal Act as proposed in four Private Members’
bills: Bill C-402, Bill C-438, Bill C-471 and Bill C-472 (see Appendix 2). Two of these bills
cover much the same policy ground as this Interim Report, in particular our discussions
on slotting allowances or listing fees that some large retailers charge some manufacturers
for scarce shelf space. Because the Committee does not want to prejudice the work of
the Public Policy Forum, we have decided to defer the testimony received on this issue,
as well as testimony on the Private Members’ bills, to our Final Report. We look forward
to reviewing the Public Policy Forum’s complementary report later this year. We are
confident that it will be of assistance to us in preparing the Committee’s Final Report.
While interesting and varied opinions exist amongst the competition policy experts
on this important and specialized topic, they were not so diverse as to prevent a
consensus. The Committee believes this consensus is captured in this Interim Report.
This consensus, however, is limited to preliminary findings, suggesting a direction for
future work. The Committee will, after further discussion and review this fall, make
recommendations in its Final Report. At this time, | would like to thank those who
participated in our extensive hearing process for sharing their insights with us. | am
confident that the public will agree that this report reflects both their concerns and
common Canadian values and priorities in the domain of competition policy, law and
enforcement.
PREFACE
Competition (or “antitrust”) legislation has existed in Canada for more than a
hundred years. The name of the governing Act has changed several times over the years,
as has the Act itself. Consequently, Canada’s antitrust Act has become a more effective
instrument of the public interest with each significant revision. However, the primary goal
of the legislation essentially remains the same: the quashing of conspiracies and
monopoly-making restraints of trade (except those held exempt by parliamentary
privilege). Canada’s first competition law, passed in 1889 and entitled An Act for the
Prevention and Suppression of Combinations Formed in Restraint of Trade, marked a
new era in the public’s distaste for, and treatment of, monopoly. The 1889 Act made the
formation of “combines” — the term used to describe conspiracies at that time — a
violation of the Criminal Code, following an era of general laissez-faire.
The new law was a response to political pressures from the public at large, as well
as from a vocal and well-organized small business sector that mounted a very effective
campaign against big business. Indeed, the economic developments that precipitated the
enactment of Canada’s first antitrust Act are worth reviewing given the momentous
changes we are experiencing in today’s rapidly developing economy. The similarities and
differences of the two periods are both revealing and informative; and there seem to be
implications for what appears to be happening today.
Beginning in the latter half of the nineteenth century, after substantial public
investments had been made in railway and telegraph networks, large and more complex
industrial organizations began to appear in Canada and elsewhere across the world. New
advances in applied science, the increasing division of labour, and the emergence of a
new managerial class promoted the growth of the modern industrial complex, as the
corporation began to spread its activities both horizontally and vertically. These new
technologies dictated massive investments in capital and a commitment to building
integrated operations extending both backward into core raw material supplies and
forward into marketing and distribution networks. In this way, the corporation, bolstered by
new financial instruments for funding growth, could realize the inherent economies of
scale and scope in the new production methods, while securing the necessary returns on
investment.
These new production processes led to the creation of many new industries at the
same time as they considerably transformed many old industries. Unfortunately, the good
came with the bad. The unprecedented cost advantages bestowed on large-scale
operations benefited those who were first to transform their businesses in conformity with
the new economic realities, while vanquishing the remainder. Small manufacturers were
at a significant cost disadvantage, but so were wholesalers, manufacturers agents and
other middlemen when the volume-oriented manufacturers moved forward and mass
retailers moved backward into wholesaling. The displaced merchants were the leading
xi
businessmen in the smaller cities, towns and villages of the time, and they formed a very
influential political constituency alleging predatory behaviour on the part of big business
and demanded relief through legislative action.
The United States and many European countries also underwent these
experiences at about the same time, but a unique set of circumstances meant that
Canada was the first to respond. Canadian politicians well understood the economic
advantages and increased material well-being resulting from these revolutionary
technological and organizational innovations, but believed Canada’s small population
would impede their development. Rather than see Canada become an economic satellite
of the United States through the exportation of natural resources and raw materials in
return for the new and more advanced manufactures, the Government of Canada in 1879
adopted its “National Policy.” Spearheaded by very significant tariff barriers on industrial
products, the protectionist policy aimed to forge an industrial heartland in Ontario and
Quebec. However, the subsequent suppression of foreign competition only heightened
the public’s suspicions of the business combinations being formed at this time. In 1888, a
select committee of the House of Commons was formed to investigate the nature and
extent of certain combinations (e.g. groceries, egg dealers, sugar, biscuits,
confectioneries, coal, iron and steel foundries, etc.). Legislation was the recommended
course of action and Canada’s first antitrust law was passed the next year.
A similar set of circumstances appears to be unfolding today. The source of
change is again innovation, but this time it has less to do with cost advantages of scale
and scope associated with new physical capital and more to do with creative advantages
associated with the stock of knowledge (or “human capital”). Rather than one-time
changes, followed by a period of exploiting size and scope, the knowledge-based
economy now being developed is accompanied by a process in which products,
processes and methods of distribution and organization are constantly upgraded and
improved. This constant change is a source of disequilibrium and uncertainty for all of us.
Hand in hand with this process of “out with the old, in with the new,” or “creative
destruction” as it is sometimes called, comes organizational and institutional innovation.
Corporate managers, now under pressure to raise productivity through innovation rather
than through economies of scale, have focused on designing lean production capabilities
and downsizing their core activities, while outsourcing non-core functions and sub-
assembly activities to their affiliates or strategic allies (sometimes spinoff companies from
their downsizing efforts). Moreover, encouraged by recent advances in transportation and
communications technologies while taking advantage of the new trade environment
sweeping the globe, the locations of critical stages of manufacture and assembly are
being chosen to ensure that the entire production process more fully exploits competitive
advantages wherever these exist, whether because of economies of scale, scope or
learning by doing, or because of greater factor specialization. Canada’s business sector is
increasingly internationalizing its activities, weaving an intricate web of linked activities
around the world. Consequently, Canada’s small businesses are again under pressure to
change their business models in face of stiff competition from big business, foreign and
domestic. Nowhere is this more apparent than in the retail gasoline industry, which has
Xii
been the object of much public, political and antitrust scrutiny, the retailing of groceries
and the newspaper industry.
| Beginning in the mid-1980s, the traditional full-service gasoline stations that
provided gasoline, Car repair and automotive ancillaries (oils, lubricants, windshield
wipers, air filters, etc.) were replaced by self-serve gasoline stations providing gasoline, a
more limited range of automobile ancillaries and, in some situations, confectioneries.
Retail gas Station owners have had to invest in substantial capital equipment
encompassing a greater number of larger underground storage tanks, spacious
dispensing bays, easy-to-use pumps and a central payment booth. This more capital-
intensive gasoline-focused operation allows some to take advantage of existing
economies of scale by selling greater volumes of gasoline, but has also resulted in a long-
term oversupply of retail gas operations, some of which have had to leave the field. The
antitrust scrutiny is thus focused on whether those being forced out of business are
inefficient suppliers (i.e. vertically integrated or independent retailers) or independent
retailers who were efficient but disadvantaged through predatory pricing policies of the
integrated gasoline operators.
Innovations in pricing policies, such as the larger grocery retailers’ imposition of
“slotting fees” for scarce shelf space, have been in place for some time, but are now
proliferating rapidly (some suggest at the same rate as new products are introduced,
which, according to an industry study, was more than 18,000 in the past year). Demands
for a lump-sum payment (originally for a slot in the retailer's warehouse and now for shelf
space), particularly from the larger mass retailers operating in highly concentrated
markets, are as controversial as the chain store movement of the 1930s. The slotting fees
are one of a number of marketing practices implemented to introduce new and risky
products, in particular groceries, books and children’s toys, into the marketplace. While
the fees may discriminate between various manufacturers, they also to some extent
share risks between retailers and manufacturers (apparently more than 70% of new
grocery products are removed from the shelves within the first year); thus, the
circumstances dictate whether the fees are pro or anticompetitive. Antitrust scrutiny
focuses on whether these pricing practices are legitimate responses to scarcity or
whether, by closing market distribution channels to the smaller manufacturers, they
constitute either anticompetitive price discrimination or an abuse of a dominant position in
the marketplace.
Print media, in particular the newspaper industry, have undergone significant
restructuring since the emergence in the 1960s of new technologies, such as computers
and “cold type” composition or offset printing; however, the impact of the most profound
development, the Internet, is yet to be felt. So far restructuring has included consolidation
and increasing concentration of ownership and some industry stakeholders contend that,
for a democratic country like Canada, too much political and cultural power is now held by
too few media moguls. The Competition Bureau has conducted a review of all major
newspaper mergers and acquisitions throughout this period, but, understandably, it has
focused solely on its narrow mandate relating to the commercial side of the business and
neglected the broader public interest aspects such as editorial diversity and quality. Given
xiii
the absence of a formal review process for these fundamental public interests and the in
situ merger review process set up under the Competition Act and the Competition
Tribunal Act, various industry stakeholders have suggested it would be worthwhile to look
at expanding the objectives of these acts and the mandates of the Competition Bureau
and the Competition Tribunal to include broader social interests.
In light of these public controversies, Parliament must once again look at its
antitrust act and modify it to fit the new circumstances. Some antitrust experts feel that
the conspiracy provisions of the Competition Act are not designed to distinguish
sufficiently between collusion and the strategic alliances being sought by the business
community as an alternative to a full-blown merger. A growing number of stakeholders
feel that the Criminal Code is not well suited to distinguish between anticompetitive
conduct and perfectly legitimate procompetitive conduct in terms of price discrimination,
predatory pricing and price maintenance practices. Some also advocate new powers of
temporary cease and desist for the Commissioner of Competition or the Competition
Tribunal to deal with egregious predatory behaviour. Private rights of action and access to
the Competition Tribunal for certain reviewable matters (e.g. refusal to deal, exclusive
dealing, tied selling, and market or territorial restrictions) must be reviewed, given the
expanding industry coverage and workload and the limited resources of the Competition
Bureau. The Committee’s inquiry into the Competition Act will look at these issues.
XIV
LIST OF PRELIMINARY FINDINGS
CHAPTER 1:
COMPETITION AND COMPETITION POLICY IN CONTEXT
1. The Government of Canada should re-evaluate the minimum thresholds for
reviewing a merger, and, if found unsatisfactory for the optimal
enforcement of the Competition Act, might give further consideration to
resetting them accordingly.
2. The Government of Canada provide the Competition Bureau with the
resources, including financial, necessary to ensure the effective
enforcement of the Competition Act.
CHAPTER 2:
CONSPIRACIES AND OTHER HORIZONTAL AGREEMENTS
3. The Government of Canada, after consulting with stakeholders, consider
the feasibility of creating a two-track approach for agreements between
competitors. The first track under consideration would be to retain the
conspiracy provision (section 45) of the Competition Act for agreements
that are strictly devised to restrict competition through reducing output
and raising prices (i.e. hardcore cartels). The second track under
consideration would deal with any other type of agreement between
competitors in which restrictions on competition are ancilliary, under a
modified abuse of dominant position provision (section 79) of the
Competition Act.
4. The Government of Canada, after consulting with stakeholders, should
study the impact of repealing the term “unduly” from the conspiracy
provision (section 45) of the Competition Act.
5. The Government of Canada should undertake a complete economic and
legal analyses of proposals for modifying the abuse of dominant position
provision (section 79) of the Competition Act with a view to include either a
test that considers whether an agreement between competitors would
“lessen competition substantially” or an explicit defence in which resulting
efficiencies would be weighed against the anticompetitive effects of such
an agreement.
XV
CHAPTER 3:
PREDATORY PRICING AND BEHAVIOUR
6.
The Government of Canada, after consulting with stakeholders, should
consider amending paragraphs 50(1)(b) and 50(1)(c) of the Competition Act
by replacing the phrase “or designed to have that effect” with the phrase
“and designed to have that effect.” In this way, the criminal predatory
pricing provisions would require evidence of both “pricing below cost”
and the intent of “lessening competition or disciplining or eliminating a
competitor.”
The Government of Canada, after consulting with stakeholders, consider
adding a new predatory pricing provision in the reviewable civil section of
the Competition Act, possibly to be made applicable to the abuse of
dominant position provision (section 79). The Government of Canada
should also give consideration to ensuring that both the alleged predator
has “market power” and the practice in question would “lessen
competition substantially.” Consideration should be given to introducing
new enforcement guidelines for predatory pricing under the abuse of
dominant position provision.
The Government of Canada should study the impact of amending section
78(i) to state: “selling products at a price lower than average variable cost
for the purpose of disciplining or eliminating a competitor.”
CHAPTER 4:
PRICE MAINTENANCE, DELIVERED PRICING AND
REFUSAL TO DEAL
9.
10.
The Government of Canada, after consulting with stakeholders, should
consider amending the Competition Act with respect to price maintenance
(section 61) to distinguish between those that are anticompetitive and
those that are efficiency-enhancing. Price maintenance practices among
competitors, whether manufacturers or distributors, should remain in the
criminal section of the Competition Act, possibly to be shifted to the
conspiracy provision (section 45). Price maintenance agreements between
a manufacturer and its distributors might best be moved to the reviewable
civil section, possibly to be made applicable to abuse of dominant position
provision (section 79). This provision should also ensure that both the
person in question has “market power” and the practice in question would
“lessen competition substantially.”
Should the Government of Canada act on the Committee’s previous
finding, the Competition Bureau introduce new enforcement guidelines
with respect to abuse of dominant position (section 79) in relation to price
xvi
nats
12.
maintenance agreements between a manufacturer and its distributors,
including the analytical framework for the assessment of market power
and competitive effects. Consideration should be given to introducing
enforcement guidelines for conspiracies (section 45) that relate to price
maintenance agreements between manufacturers or distributors under
section 61.
Should private individuals be permitted to make application to the
Competition Tribunal for relief in matters involving civil review, the
Government of Canada should consider amending the delivered pricing
provision (section 81) of the Competition Act to ensure that the practice in
question would “lessen competition substantially.”
Should private individuals be permitted to make application to the
Competition Tribunal for relief in matters involving civil review, the
Government of Canada should consider amending the refusal to deal
provision (section 75) of the Competition Act to ensure that the practice in
question would “lessen competition substantially.”
CHAPTER 5:
PRICE DISCRIMINATION
13.
The Government of Canada, after consulting with stakeholders, in
particular with representatives of small businesses, should consider
repealing the price discrimination provisions (sections 50(1)(a) and 51) of
the Competition Act and include that prohibition under the reviewable civil
section, possibly to be made applicable to the abuse of dominant position
provision (section 79). The Government of Canada should also give
consideration to ensuring that both the person in question has “market
power” and the practice in question would “lessen competition
substantially.” Consideration should also be given to expanding the
coverage of the provision to govern all products, including articles and
services, and all transactions, not just sales. Consideration should be
given to introducing enforcement guidelines for price discrimination under
the abuse of dominant position provision.
CHAPTER 6:
PRIVATE RIGHTS OF ACTION
14. The Government of Canada give further consideration, in consultation with
stakeholders, to enacting legislative changes necessary to permit private
individuals who have been prejudiced in the conduct of their business by
anticompetitive conduct to make application to the Competition Tribunal
xvii
for relief in matters involving civil review. The issue of the relief available to
private litigants, whether in the form of injunctive relief or damages, OF
both, may also be the subject of further consultation.
CHAPTER 7:
INTERIM CEASE AND DESIST POWERS
15. The Government of Canada, in consultation with stakeholders, give further
study and consideration to amending section 100 of the Competition Act
and (other sections in consequence thereof) to apply to matters civilly
reviewable by the Tribunal in respect of which an inquiry has been
commenced under section 10(1), or in respect of which an application has
been commenced by a private party consistent with finding no. 14.
CHAPTER 8:
THE NEWSPAPER INDUSTRY, A DIVERSITY OF VIEWS
AND THE COMPETITION ACT
16. The Government of Canada, through the Department of Canadian Heritage
and other departments, continue to discuss and consider, in consultation
with stakeholders, issues of diversity of ownership in the newspaper
industry and other information media.
XVill
INTRODUCTION
In general we have a solid, modern Act that we can be quite proud of. It reflects
modern economic thinking. It is a piece of economic regulation ... And it’s pretty up
to date. [Tom Ross, 46:9:15]
Things can always be made better, and the Competition Act, which we believe
continues to reflect the balanced and modern approach to competition law, is no
exception. [Paul Crampton, 53:15:35]
Canada’s original competition law, passed in 1889 and entitled An Act for the
Prevention and Suppression of Combinations Formed in Restraint of Trade, was the first
of its kind anywhere in the world. The new law marked an end to the prevailing laissez-
faire attitude as a result of public suspicion of the mushrooming trend towards mergers
and trusts at the end of the nineteenth century. While weak at its inception, Canada’s
competition law has been modernized and made more effective with each modest
revision, of which there have been many in the past century. At this time, Canada can
stand proud of its Competition Act; it is an effective law that balances the interests of
consumers in obtaining high quality goods and services at competitive prices with the
interests of the commercial actors in being free to forge and pursue their business plans
and strategies unencumbered by government dictate.
The Competition Act is a well-crafted economic instrument designed to preserve
and enhance the process of competition. It is a law of general application; it applies to all
industries in equal measure (except those provided a parliamentary privilege) and puts
the interests of no one competitor or class of competitor ahead of those of any other. By
establishing a broad competition framework, thereby setting “the rules of the game;” by
making the Competition Bureau’s enforcement guidelines widely available to the business
community while fulfilling its advocacy role at many regulatory hearings, thereby making
the rules known to all players; and by judiciously enforcing the Act's provisions, so that
the game is called according to the rules; Canada’s Competition Act and its enforcement
agents have produced an economic environment in which non-compliance with the law is
more the exception than the rule.
Canada’s original competition legislation was unquestionably born out of the
public’s distate for the business combinations being formed at that time. However, most
of these large-scale mergers were an organizational response to the innovations for
products and processes that entailed vast economies of scale. A similar set of
circumstances appears to be unfolding today. The source of change is again innovation,
but this time it has less to do with cost advantages of scale and scope associated with
new physical capital and more to do with creative advantages associated with the stock of
knowledge (or “human capital’). Rather than one-time changes, followed by a period of
exploiting size and scope, today’s knowledge-based economy is accompanied by a
process of constant change in which products, technologies and methods of production
and distribution are always being upgraded and improved. As new business models are
being formed in this innovative period, they are exerting new pressures On the business
sector and are revealing new stresses in the competition policy framework.
The more traditional retailers seem hardest hit by “Big Box” retail formats based on
‘just in time” inventory and delivery systems and by the Internet, which sometimes
circumvents the intermediary function altogether. Whether gasoline retailers, grocery
suppliers or other small businesses, the smaller independents feel they are being
squeezed out by the much larger vertically integrated competitors. As a result, they are
openly questioning the effectiveness of the predatory pricing and abuse of dominant
position provisions of the Act. Yet the newer information and telecommunications
companies wishing to form strategic alliances, rather than attempting a full-blown merger
that might entail a loss of focus and productivity, are challenged by conspiracy laws that
were developed for an industrial economy at the turn of the last century. Somewhat
analogously, manufacturers of complex products that require unusually extensive
information and/or demonstration services to be provided by retailers to persuade
prospective consumers of the product's utility are inadvertently constrained in their pricing
strategies by price maintenance laws conceived to combat manufacturer or distributor
conspiracies.
This report responds to these concerns by advancing preliminary findings,
suggesting directions for further work and consultation, for reform of selective but
pertinent provisions of the Competition Act. Chapter 1 identifies key economic
developments that are reshaping the commercial landscape at this time, while placing
Canadian competition policy, both the law and its enforcement, in its proper context.
Chapter 2 looks at the Act’s conspiracy provisions to determine, if needed, how best to
modernize these to take into account the business sector’s increasing trend to forge
strategic alliances and joint ventures. Chapters 3, 4 and 5 consider shifting several
anticompetitive pricing provisions of the Act—predatory pricing, vertical price
maintenance, and price discrimination — so that the reviewable civil section of the Act
would apply to them rather than the criminal provisions. Improvements to the refusal to
deal and delivered pricing provisions to avoid getting embroiled in private contractual
disputes are also considered. Chapter 6 addresses the issues related to extending private
enforcement of anticompetitive conduct applicable to the reviewable civil section of the
Act. Chapter 7 ponders the Commissioner of Competition’s request for new powers to
issue interim cease and desist orders and ways to improve the Competition Tribunal’s
procedures. Chapter 8 reviews alternative ways of addressing the concentration of
ownership in the newspaper industry, including through the possible modification of the
Competition Act to include provisions for this single industry. Finally, the major
conclusions and preliminary findings of the report are summarized.
The Committee emphasizes that this report should be viewed in the context of
proposals for change that are currently being considered by the Competition Bureau, the
Competition Tribunal and private sector stakeholders. For this reason, the Committee has
not made definitive recommendations at the present time. Rather, the Committee will
present a series of preliminary findings based on the evidence received to date and
careful consideration of the issues raised.
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CHAPTER 1:
COMPETITION AND COMPETITION
POLICY IN CONTEXT
The purpose of competition policy and competition law ... is to protect competition
and economic efficiency, not to protect competitors. It’s to protect the efficiency of
the process, not the existence or the viability of individual companies. [Roger
Ware, 52:9:45]
Competition law is essentially a back-up. If the market runs beautifully, the
Commissioner should be asleep. ... The reality is the market does not work on a
perfectly good self-sustaining basis and there are competitors who will seek to fix
prices. There are competitors who will exercise their market power in ways that are
unacceptable to society and we simply have to hit them ... and say “no.” [William
Stanbury, 47:16:05]
As a general law of general application ... one of the implications ... is that it is a
very blunt instrument. [Lawson Hunter, 46:9:25]
Recent Economic Developments and Competition Policy
Two major economic forces are shaping the world economy as we move into the
third millennium: globalization and innovation. “Globalization” is the growing economic
and political integration and interdependence of countries as a result of trade, investment,
movement of persons and the dissemination of knowledge. Multinational enterprises have
been at the centre of this globalization process. These seemingly denationalized and
borderless corporations, encouraged by recent advances in transportation and
communications technologies, have begun to outsource the manufacture and assembly
of selective non-core components of their complex products to affiliates and strategic
allies across national borders, thereby taking advantage of the new trade environment
sweeping the globe. The business sectors of most industrialized countries have thus
internationalized their activities, resulting in an intricate web of linked activities around the
world.
Today’s knowledge-based economy, although still in its infancy, is proving to be
fast-paced and spurred by product, technology and organizational innovation. Anecdotal
evidence is all around us: product lifecycles are becoming shorter and shorter all the
time;' new, largely computer-assisted technologies resulting from the digital
microprocessing revolution are proliferating in all aspects of business from the factory
! The average life of a personal computer model on the market today is no more than six months; for computer
software, it is about six months; and for semiconductors, it is about one to two years. Even our more traditional
products are undergoing rapid transformation. For instance, automobile models that used to last about a
decade without major design changes are now being revamped about every four to six years. The lifetime of a
typical aircraft model has declined from about two decades to somewhat less than one.
giants to the local corner store? and lean production techniques, which promote
specialization in core competency activities while outsourcing from strategic allies, are
reorganizing the marketplace.”
The government policy responses to these developments, in the form of trade
liberalization efforts and the deregulation and privatization of utilities, have made the
Canadian economy more competitive. For example, the Canada-United States Free
Trade Agreement (FTA) has played a significant role in raising the productivity and
competitiveness of the Canadian manufacturing sector over the past decade by forcin
industry to rationalize plants and operations and to exploit economies of scale further.
Innovations in telecommunications and energy technologies and systems have eliminated
any general notion of “natural monopoly,” and resulted in deregulation and open
competition where once only government or regulated private monopolies dominated the
commercial landscape.
These new business models exert new pressures on the business sector and are
beginning to reveal new stresses and fracture points in the competition policy framework.
For instance, greater cross-border trade may also mean more international
anticompetitive conduct. As a result, competition authorities must respond by further
cooperating with one another:
International cooperation is my number one priority. We clearly live in an integrated
North American market, and probably an increasingly global market. We cannot
administer the Competition Act appropriately without international cooperation, first
of all with the Americans, but with other nations too. We have very good cooperation
with them in criminal matters. We have the Mutual Legal Assistance in Criminal
Matters Act and we regularly do joint investigations. We exchange data and have
been quite successful in dealing with international cartels. The same kind of
exchange on the civil side is lacking because the American law does not allow them
to exchange unless the Canadian law has reciprocal dispositions. [Konrad von
Finckenstein, Commissioner of Competition, Competition Bureau, 43:10:25]
This, however, will be no easy task. In civil matters, far greater confidentiality issues are
at stake:
There are different considerations at stake in criminal matters, as opposed to civil,
or administrative, or competition law matters. The criminal matters tend to be
looking at what you did last year, or in a lot of the cartel cases it could be 10 or 15
Computer-related investments, which have been growing in real terms by 64.2% between 1992-95 in the
services sector, accounted for as much as 55% of all investments made by the business services sector; see
The Centre for the Study of Living Standards, Productivity: Key to Economic Success, March 1998, p. 32.
The “Big Box” stores emerged as an important retail force with the development of “just in time” production,
inventory and delivery systems and the Internet is, in some cases and among other things, having the effect of
circumventing the retail function altogether.
Daniel Treffler reports that productivity rose by 0.6% per annum between 1988-95 for industries that
experienced average tariff cuts, while rising by 1.5% per annum for industries that experienced large tariff cuts;
see Treffler, Daniel, “Does Canada Need A Productivity Budget?,” Policy Options, July 20, 1999, p. 69. |
years ago. Information of that sort often is not particularly competitively sensitive.
Sometimes it is, but not always. It’s historical — whereas, in the civil matters, abuse
of dominance, mergers especially, you're looking forward and the information the
Bureau needs to investigate and assess these cases properly is current, up-to-date
information of the companies: their current business plans, their current capacities,
their current R&D programs, their current product development. That stuff is far
more sensitive than your market shares and production figures from 1983... [Milos
Barutciski, Davies, Ward & Beck, 50:9:45]
Most disputes in civil matters, at least in Canada, are resolved expeditiously and
efficiently through “informed negotiation,” the vital ingredient for the process to be fruitful
and productive. The companies need to have the confidence that they can tell the
Competition Bureau all the pertinent facts on the understanding that this information is not
going to slip out to their detriment in a perfectly legitimate context. This becomes tricky
when cooperating with foreign competition authorities:
So you may want to reflect on having some language in here to make sure that if
we're cooperating with somebody, it’s with a country that has a competition law that
approximates, or at least reflects, what we call competition law, not something that’s
completely different — national champion industrial policy in the guise of competition
law. Out of the 80-plus competition Acts in the world, and | can point to you several,
that are really more industrial policy and picking national champions and giving them
a break, at the expense of foreign competitors, as opposed to real competition acts
that protect the competitive process. [Milos Barutciski, 50:9:45]
A knowledge-based, innovation-driven economy is a dynamic economy, one that is
characterized by numerous new products, technologies and production processes, and
even new industries. Barriers to entry into the more mature industries can be knocked
down and competition can sometimes flourish where it has never been seen before.
Market dominance also appears to be more short-lived than in any previous time.
However, across all industries technological change is apparently driving down the costs
of production with the result that the typical firm’s cost structure more frequently exhibits
substantial increasing returns to scale (a cost structure in which declining unit or zero
marginal costs are achieved with increased output). Allegations of predatory behaviour
are likely to mount in this new economic environment and the related provisions of the
Competition Act will come under increased pressure and scrutiny. The Committee was
reminded of the benefits derived from organizational innovation and the appropriate
competition test:
Organizational innovation is a very important source of innovation. | mean
sometimes we miss it, we think about innovation as new products or processes but
sometimes it’s just a new organizational form. The ultimate test should be whether
consumers benefit by it. And if they're disadvantaged because the dominant grocery
chain has squeezed suppliers and told them not to supply, we should go after that,
because that’s taking away a level playing field and not giving the independent
grocery a chance to compete. But given that level playing field, if one organizational
form starts to lose to another ... We don’t have many blacksmiths any more either,
and | don't think it’s in our interest to protect them. [Lawson Hunter, Blake,
Cassels & Graydon, 46:10:15]
Innovative products will often be accompanied by an intellectual property right and
there is an interface there that must be looked at more closely:
The other thing is that the intellectual property rights are becoming increasingly
important. By definition, they restrict the use of certain property. We have, for
instance, issued in the guidelines how we see those two can interact in an
intellectual property regime and a competition regime, because it seems ... to be
one of the key questions we're going to ... increasingly face. [Konrad von
Finckenstein, 43:10:25]
The policy and enforcement interfaces between intellectual property and competition
policies are complex; however, clear borderlines must be drawn between competitive
and anticompetitive conduct.
The intellectual property laws by and large have two purposes. They give you a right
of property in your ideas so that you can market them and you can get the financing.
Since you did the intellectual work, you should reap the benefits. That's essentially it.
That's for a limited period; after that, they become public goods. The period varies
with the intellectual property you’re talking about. However, having been given
essentially this time-limited monopoly to reward you for your rights, you should not
be able to abuse it. What we look at first of all is how you market it, how you license,
what you can do. We make sure your licensing is not done in a way that you’re using
it to lever yourself into other markets and you use unfair advantage that has nothing
to do with your invention. Since you have that invention and people want to get at it,
they’re willing to pay that price. So that’s the unfair leverage aspect. The other one is
that there are some rare instances where we say that because it’s a key to a larger
market and you're refusing to share it with anybody, you’re holding up overall
development. You've really wreaked havoc in the Canadian economy. In those
cases, there is essentially an abuse of your power. You should be fairly rewarded for
it, etc., but you should share it on fair terms. [Konrad von Finckenstein, 43:10:55]
These economic developments also pose new challenges to the competition
authority. For one, we must revisit the Competition Bureau’s two-year forecast horizon
when reviewing mergers and other matters:
| am concerned that the current law does not give sufficient weight to innovation.
We, and the Bureau, need to give, either legislatively or in its guidelines, more
importance to innovation in markets, and that is often a factor in the question of how
much time they’re willing to look at that changes may take in the marketplace. They
tend to take a two-year view, and in some industries | think that may be too long a
period. In others, it may be plenty of time. But I’m not sure innovation is properly
factored into the law at the moment. [Lawson Hunter, 46:9:30]
Though such a proposition is not clear cut:
That's one of the difficulties with merger analysis, unlike some of these abusive
practices in which you have an ongoing history or something that's tangible and that
you can relate to. In a merger, you're trying to predict what will happen as a
consequence of the change in the structure of the market. That can be very difficult.
| can understand the Bureau not wanting to go too far out into the future, but in
some cases that might shift the balance of concern from one side to the other. You
may have all kinds of competitive developments that may occur two and a half or
three or four years down the road: re j
) » youre Ignoring that and that’s probably not
good. [Donald McFetridge, Carleton University, 44:10:10] à ; 045
SUN Moreover, with the microprocessing and information technologies revolution in
oday's economy, many user networks demand standard setting agreements; however, a
D eue poses its own set of problems for competition and the competition
rity:
The new economy has several features that are very worrisome. It is, in effect, a
network economy. And whoever controls the network can use his dominant position.
Or you have several networks, etc. So there’s a huge degree of interconnectivity and
interdependence that’s being created in the new economy, and how can you assure
competition with it? [Konrad von Finckenstein, 43:10:25]
The task is daunting.
Competition and Competition Policy Interplay
The interplay between competition, on the one hand, and competition policy and
law, on the other hand, is interesting. Witnesses made it clear from the outset that:
“Competition is a means to an end. The reason we have competition is to deliver the best
products at the best prices for the people who buy them” [Donald McFetridge, 44:10:25].
As a result, “the best protection for consumers is a free and open market, with as few
barriers to new competitors coming in as possible, whether they’re regulatory, ownership,
trade, whatever types of barriers” [Donald McFetridge, 44:10:25]. However, unfettered
competition alone is not enough. A complementary competition policy is required in
circumstances where, owing to technological or regulatory barriers, competition will not
automatically and immediately flourish.
While competition and competition policy are complementary, they are not perfect
substitutes when regulatory barriers intervene:
| think they are complements to each other, and that's how we need to think about
them. The two go hand in hand. You're absolutely right that if Canada had a
different policy about cabotage or if we didn't have the same interprovincial
restrictions on industrial milk quotas or whatever it may be, then it would be easier to
deal with a dairy merger, it would be easier to deal with an airline merger. It's not
always the case that those policies will completely substitute for competition law.
[Margaret Sanderson, Charles River Associates Canada Limited, 48:11:05]
Indeed, certain government policies, deliberately or inadvertently, restrict competition
and in such situations:
There are many ways to foster additional competition. ... Often the government
enacts a number of regulatory restrictions for different purposes. One of the
outcomes, whether explicitly intended for that or not, is to restrict competition. That
being said, this does not deny the fact that we do need to have a strong Competition
Act in this country because it provides a framework law for basic businesses to
operate under. [Margaret Sanderson, 48:11:05]
However, competition policy can be at best partially corrective, for example:
If you limit interprovincial trade, you’re going to cause problems downstream for
processors, in that you can create a potential monopoly, not because there aren't
potential competitors out there ... but because you have precluded them by
regulation from competing. ... Regulations which keep competitors out of markets,
whether it’s provincial markets or the national market, are the enemy of competition,
competition law and policy sometimes can’t do very much about fixing that. ...
Competition policy may be just the window dressing there and it really can’t do
anything about the lessening of competition that has been put in place for other
reasons. [Donald McFetridge, 44:10:15]
In this case, “competition law alone is not sufficient to ensure the vitality of the
competitive process. ... Occasionally competition law can offset some of the negative
effects of these types of restrictions. More frequently, however, it cannot. Indeed, trying to
twist competition law so as to accommodate an anticompetitive regulatory environment is
likely to compromise and even corrupt competition law. Bad regulation begets bad
competition law” [Donald McFetridge, 44:9:05].
This interdependency also runs in the opposite direction when governments adopt
policies that, deliberately or inadvertently, foster competition. For example, trade
liberalization accomplished through the FTA, followed by the North American Free Trade
Agreement (NAFTA) was not only good trade policy, but also good competition policy.
Competing and Complementary Provisions of the Competition Act
The overriding objective of Canada’s Competition Act is to preserve and promote
the competitive process and, as witnesses mentioned time and time again, not to
preserve and protect individual or classes of competitors:
Protecting competition is not the same as protecting individual competitors. ...
Competition law should not be used to protect or give advantage to individual
competitors or classes of competitors, nor should competition law be used to pursue
other political or social objectives. Nevertheless, if competition is allowed to flourish
many of the good things commonly sought by governments are likely to follow and
these include economic efficiency growth and economic opportunity. The historical
record on this is hard to dispute. [Donald McFetridge, 44:9:05]
Given this one constraint, any competition framework, if it is to work for consumers’
welfare and economic efficiency, must incorporate the most up-to-date economic
analysis. There is, nevertheless, considerable room to manoeuvre in the choice of
framework, with no one framework being the “correct” framework. The mix of competition
provisions in any governing Act will usually reflect the culture, business customs, legal
history, political philosophies, and the geographic and demographic size and makeup of a
country.
_ For example, the United States antitrust agency, the Federal Trade Commission
begins to get tough on mergers at much lower levels of industrial concentration than does
Canada’s Competition Bureau. This is because the much larger United States economy
means there is much less risk that firms will not achieve economies of scale and other
Savings related to size and scope. Furthermore, Canada's competition legislation sets us
apart from other countries in that it probably better takes into account the efficiency
considerations of a proposed merger. Canada’s competition legislation explicitly requires
that the review of a merger balance the anticompetitive effects related to the “prevention
or lessening of competition” against the likely “gains in efficiency,” with whichever of the
two impacts is greater determining acceptability or unacceptability. This provision is far
more generous than it is in the United States, where the efficiency gains must be so great
that prices will not rise as a result of the merger.
While the much smaller Canadian economy dictates a less vigilant merger
enforcement framework than exists in the United States, this does not mean that Canada
has a less vigilant competition policy than the United States. Weaknesses found in the
merger review process can be made up elsewhere, for example, by having more stringent
anticompetitive pricing, market restriction and abuse of dominant position prohibitions.
Obviously, a careful balancing of factors is required.
Indeed, the needed balance can be a subtle one. One contemporary example of
this subtlety at the enforcement stage has proven to be an unresolved public concern for
the better part of a decade.
Not enough attention was paid to the significance of that back when there was some
consolidation going on in the refining sector in the oil industry. ... The Bureau
allowed the consolidation to take place, and that’s why in my view you're seeing
some of the problems today in that sector, because there just wasn’t enough supply
available. The notion was that, oh well that'll come across the border, but the reality
was that wasn’t really going to happen. So you do need to look down the road and |
think that maybe some past decisions have exacerbated that problem.
[Lawson Hunter, 46:10:00]
If this view is correct, then the organizational structure of the downstream petroleum
products industry presents an almost unresolvable competition problem for Canada’s
anticompetitive pricing provisions:
It happens to be a very homogeneous product. There’s no difference at all whether
you buy the gas from Esso or Shell. Its purely driven by price. There's no
differentiation whatsoever between the various products. So it's only the price, and
it's rising higher. The fact is, it's also an industry that posts its prices. So the price
information that is going on in the industry is about as readily available as it can be.
Therefore, for companies to move in unison Is no problem, and that's what they're
doing. It's conscious parallelism. The margins for the retailers are relatively very
small. If there's an opportunity to raise the price and increase your margin and one
person does it, everybody follows the leader. This is the behaviour that consumers
see, and they say there has to be a conspiracy. So far, we havent found one ...
notwithstanding extensive investigation, millions of dollars spent going through
thousands of documents, putting people under oath, searching and seizing
documents, and doing everything. [Konrad von Finckenstein, 43:10:00]
The Committee is in no position to ascertain the validity of this hypothesis, but its mere
possibility only confirms the importance of getting the competition framework right; one
that fits Canada’s unique economic circumstances.
Legislation, Guidelines and Enforcement
The Committee feels that, apart from the specific provisions contained in the
Competition Act, its overriding objective is to assess whether Canadian competition policy
represents modern economic analysis, is clear and transparent to the business
community, and is appropriately enforced. Most witnesses gave the Competition Act a
positive evaluation. A typical response was “l think that in general we have a solid,
modern Act that we can be quite proud of. It reflects modern economic thinking. It is a
piece of economic regulation ... And it’s pretty up to date” [Tom Ross, University of British
Columbia, 46:9:15]. Yet everyone who extolled Canada’s Competition Act as a modern
piece of economic regulation was also able to find room for improvements. Consider, for
example, the following comments made on the economic analysis of merger review, a
section of the Act where most stakeholders believe the least amount of change is
needed, and in their interpretations by the Bureau and the Tribunal:
| think considerable thought went into the framework for merger analysis as it’s
embodied in the Competition Act. | think that in general it’s still applicable and | don’t
see any serious need to tinker with it. For the section 93 factors, which would
require the Bureau — and then ultimately the Tribunal if a merger goes to the
Tribunal — to assess the broad state of competition in the market, including foreign
competition, potential entry, technological change, and these types of things, the law
is well written here ...
You might want to quarrel a bit with the time horizon that the Bureau has imposed
on itself, this sort of two-year horizon — “well, we won't look beyond two years” —
other than the fact that it's very hard when you're doing merger analysis to look
ahead at all, to make very good predictions about what will happen in the future. ...
With respect to efficiencies in section 96 of the Act, that, even after all this time,
have not been resolved. | think there’s some expectation that the Competition
Tribunal will pronounce upon the appropriate interpretation of section 96 in its
Superior Propane decision. We will see, | guess, when they hand down their
decision — it's supposed to be sometime this summer — exactly how they propose
to interpret section 96. Then we'll see if it's consistent with what Parliament might
have intended. [Donald McFetridge, 44:10:10]
In terms of predatory pricing, something that the Committee expects will be of
more importance in the upcoming years, Professor VanDuzer was critical of the Bureau’s
enforcement guidelines:
t2
Air ou about the guidelines is that they were published in 1992 and they don’t
ully reflect the current learning on the situations in which predatory pricing might
occur. There’s been a lot of economic evidence and a lot of economic analysis to
suggest that there is a wide range of circumstances in which a predatory strategy is
rational. One of them has to do with the success that a firm might have in
establishing a reputation for toughness by predato ivi
I t ;
University of Ottawa, 14:15:40] pe a re
Lack of clarity in the enforcement guidelines is a problem, but criticisms went beyond
this feature.
The other concern we have is that if we look at enforcement we see that over the
five-year period we looked at there were 382 complaints about predatory pricing and
there were no formal enforcement actions taken, and a relatively small number of
negotiated settlements in predation cases. | think one has to be very clear that you
cannot draw, and we did not draw, any specific conclusion about that enforcement
record, because whether that’s a good record or a bad record depends, in
significant part, on the relative priorities the Bureau attaches to other activities given
the budgetary constraints to which it’s subject. We all have to acknowledge, | think,
that litigation is a very expensive proposition. Notwithstanding that, we did have
some concerns about enforcement. [Anthony VanDuzer, 14:15:40]
This appearance of inadequate enforcement leaves open to question the Bureau’s
selection criteria for case management, which appear biased against the pursuit of
egregious predatory behaviour:
The other aspect of these case selection criteria that causes some difficulty or that
can cause some difficulty in predation cases is that they consider — | think
appropriately — management considerations. And what that means is they look at
the likely cost associated with getting to a resolution in a particular case. If you are
contemplating a full-blown contested procedure that’s going to take a long time and
going to require all kinds of complicated economic evidence, then obviously it's
going to be a much more expensive proposition. Unfortunately for predation cases,
almost all predation cases fit that profile. [Anthony VanDuzer, 14:15:40]
To some witnesses all these problems are not the result of inadequate legislation,
but stem from a lack of sufficient enforcement resources allocated to the Bureau:
The Competition Act ... continues to reflect the balanced and modern approach to
competition law ... Over the last few years, we recognize there may have been some
cases where bona fide anticompetitive conduct was not appropriately addressed. In
our respectful view, the problems in question had more to do with insufficient
enforcement resources than with any fundamental inadequacy of the Competition
Act. ... If the Commissioner of Competition were given more resources to enforce
the Competition Act, instances of unaddressed anticompetitive conduct would be
rare. [Paul Crampton, Davies, Ward & Beck, 53:15:35]
oblem was identified as resulting from uncontrollable factors
eralization of the transportation, telecommunications,
nding did not match the increased responsibility that
he Bureau. A second uncontrollable factor was the
Part of the enforcement pr
such as the deregulation and lib
and energy sectors. Increased fu
these developments imposed on t
unforeseeable merger wave:
13
On the question of workload, | think we’re going through an unprecedented merger
wave around the world, and of course in Canada also. The number of mergers has
increased dramatically. That adds enormously to our workload. We have also seen
the emergence of international conspiracies on a scale we haven't seen before. For
instance, there was the vitamin conspiracy, where all the major producers of vitamin
A around the world kept together and systematically conspired to share markets and
to fix prices. That increases our workload. [Konrad von Finckenstein, 43:9:15]
One witness suggested this problem can be easily corrected and at no expense to
the federal treasury:
The present standard has the two thresholds. One which involves the acquired
business having gross assets or gross annual revenues in excess of $35 million,
Canadian dollar terms, and the parties and their affiliates having Canadian assets or
annual revenues in aggregate over $400 million. Those are the same levels that
they were in 1988 so whether that was the appropriate standard at that time as it
was thought to be to capture the ones that are more likely to create an issue, there
has been erosion in the value of those thresholds by a third. [Tim Kennish, Osler,
Hoskin & Harcourt, 44:9:40]
So | think at a minimum, the threshold ought to be elevated to restore those original
dollar levels, real dollar levels, and | think this would eliminate a lot of smaller cases
that are now clogging the system and arguably impairing the Bureau’s ability to
handle its other responsibilities. [Tim Kennish, 44:9:25]
The Committee agrees that the minimum thresholds for reviewing a merger may need
to be adjusted to account for inflation over the 1986-2000 period. However, the
Committee is equally uncertain about the thresholds being an impediment to the
optimal enforcement of the Act — other factors may be more to blame. The Committee,
therefore, finds that:
1. The Government of Canada should re-evaluate the minimum
thresholds for reviewing a merger, and, if found unsatisfactory for the
optimal enforcement of the Competition Act, might give further
consideration to resetting them accordingly.
Apart from the positive economic benefits generated through increased
competition, the Committee was also made aware of the positive impact of antitrust
enforcement on the federal treasury:
The fines obtained under the Competition Act last year exceeded $100 million. By
contrast, the Bureau’s budget for fiscal 1998-1999 was reported to have been $25.3
million. So clearly there’s room for some of the money that’s being generated under
the Competition Act to be allocated to the improvement of the enforcement of that
legislation. [Paul Crampton, 53:15:35]
While the Committee does not advocate that antitrust enforcement be a profit-
maximizing exercise, clearly more consideration should be given to allocating additional
resources to the Competition Bureau. The Committee, therefore, finds that:
14
2. The Government of Canada provide the Competition Bureau with the
resources, including financial, necessary to ensure the effective
enforcement of the Competition Act.
Finally, there are two other variables that can have an impact on enforcement and
are worthy of further study: private enforcement (addressed in greater detail in Chapter 6)
and fines. No witness suggested that industry treated fines similarly to a licence fee and
regarded them as just another cost of doing business. As the Commissioner of
Competition put it: “The fines are very substantial. They’re the largest ever in Canadian
criminal history. Nobody has ever collected fines like we have collected in the last two
years. Also, they're not deductible from tax, so they’re a direct hit on your bottom line”
[Konrad von Finckenstein, 43:11:25]. As a supplementary note on the determination of a
fine:
In the final analysis, of course, it’s the courts that do the determination of fines. But
when the Department of Justice is involved in assessing cases, you're indeed
looking at deterrence. You're looking at the value of commerce and the impact on
those particular companies concerned. You also go into their past behaviour. Is this
something that’s relatively new in their behaviour, or is this something that has some
long history? The courts do take that into account, and we take that into account
when we're looking at sentencing. Certainly those fines that were assessed in those
particular cases have a greater deterrence than we would have achieved a few
years ago, when we were getting fines of a maximum of $1 million on the same
volume of commerce. We've come a long way through this process. In fact you'll
note that this has been a trend both in the United States and Canada, and in the last
three or four years there has been a dramatic escalation in fines as the courts say
that price-fixing is indeed a criminal offence that should be taken seriously ... [Don
Mercer, Competition Bureau, 43:11:25]
The Committee therefore sees no reason to alter the maximum fines imposable on
violations of the Act.
15
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CONSPIRACIES AND OTHER
HORIZONTAL AGREEMENTS
Section 45 is one of the central pillars of the Competition Act, dating back to 1889.
[Paul Crampton, 53:15:40]
In Joining forces in business life today, parties have choices of how they want to
integrate their businesses or coordinate them. Those choices today are affected by
whether or not it will receive merger treatment or may be exposed to the sanctions
of the criminal law if it transgresses that standard. [Tim Kennish, 44:9:1 5]
The principle of separating agreements between competitors into a criminal
category that address hard-core cartel conduct and a non-criminal category that
address everything else ... holds some significant potential for improving the
Competition Act. [Paul Crampton, 53:15:40]
Legal Treatment of Conspiracies and its History
The prohibition against horizontal agreements (i.e. between competitors in the
same product market) to fix prices, allocate markets and/or restrict the entry of
competitors has been a central feature of Canada’s antitrust Act since 1889. For most of
the original Act’s history, the prohibition was ineffective due to the presence of the word
“unlawful” and the lack of a permanent investigative and enforcement body. Between the
Combines Investigation Act of 1923 and the enactment of the Competition Act in 1986,
the enforcement of the prohibition varied according to the legal interpretation given to the
term unduly. In this period, not surprisingly, there were several unsuccessful attempts to
rid the Act of this word in order to strengthen the prohibition. After the decisions of the
Supreme Court in Aetna Insurance (1977) and Atlantic Sugar (1980), the Crown had to
prove that the alleged conspirators both intended to enter into the agreement and
intended to lessen competition unduly. The double intent proved hard to establish, as can
be seen by the drop in the Crown’s success rate from 90% to 55%.
The enactment of the Competition Act reversed these court decisions, however.
Section 45 of the Competition Act provides that “everyone who conspires, combines,
agrees or arranges’ to lessen or prevent competition unduly is guilty of a criminal offence
and is liable to fines and/or imprisonment. This provision incorporates a defence for
horizontal agreements between competitors for the exchange of statistics, defining
product standards, or the sizes or shapes of product containers and packaging, the
exchange of credit information, research and development, placing restrictions on
advertising, promotion or measures to protect the environment, and for the adoption of
Webbe ny bye es See
Stanbury, William, The New Competition Act and Competition Tribunal Act: “Not With A Bang, But A Whimper,”
Canadian Business Law Journal, Vol. 12, 1986/87, p. 20.
17
the metric system of weights and measures. There are specific defences for export
consortia and specialized agreements. The Act’s most significant changes, however,
were introduced in sections 45(2.1) and 45(2.2), which required that “the court may infer
the existence of a conspiracy, combination, agreement or arrangement from
circumstantial evidence” and “it is necessary to prove that the parties thereto intended to
and did enter into the conspiracy, combination, agreement or arrangement, but it is not
necessary to prove that the conspiracy, combination, agreement or arrangement” would
have the effect of lessening competition unduly.
Conspiracy-Strategic Alliance-Merger: An Organizational Continuum
The primary concern about cooperation between competitors stems from the fear
that these will reduce their competitiveness through restricting supply and raising prices
(possibly also leading to lower quality and less product selection). Cartel-like behaviour of
this sort not only redistributes income (from buyers to sellers) in a covert way that is
tantamount to fraud, it also reduces economic efficiency as resources are misallocated.
Such monopolization thus produces lower economic welfare and is deemed to be a crime
against society. Mergers and acquisitions may also amount to an alternative form of
achieving this desired result (although they may also lead to additional efficiencies).
Not all cooperation between competitors is anticompetitive. Perennial examples
would include time-limited agreements not to compete after the sale of a business to
allow the buyer to profit from its goodwill and agreements on product standards. Recently,
however, the business sector has preferred to form strategic alliances, usually in the form
of a joint venture and involving less integration than a full-blown merger. These horizontal
agreements typically provide for formal supply arrangements, access to technologies and
specialized expertise, distributional channels and customers (particularly in foreign
markets where there are trade barriers), capital funding, risk sharing, or collaboration on
research and development. These agreements are thought to offer efficiencies,
particularly in network industries.
Strategic alliances of this sort, while usually procompetitive and restricting
competition in only an ancilliary way, may be afforded criminal or civil treatment under
Canada’s Competition Act. Law enforcement may proceed by way of a criminal trial under
the conspiracy provision (section 45) or by way of a civil trial under either joint dominance
(section 79) or a merger (section 92). The choice of venue has important consequences:
The principal differences between the criminal treatment and the civil provision is
that the new civil approach would not expose those agreements to the imposition of
fines or penalties. Also, there would be the application of the rule of reason, wherein
there would be an assessment of procompetitive benefits, such as efficiency
improvements that might come about, which is not possible under the present law.
[Tim Kennish, 44:9:10]
In effect, a strategic alliance might be regarded and treated as a so-called “hardcore
cartel” or a questionable merger:
The so-called hardcore offences are considered to be presumptively unredeeming
and not worthy of examination as to whether there are any benefits that flow from
them and simply banned outright. The per Se approach on these hardcore offences
is thought to have an enforcement simplicity that would enable prosecutions to be
MPa in areas which pose the greatest threat to competition. [Tim Kennish,
This is significantly different from how mergers are judged. Mergers are assessed
on a solely civil basis, again applying a rule-of-reason approach. Interestingly,
mergers are much more effective in eliminating competition between parties to
those mergers than agreements amongst competitors which might just create a
strategic alliance or joint venture, in that they are permanent and they tend to
eliminate all aspects of competition in the area of the merged business.
[Tim Kennish, 44:9:15]
Many witnesses, including the Commissioner of Competition, admitted that
procompetitive strategic alliances might be inadvertently caught by the conspiracy
category of horizontal agreements and that this possibility could be having a significant
chilling effect on the business community. Criminal law is not well suited to judge these
agreements. Specialized expertise is missing in the criminal courts; structural
considerations (market share or concentration) tend to dominate the very limited analysis;
no consideration is given to efficiencies or innovation; and sanctions are limited to fines
as behavioural solutions are not available. For these reasons:
We need to deal with the area of strategic alliances and the conspiracy provisions of
the Competition Act. Presently, Canadian businesses are doing their best to
compete more effectively in these global markets. Some are developing close ties
with other firms to gain access to technologies, to cooperate in research and
development, and to achieve economies in marketing and supplier arrangements in
new markets. The challenge here comes from the conspiracy provisions of the Act,
which prohibit agreements that lessen competition unduly. The problem is that
strategic alliances often involve agreements among competitors. Certainly the
criminal sanctions against conspiracy may discourage business from entering into
strategic alliances. They may, in effect, bring a chill on business in order to enter
into such an alliance. It's a problem ... that criminal law is not well suited to
distinguish between truly anticompetitive conduct and conduct that is in fact a
manifestation of healthy competition. [Konrad von Finckenstein, 43:9:10]
The Committee observed a general consensus form on this opinion.
Proposal for Two-Track Treatment
Only a few witnesses commented on the conspiracy provisions of the Act. Most of
them were satisfied with the established framework for market power/behaviour and the
jurisprudence afforded these provisions. In the view of most commentators, section 45
adequately reflects modern economic thinking, though, it was conceded that some
efficiency-enhancing strategic alliances might inadvertently be caught by it. For these and
other reasons, some witnesses ventured a two-track alternative:
19
In our view, the Competition Act would be strengthened if you drew a clear line
between egregious criminal behaviour, such as price-fixing, to which conspiracy
provisions should apply, and behaviour that is really an arrangement among
competitors to compete more effectively, and which, if it has any anticompetitive
aspects, would be assessed under civil law rather than criminal law. [Konrad von
Finckenstein, 43:9:10]
And
Since about 1990-1991 I’ve been arguing ... for a change in our laws against price
fixing ... | think it is important that we create two branches for agreements between
competitors, one branch that makes securing convictions against real true price
fixers easier than it is currently. The current law can make that rather difficult
because of the inclusion of the word “unduly,” which can be confounding. But at the
same time | recognize that we need to be more accommodating to strategic
alliances and joint ventures, all these kinds of complex agreements that we see
these days between firms that are in some sense competitors but in another sense
can benefit, and all of Canada can benefit, from their cooperation. So | thought the
law needed to create the two branches. [Tom Ross, 46:9:10]
Additional work could go into redesigning the abuse of dominant position provision
(section 79) in order to make the treatment of strategic alliances and joint ventures similar
to that accorded to a merger.
First of all, the new section 79.1, which is the branch that is sort of designed for
these strategic alliances and joint ventures, does not have an efficiency defence in
it. It does give the Tribunal discretion. It says the Tribunal may issue an order, but it
doesn't really give much guidance as to what would influence that. Our view was
that we should treat these kinds of agreements like we would treat mergers. In
mergers, we consider efficiency defences. In fact, that’s the main point of breaking
these things off ... so that you can review their efficiency impact and weigh it against
the anticompetitive effect. Sometimes the anticompetitive effect might be quite small
relative to the gains that could be attained through the joint venture of the strategic
alliance. [Tom Ross, 46:9:10]
Modification to the Bureau’s enforcement guidelines is also recommended: “As we do
with mergers, | like the idea of some sort of safe harbour guidelines, but | like them to
reside in guidelines rather than in the legislation” [Tom Ross, 46:9:15].
Another witness, though committed to reform, was more forthcoming in his
reservations with respect to the proposed changes in Bill C-472:
The Competition Bureau contends that the new section 45 will, and | quote, “create
a per se prohibition against agreements to fix prices, allocate markets, restrict
production or supply or engage in boycotts targeted at competitors.” In my view,
however, it is not clear that this is what the amended section 45 in Bill C-472 would
do, if enacted — for several reasons. First, there is, in my view, serious confusion
regarding the element of intent necessary in a per se provision. | refer you to
sections 5(1)(d) and (e) ... Second, the “safe harbour” provision in section 45(7)(e) is
a direct contradiction of the idea that we are making certain agreements among
competitors’ illegal per se. That is to say, regardless of their scope or effects. ...
Third, it is not clear that the proposed new section 45 will cover potential
20
competitors. It should do so, to be sure that agreements with possible entrants are
also banned. [William Stanbury, University of British Columbia, 47:15:35]
Professor Stanbury also warned the Committee against including an efficiency defence
and/or any other benefits flowing from an agreement. Instead, the Tribunal should focus
on a “substantial lessening of competition’ test.
Yet other witnesses were tentative in their commitment to change:
The amendment proposed by Bill C-472 would be the most comprehensive change
to section 45 in its 111-year history. Its implications for Canadian competition policy
are arguably far more important than any of the amendments in Bill C-20, which
received significantly greater public consultation than what's currently being
contemplated. The risks of proceeding without carefully considering and assessing
the implications of the potential amendments are, simply put, enormous. This is
because competitors in many industries engage in a broad range of perfectly
legitimate, cooperative conduct, which may be chilled by any ambiguity that may be
introduced by the amendments. Conversely, we may inadvertently reduce the risks
associated with engaging in certain types of harmful conduct which should remain
subject to criminal sanctions. [Paul Crampton, 53:15:40]
Since Professors Ross and Stanbury advocate different courses of action on the
second track of the two-track proposal, the Committee finds relief in the advice provided
by Mr. Crampton.
The Committee is, nevertheless, persuaded by the witnesses advocating change;
in all respects, change is long overdue. The conspiracy provisions of the Competition Act
must be reformed to reflect modern business tendencies to form strategic alliances and
joint ventures, circumstances in which the current Act is unnecessarily restrictive, while at
the same time being overly restrictive in clearly anticompetitive cases. The Committee,
however, is reluctant to advance any one proposal for change at this time and, therefore,
finds that:
3. The Government of Canada, after consulting with stakeholders,
consider the feasibility of creating a two-track approach for
agreements between competitors. The first track under consideration
would be to retain the conspiracy provision (section 45) of the
Competition Act for agreements that are strictly devised to restrict
competition through reducing output and raising prices (i.e. hardcore
cartels). The second track under consideration would deal with any
other type of agreement between competitors in which restrictions on
competition are ancilliary, under a modified abuse of dominant
position provision (section 79) of the Competition Act.
In order to lessen the burden of proof placed on the Crown in the case of hardcore
conspiracies, the Committee is convinced that more study is required and finds that:
21
4. The Government of Canada, after consulting with stakeholders,
should study the impact of repealing the term “unduly” from the
conspiracy provision (section 45) of the Competition Act.
In order that a strategic alliance be treated in the same way as a merger, the
abuse of dominant position provision (section 79) ought to be modified to allow for an
explicit efficiencies defence to be weighed against the anticompetitive effects of the
alliance. A “safe harbour” provision should also be built into the enforcement guidelines.
On the other hand, in order that a strategic alliance be treated in the same way as any
other anticompetitive conduct reviewed under this provision, the abuse of dominant
position provision (section 79) ought to be modified to provide a test of whether
competition would be substantially lessened by the alliance. We thus have a conflict on
the conspiracy-strategic alliance-merger continuum.
Recognizing that it is in no position to choose between either suggested course of
action, the Committee, therefore, finds that:
5. The Government of Canada should undertake a complete economic
and legal analyses of proposals for modifying the abuse of dominant
position provision (section 79) of the Competition Act with a view to
include either a test that considers whether an agreement between
competitors would “lessen competition substantially” or an explicit
defence in which resulting efficiencies would be weighed against the
anticompetitive effects of such an agreement.
22
CHAPTER 3:
PREDATORY PRICING AND BEHAVIOUR
| think it's ... desirable that the predatory pricing provisions of the Act be
decriminalized and ... at a minimum, the civil law provides a better basis for
evaluating the competitive effects of aggressive pricing behaviour, bearing in mind
that if aggressive pricing does not transgress the standard and it does benefit
consumers. [Tim Kennish, 44:9:30]
/ Support the decriminalization of section 50 ... | support restricting their application
to situations in which competition is likely to be lessened substantially. [Donald
McFetridge, 44:9:10]
Predatory Behaviour Defined and the Cost Test
Predatory behaviour occurs when a firm temporarily lowers its prices or expands
output or capacity in an attempt to deter new competitors from entering the market or to
drive out or discipline competitors who are already there. In all three cases, the predator
incurs temporary losses in the expectation of, at the very least, recouping them by raising
prices later. Prior to the 1980s, most economists regarded predation as extremely rare
because the barriers to entry in most markets were thought to be low. Consequently, it
was thought that the subsequent high prices required to recoup the losses suffered in the
predatory period would not be sustainable in the face of new entrants. Moreover,
predation would be very expensive; the “prey” would be aware that the period of lower
prices would be costly for the predator and might hold on in the hope of eventual profits
(in the case of efficient capital markets), or to see the predator attempt to buy him out.
Only in the extremely rare event that the predator had greater and better access to
external capital would a predatory campaign pay off; though even a takeover or merger
would generally be a more successful way of monopolizing the market. Recent economic
research, however, challenges this long-held position on the grounds that predation may
be a more frequent occurrence than previously thought.
| disagree with some of my colleagues in the economic profession, in my view,
predatory pricing is not a phenomenon that's never observed, which was the
consensus, or almost never observed, which was the consensus among antitrust
economists until, let’s say, five or ten years ago. In my view, predatory pricing is an
activity that is a common, although not frequent, part of the business landscape.
[Roger Ware, Queen’s University, 52:9:45]
The Committee was told that, as simple as the above definition seems, predatory
pricing and behaviour is much more complicated to establish in practice. Consider the
following contemporary example:
23
The essence of predatory pricing is selling below cost, under conditions where the
only way it makes sense economically for the predator is if, in the future the predator
can raise price and recoup those losses. The necessary conditions are the predator
has to have a substantial degree of market power, and second, there have to be
sufficiently high barriers to entry so that when the predator subsequently having
punished the rival — either banished them — or just subdued them, can then raise
the price in the future. If there are no barriers to entry, then they can't raise the price,
because if they do entry will come flooding in and drive it back down to the
competitive level.
Those are the two necessary conditions for that to occur. That's the basic idea.
Where it gets complicated is that in the very short run in many service industries,
airlines being one of them, the marginal cost is near zero. | did an analysis of this
and if you take it on transcontinental flights for Air Canada or Canadian Airlines,
once they’re committed to the schedule, as they are every quarter, and they have an
empty seat, they should accept anybody who is willing to pay more than $40 or $50,
because that covers the additional baggage handling, the commission, a little bit of
fuel and a meal.
Now, at the lowest fare, the last one | got, they charged, | think, something like
$399. That's very low relative to the unconstrained economy fare, which is well over
$2,000, but it’s still well above that very short run measure of cost. ... That means
that when you get into that kind of a situation, the competitor which has the deeper
pockets, ... as | say, if you get into a bleeding match, the person with more blood
will survive and the one with less will collapse, and that will be the end of the story.
[William Stanbury, 47:16:05]
This broad scope in the pricing of services, whereby the marginal cost can
approach zero, makes it extremely difficult to distinguish predatory pricing from
aggressive price competition. In the case of perishable goods whose marginal cost is
often as close to zero as you can get, “selling, for example, inventory or perishable
inventory is a good example of a case where selling below cost is a perfectly legitimate
business practice. So that's why it’s so tricky to determine these things” [Roger Ware,
52:10:00]. Furthermore, modern thinking even questions whether the hard-to-define
marginal cost concept is the appropriate test of predatory pricing:
Predatory pricing is rare and very difficult to identify in practice because low prices
are what competition is all about. What distinguishes an unreasonably low price in
the sense of section 50(1)(c) from a competitive price? A traditional test of predatory
pricing is based on costs. Professor VanDuzer states that economists generally
agree that prices below marginal costs charged by a dominant firm tend to be
predatory. A reading of the predatory pricing guidelines might be construed to
support that view. | think the view is wrong.
| think there are examples of predatory pricing but this set of conditions priced below
marginal costs, is not sufficient, even if a firm is dominant. Consider just one
example, Amazon.com. This firm was founded in 1995, has yet to price above cost
and yet has a stock market value of over $20 billion. It’s pricing less than cost but
its not engaged in predatory pricing. Through low prices, it's investing in a future
market share as a new innovator. [Ralph Winter, University of Toronto, 48:9:20]
24
So there is a temporal aspect to pricing that may not be properly accounted for in
the current cost test of predatory pricing. Moreover, the example where below-cost pricing
is not predatory pricing was further extended to apply to simple goods such as a razor
and razor blades or a number of other complementary products. Apparently, pricing
razors below their accounting measures of cost makes good economic sense when it
leads to greater sales of razor blades and ultimately greater firm profit. In this case, what
should be compared to today’s price is today’s average variable cost minus the present
value of the firm’s expected increased gross margin per unit in the future that is
attributable to the low-pricing policy. Needless to say, when this last bit of information is
gathered by the investigator the “prey” will have given up the struggle. Clearly, economic
Bey as a practical guide to enforcement of predatory pricing, leaves something to be
esired.
Predatory Behaviour and its Legal Treatment
Predatory pricing is a criminal offence under section 50(1)(c) of the Competition
Act. Several elements must be established before an offence is proven. The alleged
predator must be engaged in a business and have adopted a policy of selling products at
prices that are unreasonably low. Both the “policy” requirement and the “unreasonably
low” price requirement have raised difficult issues of interpretation. With respect to a
policy, one of four requirements must be met: (1) it must have the effect or tendency of
substantially lessening competition; (2) it must have the effect or tendency of eliminating a
competitor; (3) it must be designed to substantially lessen competition; or (4) it must be
designed to eliminate a competitor.
Professors VanDuzer and Paquet clearly recognize the many problems with the
current predatory pricing provision:
Predatory pricing ... is really by far the most difficult kind of anticompetitive
behaviour for which to work out appropriate rules. The basic provision in the Act
currently is a criminal offence, and ... | think the main problem with that provision is
that it’s very vague. It’s not at all clear what unreasonabiy low pricing means. We've
had very few cases that have interpreted the provision to provide us with any
guidance as to exactly what the provision means. The consequence is it's very
difficult to use this provision as a reliable guide to distinguish aggressive competition
that results in the reduction of prices from predatory pricing. [Anthony VanDuzer,
14:15:40]
Consequently, its application and effectiveness is suspect:
One of the problems is that they set a very high standard. In order to have prices
that are unreasonably low under the guidelines, you have to be able to establish that
the party who is the alleged predator, who's conducting this low-pricing campaign,
has enough market power that, after they finish their low-pricing campaign and
either put somebody out of business or discipline them or deter them from entering
into the market, they will be able to raise prices unilaterally to a level above the level
that would apply if it were a competitive marketplace, and recoup all the losses they
incurred during the predatory low-pricing campaign, as well as, obviously, some
25
additional profit. The difficulty with that sort of standard is in most circumstances it
means you have to make a prediction about how the market's going to work. And as
we all know, … it’s extremely difficult to prove beyond a reasonable doubt — this is
a criminal standard — that this test is going to be met. [Anthony VanDuzer,
14:15:40]
The bulk of the testimony provided to the Committee was that the current
predatory pricing provision is out-of-date. A typical comment was:
The point is that the law, the way its drafted today, was drafted in 1935. It
essentially was designed to deal with supermarkets and corner stores, to be honest
about it, and it was to deal with goods. Well, we’re in a world now where most of the
sales and production is in services and some of those services have the
characteristics | mention in which case this law is absolutely useless. We need a
new predatory pricing law. [William Stanbury, 47:16:05]
Moreover, it is counterproductive:
With respect to our law, what I’ve said is that certain provisions of it are
emasculating the better provisions ... Sections 79 and 78 relating to abusive
dominance works well, but the old pricing provisions back in 50 and 51, which have
never been enforced, make people think those are the law in that area rather than
79 and 78. Thus the focus ... gets back to these old prolix, unenforceable things that
| would like to see off the books because then | think people would concentrate on
using them in 78 and 79. [Warren Grover, Blake, Cassels & Graydon, 46:10:50]
Finally, as it is currently worded, the predatory pricing provision offends the overriding
spirit of the Competition Act, which is to preserve the process of competition and not
competitors specifically:
| have a final point on predatory pricing. If | can have one impact before the
Committee, | hope that this is it. We should eliminate four words from this section.
These four words are: “or eliminating a competitor.” Competition policy is about
protecting competition, not about protecting firms against competition. ... No firm
should face the obligation to price high enough to protect its rivals. It's enough that
we have a substantial lessening of competition condition ... The protection of rivals
should not be a criterion. Effectively, that is what the phrase — these four words “or
eliminating a competitor’ implies.
A reading of this section of the Act leads firms who have been unable to survive
market competition into believing that they have a valid predatory pricing claim. It
leads to cases which are frivolous from an economics point of view and which will
ultimately be decided in favour of the defendant because courts have well-
developed predatory pricing cases, at least from U.S. law. The wording of the Act is
very misleading, and | would suggest it has been very costly in encouraging
predatory pricing claims. [Ralph Winter, 48:9:20]
A number of witnesses questioned the view that the problem lies with the
legislation, suggesting rather that it rests with the Commissioner of Competition and his
reluctance to pursue legitimate predatory cases:
26
One point that | want to stress is that | believe that the lack of successful cases
against predatory pricing in Canada is not a result of any weaknesses in legislation. |
think either under the existing section 50(1)(c) or under section 79, many successful
cases could have been brought over the last 20 or 25 years. The real reason for a
lack of enforcement was because the majority of the economics profession, who
had some influence on the Competition Bureau, didn’t believe that predatory pricing
was a significant problem. It was believed to be extremely rare, or rare to non-
existent. If you look at any industrial organization textbook dating from ten years ago
or so, you'll find that that’s exactly what it will say. Now, there's been a bit of a
change of view by the economics profession over the last ten years. Certainly a
substantial number of economists now believe that predatory pricing is quite
possible. As | said, its a common, but not frequent part of the landscape.
Enforcement has not caught up with this change in the economic analysis of this
practice. [Roger Ware, 52:9:50]
Many experts appearing before the Committee advocate shifting predatory pricing
infractions from the criminal to the civilly reviewable section of the Act. The following
comment was typical:
On the predatory pricing provisions, | like the idea of taking them out of the criminal
law. They could either ... just leave it to [section] 79 as a case of abuse or you could
create a new civil provision on predatory pricing. [Tom Ross, 46:9:20]
One witness noted that the Competition Tribunal has already confirmed this fact:
My preference, in fact, would be to eliminate section 50(1)(c) altogether and to use
section 79 of the Act, the abuse of dominance provision, to cover predatory pricing,
because | generally feel that the civil provisions are better and a more efficient way
of dealing with most any competitive practices and predatory pricing is covered by
section 79 under abuse of dominance. in the NutraSweet case ... there was an
allegation of predatory pricing against NutraSweet, although the Competition
Tribunal rejected it, but they did in that rejection agree that predatory pricing cases
could be brought under section 79 of the Act. [Roger Ware, 52:9:50]
However, the Commissioner of Competition, the Canadian Bar Association and some
members of the Canadian Chamber of Commerce oppose this suggested change; they
believe the criminal status best deters egregious anticompetitive conduct and favours
more enforcement resources. They believe the double layer of protection (sections
50(1)(c) and 79) against predatory pricing is more appropriate at this time.
The Committee has reservations about this position, believing that it is very likely
that “if you don’t use it, you will lose it.” There is simply insufficient case law to validate the
deterrent effect of section 50(1)(c). Understandably, however, the Commissioner
questions the logic of the claim that the low number of trials is an indication of the law’s
ineffectiveness:
| would caution you against measuring the Bureau's effectiveness in terms of the
number of cases it brings before the courts or the Competition Tribunal. Formal
cases are only one element in a continuum of instruments used to encourage
compliance and success is reflected in the level of competition in the economy, not
27
in the number of cases that are brought to the courts. [Konrad von Finckenstein,
9:9:20]
The Committee cannot, however, simply ignore the predatory pricing provisions
inactive and ineffectual history, which includes only two contested cases and these are
more than two decades old: nor can the Committee ignore the fact that “decriminalizing
... predatory pricing ... would make these provisions more enforceable as the Crown
would no longer have to meet the criminal burden of proof, which is beyond a
reasonable doubt” [Paul Crampton, 53:15:45]. The Committee finds the status quo
disquieting.
In fact, the economic theory of predatory pricing is further fraught with complex and
confusing factors that will prove problematic for all but the most seasoned competition law
expert. As one witness said: “The difficulty of identifying true predatory pricing means that
the judgment in predatory pricing cases should be rendered by a specialized tribunal and
not by courts” [Ralph Winter, 48:9:20].
For all these reasons, the Committee believes substantial change to the legal
treatment of predatory pricing may be required. The Committee does not favour any one
proposal at this time, but believes that a two-track approach, whereby the Crown should
pursue egregious predatory behaviour under the criminal provision of the Act and the
Commissioner of Competition should pursue any other predatory behaviour under the
civilly reviewable section of the Act, merits further study. The Committee, therefore, finds
that:
6. The Government of Canada, after consulting with stakeholders,
should consider amending paragraphs 50(1)(b) and 50(1)(c) of the
Competition Act by replacing the phrase “or designed to have that
effect” with the phrase “and designed to have that effect.” In this
way, the criminal predatory pricing provisions would require
evidence of both “pricing below cost” and the intent of “lessening
competition or disciplining or eliminating a competitor.”
And
7. The Government of Canada, after consulting with stakeholders,
consider adding a new predatory pricing provision in the reviewable
civil section of the Competition Act, possibly to be made applicable
to the abuse of dominant position provision (section 79). The
Government of Canada should also give consideration to ensuring
that both the alleged predator has “market power” and the practice
in question would “lessen competition substantially.” Consideration
should be given to introducing new enforcement guidelines for
predatory pricing under the abuse of dominant position provision.
28
And
8. The Government of Canada should Study the impact of amending
section 78(i) to state: “selling products at a price lower than average
variable cost for the purpose of disciplining or eliminating a
competitor.”
29
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CHAPTER 4:
PRICE MAINTENANCE, DELIVERED PRICING
AND REFUSAL TO DEAL
There’s no reason for a practice like resale price maintenance to be per se illegal
under the criminal section. [Ralph Winter, 48:9:10]
Regarding vertical price maintenance, there is no rational economic basis for
distinguishing between vertical price maintenance and non-price vertical
agreements, as exclusive dealing, exclusive territories, tied selling and market
restriction all often have the effect of increasing prices, albeit in a way which may in
fact increase competition and efficiency. Accordingly, eliminating the artificial
distinction in the Act between price and non-price vertical restraints makes good
sense. [Paul Crampton, 53:15:45]
On price maintenance, ... | ... support it being removed from the criminal side of
the law and changed from a per se offence to one that’s consequences are judged
according to the effect on competition. [Tim Kennish, 44:9:30]
Price Maintenance
Price maintenance is the practice whereby a firm tries to set the minimum price at
which another firm further down the manufacturer-wholesaler-retailer distribution chain
can sell its product. Resale price maintenance is one of the most pervasive restraints in
the marketplace. It may take place either vertically, for example between a wholesale
supplier and a retailer that resells the supplier's products, or horizontally, for example
between competitors who agree to impose resale price maintenance on those who resell
their products.
The Committee recognizes that the economic rationale for prohibiting horizontal
price maintenance is more easily convincing. Where suppliers agree among themselves
to set the resale price of their products, price competition among downstream competitors
is precluded. Where the resale price is the more visible of the two, the maintenance of
that price may facilitate collusion amongst suppliers. Subtracting the retailer and
wholesaler profit margins from the minimum fixed retail price, manufacturers in effect fix
their own prices of the product. The Committee was also made aware that resale price
maintenance could facilitate the work of a retailer cartel: “Historically, for example,
traditional drug stores pressured manufacturers of the products that they carried to
impose resale price maintenance. That blocked or delayed the entry of discount drug
stores. The same thing happened with the grocery sector in Europe” [Ralph Winter,
48:9:15].
| MacQuarrie Commission, price
Since 1951, following the recommendations of the nissi
maintenance has been a criminal offence under section 61 of the Act. Thus, it is illegal for
31
any person engaged in a business to try to “influence upward or discourage the reduction”
of the price at which someone else engaged in a business sells the product by “any
agreement, threat, promise or like means.” On the other hand, requests, discussions,
moral suasion, or suggestions to this end are considered to be much the same as setting
a suggested list price and are permissible.
Vertical price maintenance is the less obviously anticompetitive act. Professors
VanDuzer and Paquet suggest procompetitive motivations for this type of price
maintenance:
The classical example that is given is where a supplier requires someone to whom it
sells — a retailer — to maintain prices at a particular level as a way of encouraging
that retailer to engage in competition on something other than price, usually to
encourage the retailer to engage in providing a high level of service to clients or to
ensure that the brand image associated with the product is maintained. So to the
extent that there are efficiency justifications for price maintenance, the per se
criminal prohibition we have in the Act is probably over-inclusive.
[Anthony VanDuzer, 14:15:45]
Professor Winter explains the manufacturer's rationale in more detail:
Resale price maintenance is most often an instrument for encouraging services of
all types at the retail level. These services are things like providing advice to
customers, keeping enough staff so that cashier lines are short, keeping inventory
organized, even being enthusiastic, anything that a retailer does apart from setting
the price.
How does resale price maintenance encourage those services? Resale price
maintenance protects the retail margin, the difference between the retail price and
the wholesale price at which retailers purchase the product. It protects that margin
against being competed down in the retail markets and that encourages the
provision of service because it increases the profit per unit that retailers get by
attracting customers. Under resale price maintenance, retailers cannot compete in
prices so they compete in services. [Ralph Winter, 48:9:15]
This stream of logic, of course, only leads the Committee to ask why the
manufacturer feels he has to intervene in the pricing decision of his distributors. The
answer given was that “under quite typical conditions in retail markets, retailers can be
biased towards too much price competition and too little service competition from the
point of view of the manufacturer. Resale price maintenance is an attempt to correct
this ... From the consumer's perspective, resale price maintenance thus results in more
services, which is good, but higher prices, which are bad” [Ralph Winter, 48:9:15].
However, this ariswer only prompts the question of whose will should prevail when there
is a disagreement over the appropriate retail price: that of the manufacturer or that of the
retailer? Professor Winter and other competition law experts side with the manufacturer:
On balance | would suggest that the decision of how to market a product, how to
design a distribution system should be left up to the manufacturer. Prohibiting resale
price maintenance under per se rule is effectively regulating the manufacturer’s
32
decisions on how best to maximize the sale of their products. We don't prohibit high
levels of advertising even when the advertising raises prices nor should we prohibit
under a per se rule resale price maintenance. [Ralph Winter, 48:9:15]
Professors VanDuzer and Paquet agree: “The only concern we have is that at least in
some circumstances it's a bit broad, in the sense that the economic evidence is that [in
some cases] ... price maintenance will have an efficiency justification”
[Anthony VanDuzer, 14:15:45].
The Committee got the impression from Professors VanDuzer and Paquet that the
Competition Bureau showed it was sensitive to these efficiency-enhancing situations by
being less prosecutorial than in the past:
Price maintenance is a criminal offence under the Act. ... There have been a large
number of prosecutions in the past, although relatively few during the period we
looked at, the five-year period ending March 31, 1999. The explanation for the
reduction in the number of prosecutions is that the Bureau has ... treated these
cases through some kind of alternative case resolution process ... which is in
general a much more cost-effective way of securing compliance with the Act than
going through contested criminal litigation. So it's been a very successful provision.
[Anthony VanDuzer, 14:15:45]
Or could it be that the increased workload of the Bureau is forcing more cost-effective
bureaucratic responses? In any event, the Commissioner of Competition did not look
favourably on their recommendation to distinguish between the two types of price
maintenance and to recognize different legal treatment:
Starting with the pricing provisions, Mr. VanDuzer believes the civil review process
would be better than the current criminal process for all pricing provisions, apart
from horizontal price maintenance. There is no doubt that some of these provisions
do work better in a civil context, and its a position we endorse for price
discrimination. Generally, however, we do not favour shifting completely away from
criminal law. We believe a proper mix of criminal and civil provisions is required for
the anticompetitive pricing provisions, for a number of reasons. [Konrad von
Finckenstein, 9:9:15]
In addition to being less costly to administer, apparently the status quo provides a very
effective means to achieve compliance:
Criminal law is really appropriate for the most egregious offences. ... Professor
VanDuzer ... makes a distinction between horizontal and vertical price maintenance.
If somebody deliberately wants to drive somebody else out of business and engages
in a practice to that effect, | think criminal law is the proper way to deal with these
offences. Second, while criminal provisions may be harder to prove, they act as a
powerful deterrent. They result in fines and imprisonment, while civil provisions only
result in injunctive relief. Third, section 36 provides for a private action based on
criminal conduct. If there were only civil provisions regarding pricing, there would be
no access for private parties to go to court on the basis of anticompetitive pricing.
For those three reasons, we think one should retain criminal provisions. [Konrad von
Finckenstein, 9:9:15]
33
The Committee finds it difficult to understand how vertical price maintenance can
be said to constitute egregious anticompetitive behaviour in all circumstances and why
enforcement officials could not easily distinguish between pro and anticompetitive vertical
price maintenance. Some of the experts appearing before the Committee — some of
whom have even been retained by the Bureau to do specialized work and, therefore,
know only too well the pros and cons of this issue from the enforcement agency's
perspective — thought that making this distinction would be rather simple in the overall
scheme of things that the Bureau and Tribunal are asked to do. As one witness said, in
view of the fact that other vertical restraint policies are reviewable civil matters:
On resale price maintenance, it’s sort of an anomaly. Given that we recognize the
possible efficiency benefits of things like exclusive dealing and tied selling. We don't
make them criminal and we don't make them per se illegal. ... There are lots of
good reasons to use resale price maintenance that have nothing to do with hurting
competition. ... | would move it to the civil side, a reviewable practice, and put in an
efficiencies defence there, or at least a competitive effects test. [Tom Ross,
46:9:20]
Another witness appearing before the Committee suggested that, as a result of the
knowledge-based economy, which appears to rely increasingly on strategic alliances
between network operators (airlines, trucking, railways, fixed and mobile telephones,
cable and satellite television, television programmers, Internet service providers, etc.) and
between parts and systems manufacturers and assemblers, will likely probably mean
price maintenance will become a more pervasive business practice, particularly in the
economically benign form of price maintenance.
The real problem | find with the price maintenance section is the strategic alliances
that people are getting into now where one party comes forward with one
component of the product the other party comes forward with the other component
of the product, and they're going to go out and market it jointly. One of them buys it
from the other and sells the whole package. Both parties in that kind of case have a
real and legitimate interest in what price the thing is going to the market at, and yet
because of the wording in the price maintenance section, there are serious
difficulties with that. You can work with them, but it’s hard and largely inefficient ...
[James Musgrove, Lang Michener, 46:10:45]
A solution was proposed:
Horizontal price maintenance ... should be dealt with under section 45 of the Act.
Among other things, this would help to address the types of serious issues that have
arisen in the context of planning strategic alliances and joint ventures that become
difficult to implement if the parties cannot agree on the price to be charged for the
products which are the subject of the alliance or the joint venture. [Paul Crampton,
53:15:45]
Thus, the criminal status may be an effective means of achieving compliance, but it is
not necessarily an efficient means when one considers its chilling effect on instances of
vertical price maintenance that are procompetitive.
34
_ The Committee found the arguments made by those who were in favour of
decriminalizing this practice to be well thought out and very persuasive. Given recent
organizational and strategic developments in the business sector, economic benefits
accruing from innovative pricing policies wil likely more than outweigh the added
enforcement costs involved in distinguishing between pro and anticompetitive price
maintenance practices. The Committee, therefore, finds that:
9. The Government of Canada, after consulting with stakeholders,
should consider amending the Competition Act with respect to price
maintenance (section 61) to distinguish between those that are
anticompetitive and those that are efficiency-enhancing. Price
maintenance practices among competitors, whether manufacturers
or distributors, should remain in the criminal section of the
Competition Act, possibly to be shifted to the conspiracy provision
(section 45). Price maintenance agreements between a manufacturer
and its distributors might best be moved to the reviewable civil
section, possibly to be made applicable to abuse of dominant
position provision (section 79). This provision should also ensure
that both the person in question has “market power” and the
practice in question would “lessen competition substantially.”
Following these amendments, the Committee finds that:
10. Should the Government of Canada act on the Committee’s previous
finding, the Competition Bureau introduce new enforcement
guidelines with respect to abuse of dominant position (section 79) in
relation to price maintenance agreements between a manufacturer
and its distributors, including the analytical framework for the
assessment of market power and competitive effects. Consideration
should be given to introducing enforcement guidelines for
conspiracies (section 45) that relate to price maintenance
agreements between manufacturers or distributors under
section 61.
Delivered Pricing
Delivered pricing is defined in section 80 of the Competition Act as the practice of
refusing delivery of a product to a customer (or person seeking to be a customer), on the
same trade terms, at any place where the supplier ordinarily makes deliveries. Section 81
makes this practice a prohibitive offence subject to a rule of reason.
The Committee understands that some delivered pricing schemes, by facilitating
price collusion and/or coordination, are anticompetitive; however, in most cases they are
not. We were repeatedly reminded by all experts in the field that in the spirit of promoting
and encouraging the competitive process, rather than individuals or classes of
competitors, a competitive effects test should accompany such reviewable civil matters
35
such as delivered pricing. For example: “On delivered pricing, once again there is no
competitive effects test in there and | think ... you shouldn't take an action on deliver
pricing unless you think the practice is hurting competition” [Tom Ross, 46:9:20]. This
advice is particularly relevant in an environment that permits private rights of action and
access to the Competition Tribunal.
The Committee would like the government to correct this anomaly and, therefore,
finds that:
11. Should private individuals be permitted to make application to the
Competition Tribunal for relief in matters involving civil review, the
Government of Canada should consider amending the delivered
pricing provision (section 81) of the Competition Act to ensure that
the practice in question would “lessen competition substantially.”
Refusal to Deal
The Committee agrees with the description by Professors VanDuzer and Paquet of
“refusal to deal” as the ultimate discriminatory practice. Since section 61(6) incorporates
this act as a method of achieving or enforcing price maintenance, and because the
Committee recommends that vertical price maintenance cases should be adjudicated as
a civil matter, we address this practice here.
The refusal to deal provision, the Committee was told, could be used to undermine
the competitive process:
Competition law can be misused. It can be used as a tool for competitive
harassment. It can be used to discourage aggressive price, quality or service
competition which makes other competitors uncomfortable and which they are all
too ready to label as predatory. It can be used as a bargaining lever in what are
essentially contractual disputes. For example, a distributor whose dealership is
terminated may claim or threaten to claim that this is a refusal to supply under
section 61(6) or section 75. It is essential to understand that the grievances of
individual market participants matter or should matter only to the extent that they
imply a threat to the integrity of the competitive process itself. [Donald McFetridge,
44:9:05]
Some witnesses thought the refusal to deal provision in the Act was a somewhat over-
zealous for the following reasons and with the following recommendation:
What | particularly don’t like about refusal to deal is that there’s no competitive
effects test. In almost all of the Competition Act, in order to get into trouble, you
have to lessen competition somehow. But not so with refusal to deal. There’s just
someone whose business is hurt because he can't get supply from you. The
Tribunal has been willing to define markets around brand names, so if you're the
Chrysler parts dealer and he can’t get Chrysler parts, that’s good enough for the
Tribunal, with the result that what should sort of be private contract disputes get
brought up as competition matters.
36
So my preference would actually be just to scrap the “refusal to deal” provisions,
knowing that if it's done by a dominant firm, you can always catch it under abuse of
dominance where there is a “lessening of competition’ test. Failing that, | would add
some sort of competitive effects test, something that says competition must be
lessened os then allow the private parties to take these actions on their own if the
Commissioner doesn't see a public interest in taking them. [Tom Ross, 46:9:15]
This advice is particularly relevant when granting private rights of action, as noted
by the following witness:
In my view, section 75, for example, which covers refusals to deal is not a well-
written section of the Act to begin with and in particular it is essentially a per se …
prohibition. It says that if a firm can establish that a manufacturer or supplier has
refused to supply, then that violates the Act. It doesn’t say that we have to establish
that that action lessens competition. There’s no substantial lessening of competition
or what is usually called a competitive effects requirement in section 75. Now of
course the way that’s been interpreted up until now is that the Commissioner, acting
as a gatekeeper, has prevented frivolous prosecutions under section 75 but once
we allow private access that’s not likely to happen so we would undoubtedly get
private prosecutions, in cases where the refusal to deal was probably, or could have
been, procompetitive. [Roger Ware, 52:9:40-9:45]
In the spirit of preserving the process of competition and refraining from
intervening in what may amount to a private contractual dispute, the Committee finds that:
12. Should private individuals be permitted to make application to the
Competition Tribunal for relief in matters involving civil review, the
Government of Canada should consider amending the refusal to
deal provision (section 75) of the Competition Act to ensure that the
practice in question would “lessen competition substantially.”
37
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CHAPTER 5:
PRICE DISCRIMINATION
Decriminalization of these matters would reduce the substantial compliance costs
imposed on businesses ... as well as the chilling effect that these provisions
Ar have on a broad range of procompetitive conduct. [Paul Crampton,
Currently the law is very much out of sync with the enforcement practice. If you
look at the price discrimination enforcement guidelines, | think it’s a real stretch to
match up the enforcement attitudes expressed there with the law ... [Tim Kennish,
44:9:30]
| think a case could be made for repealing price discrimination, but | think there are
also significant political considerations in ... decriminalizing ... and assessing price
discrimination in the context of its impact on competition ... [Tim Kennish, 44:9:30]
Economics of Price Discrimination
Price discrimination is a marketing practice whereby a supplier of goods or
services charges different prices to different customers (whether other businesses or final
consumers) and these price differentials do not accurately reflect differences in costs of
serving the different customers. Three conditions are necessary for a firm to be found to
discriminate on the basis of price: (1) the firm must have market power to set prices
(otherwise consumers can choose to purchase from a competing supplier); (2) the firm
must be able to identify classes of consumers with different price sensitivities; and
(3) there is limited opportunity for consumers to resell to each other (otherwise consumers
would arbitrate these prices to the lower price offered).
Though price discrimination by definition means treating individuals or groups of
consumers differently and may create an unlevel playing field when the product is an
input into another product, it is not an inherently anticompetitive practice. It is often
procompetitive to charge different prices to different consumers when there are different
costs attached to serving them (in the same way as volume and quantity discounts imply
different costs and are not anticompetitive in and of themselves). Price discrimination may
also result in additional sales, for example, to children and seniors who would not
otherwise purchase the product. To the extent that the consumption of the good or
service increases as a result, economic efficiency and “the most good going to most
people” equity considerations are thought to be promoted.
Professors VanDuzer and Paquet, supported by a number of examples, noted that
price discrimination is commonplace. For instance, a bank that offers students no-fee
banking services in order to gain their loyalty later on in their lives is practising price
discrimination. Indeed, the Government of Canada’s White Paper on the Financial
39
Services Sector, if implemented, will not only encourage but also make mandatory for
banks to offer basic “no frills” bank accounts to the “poor.”
Legal Treatment of Price Discrimination
Under section 50(1)(a) of the Competition Act, price discrimination is a criminal act
that extends only to “articles” (thereby excluding services and leases) and to promotional
allowances under section 51. These provisions were introduced in the 1930s in response
to concerns of unfairness to small business, particularly in the grocery subsector, with the
emergence of large retail discount and chain stores.
Professors VanDuzer and Paquet were critical of the price discrimination provision,
describing it as rather blunt and ineffective:
The bottom line is that we felt that because the section was not designed to be an
accurate tool to get at anticompetitive price discrimination, it was likely to have an
effect in the marketplace of discouraging people from engaging in innovative pricing
and discounting practices and therefore was not an appropriate provision in the Act.
If we look at the enforcement of that provision, we'll see that over the five-year
period we looked at, there were very few complaints, which is rather odd, given how
pervasive price discrimination is in the marketplace. There were on average only
about twelve complaints a year ... [Anthony VanDuzer, 14:15:35]
The Commissioner of Competition appears to agree, but at the same time seems
reluctant to advocate any change in the Act that is not supported by the small business
SCCIOn-
You will recall that when we discussed Bill C-20, we originally proposed repealing
the price discrimination [provision] of the Act. However, we have encountered
significant opposition from the small business community and we feel it should not
be repealed unless small business is on side for such a repeal. [Konrad von
Finckenstein, 9:9:15]
The Committee heard somewhat to the contrary from the Canadian Chamber of
Commerce, a group that was not enthusiastic about the usefulness of Canada’s price
discrimination provision:
The current price discrimination provision in paragraph 50(1)(a) of the Act does not
in fact protect small and medium-sized businesses from discrimination and has
served little useful purpose since it was enacted in 1935. [Paul Crampton, 93:15:45]
Given these critical comments, the Committee was not surprised to hear the following
statements from some members of the legal community:
| make a very nice living advising people how to avoid committing the offence of
price discrimination. … I've never come across a situation where | thought there was
any economic harm except the fees that they were paying me. Any of these
amendments will be a competition lawyer's employment bill. They're great for me,
40
but I don't think that these provisions are good for the economy. Price
discrimination, discriminatory allowances ... they do nothing beneficial for the
economy except legal fees. [James Musgrove, 46:10:45]
This statement attests to Professor VanDuzer’s claim that the Competition Bureau’s
Price Discrimination Guidelines are only partly successful at dispelling the chilling effect
of the provision on the business community. Moreover, many witnesses appearing
before the Committee went much further in their criticism of the current provision:
If given my choice, | would delete the price discrimination provisions completely and
just use abuse if someone is abusing a dominant position through price
discrimination. ... The price discrimination law ... has not been terribly effective but
that might be just as well. The Americans, in the Robinson-Patman Act, have been
tied in knots sometimes by small buyers trying to get discounts to which they aren't
even particularly entitled through the cost justification provisions. But | don’t think we
want to go down that road ... [Tom Ross, 46:9:20]
Professor VanDuzers proposal, which was supported by many witnesses
appearing before the Committee, is to shift price discrimination from the criminal to the
civilly reviewable section of the Act, specifically as a type of abuse of dominance under
section 79. This treatment would also be consistent with how other vertical behaviour is
treated, notably refusal to deal (section 75) and tied selling (section 77).
The Committee concludes that the time is right for changes to the Competition Act
and therefore finds that:
13. The Government of Canada, after consulting with stakeholders, in
particular with representatives of small businesses, should consider
repealing the price discrimination provisions (sections 50(1)(a) and
51) of the Competition Act and include that prohibition under the
reviewable civil section, possibly to be made applicable to the abuse
of dominant position provision (section 79). The Government of
Canada should also give consideration to ensuring that both the
person in question has “market power” and the practice in question
would “lessen competition substantially.” Consideration should also
be given to expanding the coverage of the provision to govern all
products, including articles and services, and all transactions, not
just sales. Consideration should be given to _ introducing
enforcement guidelines for price discrimination under the abuse of
dominant position provision.
41
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CHAPTER 6:
PRIVATE RIGHTS OF ACTION
Private rights of access to the Competition Tribunal in our view would work very
well in conduct which is essentially a private matter between buyers and sellers
and which therefore does not warrant public intervention. The provisions that come
to mind are section 75, refusal to deal, and section 77, tied selling, market
restrictions, and exclusive dealing. [Konrad von Finckenstein, 43:9:15]
In previous discussions about the merits of private access ... stakeholders have
expressed concerns about the needs for safeguards and against strategic
litigation. Private access should be introduced with safeguards such as leave from
the Tribunal to make sure for cost awards and certainly ... it should not provide for
damages. [Konrad von Finckenstein, 43:9:15]
My modest proposal would be to put a double damages provision in there and I’m
quite sure that that would stimulate a variety of private actions
[William Stanbury, 47:15:50]
Under current Canadian law, the Commissioner of Competition is the only party
with standing to make an application for civil review before the Competition Tribunal. The
issue of whether to extend standing to private citizens in civilly reviewable matters has
been the subject of considerable debate. Witnesses appearing before the Committee
were generally supportive of amendments leading in this direction. The main argument
against private access is the potential for abuse in the form of “strategic litigation”
(i.e. legal action commenced not for the purpose of seeking a remedy to anticompetitive
behaviour, but rather to gain an advantage over a competitor). Experience in the United
States is cited where awards of treble damages may accrue to the successful plaintiff in
certain circumstances. The prospect of damages far in excess of actual quantified losses,
it is thought, could create significant incentive to litigate, particularly since the successful
plaintiff is entitled to legal costs (the successful defendant, by contrast, is not so entitled,
but rather is subject to the traditional American rule requiring the parties to bear their own
costs).
Over the past 25 years, private actions have constituted in excess of 90% of all
antitrust cases filed in the United States and outnumber public sector actions by a ratio of
9:1. While the odds of success do not favour plaintiffs — almost 90% of cases are either
settled or dismissed before trial, and over 70% of litigated cases result in judgment for
some or all of the defendants — there is nothing to suggest that the pace of litigation is
slowing.° The American experience does not, however, appear to be reflected in other
‘ Roberts. J.R., International Comparative Analysis of Private Rights of Access: A Study commissioned by
Industry Canada, Competition Bureau, April 2000.
43
jurisdictions where rights of private action have been extended. This is likely because no
other jurisdiction has adopted the U.S. approach of treble damages and costs.
Private Claims for Damages Arising from Criminal Violations
A limited right of private action exists in respect of criminal matters but, for reasons
set out below, such action has been rarely initiated. Under section 36 of the Competition
Act, a person may bring an action for damages (and costs) if the person has suffered loss
or damage as a result of either: (a) conduct contrary to Part VI (“Offences in Relation to
Competition”); or (b) the failure of a person to comply with an order of the Tribunal or of
another court under the Act. Accordingly, a right of private action for damages may arise
in three circumstances: (1) the Department of Justice successfully prosecutes a violation
of a criminal provision under Part VI (conspiracy, bid-rigging, price discrimination, price
predation, false advertising, deceptive telemarketing, double-ticketing, pyramid-selling, or
price maintenance); (2) after the Commissioner and a party have entered into a consent
order and the order has been issued by a court, the party fails to comply with it; or (3) if an
aggrieved party succeeds in a private prosecution.
Closer examination reveals that, in fact, there are significant obstacles to the
recovery of damages by an aggrieved party. First, the Commissioner of Competition must
decide whether or not to seek prosecution of the matter. The Commissioner is not
required to commence an action; however, under section 21 if, in his or her opinion, the
public interest so requires, the Commissioner may apply to the Attorney General of
Canada to appoint and instruct counsel to assist in an inquiry under section 10. The
Commissioner may also discontinue the inquiry at any time. Moreover, even where there
is evidence of criminal activity, the Commissioner will not necessarily refer the matter for
prosecution but may settle it through negotiation. The terms of such settlement are kept
confidential and no consent order is usually sought from the court. In this case, even if a
party does not comply with the terms of the settlement, the aggrieved plaintiff will be
unable to recover damages, since this right requires that an order first be issued by the
Tribunal or a court.
The Attorney General, upon receiving an application from the Commissioner, may
also appoint and instruct counsel to cause an inquiry as the Commissioner considers
necessary to determine the facts. Under section 23(2), the Attorney General has the
discretion to institute and conduct any prosecution or other criminal proceedings under
the Act. Again, the Attorney General is not required to do so. Finally, the Attorney General
has the discretion to not proceed with charges, to stay the proceeding or drop the charges
altogether.
Accordingly, a person's ability to recover damages depends in large measure on
whether the Commissioner attempts to secure a conviction through referring the matter to
the Attorney General. If the Commissioner decides not to do so — or if the Attorney
44
General decides not to proceed with the char. ini
not » ge — the only option remaining to an
aggrieved person is private prosecution. ae i
Private prosecutions are relatively rare in Canada today. In order to secure a
conviction on an indictable offence (the more serious offences under the Act), the private
informant must, as a first step, get the written consent of the judge. This is no mere
formality; the judge, in exercising his or her discretion, is required to consider the nature
of the offence, whether it is of a “public” or “private” nature, whether a preliminary inquiry
has been held, and also the position of the Crown in the matter. In the only reported case
of a private prosecution under the Competition Act, Lynk v. Ratchford [1995] N.S.J.
No. 238, the Nova Scotia Court of Appeal confirmed that a right of private prosecution
does exist under the Act. The Attorney General may take over a private prosecution in
order to continue the prosecution, stay the proceeding or drop the charges.
Public Enforcement of the Competition Act
Witnesses appearing before the Committee were unanimous in agreeing that the
Act is currently under-enforced by the Commissioner of Competition and that the
Canadian competitive environment would benefit from having more cases brought to the
Competition Tribunal. As Professor Trebilcock noted:
From 1976 to 1986, a decade, there were only two cases brought before the
predecessor to the Competition Tribunal ... two cases in ten years. From 1986 to
2000...there have been nine contested cases brought by the Bureau before the
Tribunal, nine cases in 15 years. This is not a record of extensive public
enforcement. [Michael Trebilcock, University of Toronto, 48:9:45]
The Commissioner of Competition agrees on the advantages of private action:
In our view, private action would be a good complement to public enforcement. It
would increase the deterrent effect of the law, and it would help build up a much-
needed body of jurisprudence. Private rights of access to the Competition Tribunal
in our view would work very well in conduct which is essentially a private matter
between buyers and sellers and which therefore does not warrant public
intervention. [Konrad von Finckenstein, 43:9:10]
The main reason for the lack of prosecution appears to be lack of resources. An
average application to the Tribunal costs the Government of Canada about $1 million.
Both the Commissioner and witnesses agreed that the Bureau’s current budget does not
permit optimal enforcement of the Act. In the absence of this, there is real concern that
the Bureau will come to be perceived as a “toothless tiger.” This does not imply that the
Bureau is inactive. The lack of cases referred to the Tribunal does not reflect the many
The term “informant” is used, rather than “prosecutor” for the reason that the aggrieved person commences
the prosecution by swearing an “information” before a judge.
45
cases that are settled through private negotiations between the Commissioner and the
parties. Indeed, there is every indication that the Bureau is more active than it has ever
been. This is attributable to a number of factors, including increased merger activity:
The people who do the same functions in the United States are equally being
overwhelmed with work. It’s taking place in Europe. It seems to be a worldwide
phenomenon, and to give you a sense of the scale in terms of notifiable
transactions, we have in the fiscal year that just ended, broadly speaking, twice as
many as there were about five years ago, so it’s a very major wave that's taking
place. [Gaston Jorré, Competition Bureau, 43:10:05]
This may in part be attributable to the fact that the monetary thresholds for
notifiable transactions have not been adjusted to inflation.
| think undoubtedly one of the reasons why the Bureau’s resources are stretched is
that they spend a lot of time reviewing mergers. The merger activity of the Bureau is
a reflection of the high level of activity in the business and the fact that since 1988,
when the merger pre-notification rules mandating the review of certain size mergers
came in, there has been no adjustment in the thresholds which determine which
cases have to be reviewed. In that intervening time, the Canadian dollar has
diminished by approximately a third, which means there has been a substantially
increased number of cases which are now culled into the process. That would not
have been the case in 1988 in real dollar terms. [Tim Kennish, 44:9:20]
Furthermore, as a result of NAFTA, much bigger players are emerging, presenting
increasingly complex mergers involving several jurisdictions. As a result, the Bureau is
allocating an increasing portion of its resources towards merger review and
consequently away from other areas of enforcement.
Another factor affecting resource allocation is the move towards deregulation and
liberalization:
As part of the deregulation and liberalization of part of our economy such as
transport, such as telecom and now energy, etc., the responsibility of the Bureau
has actually increased. Because to the extent that in areas deregulated and not
subject to a specific regulator anymore, then it becomes our responsibility and we
look at it. [Konrad von Finckenstein, 43:9:35]
The high costs to the government of bringing an application to the Tribunal are
even higher for the private sector.
The average of their cases — there haven't been that many — has been over
$1 million to go to the Tribunal ... But I’m sure that on the defendant's side. the
costs are even higher. So going to this Tribunal is not a cheap proposal … It's not
going to be the little fellow that's going there, it’s going to be big fellows. But the real
question is when you go to the Bureau with a complaint that has a really public
interest to it, are the Bureau not going to tell you to go and fight it that they won't
46
bother, and you have access. Yes, | have access, just like | have access to swim
over Niagara Falls. But there is a certain outside risk. [Warren Grover, 46:11:05]
Matters before the Tribunal take an average of 20 months to be resolved, and in that
time, the fees of lawyers and expert witnesses may become prohibitive. The mere cost
of bringing a case to the Tribunal would likely prove an additional disincentive to
spurious litigation.
As a final comment on the issue of resources, it is worth noting that, with 1999
operating budget of $25.3 million:
The Competition Bureau is now a profit centre and they brought in $100 million in
fines in the last twelve months; that’s pretty good. They weren't contested cases but
somebody thought that they could win a case enough to pony up $100 million to
settle the case. There's money there, its making money. [James Musgrove,
46:10:45]
At the same time, the Commissioner underscores the need for increased enforcement
budgets:
Are we straining? Yes. Could we use more resources? Absolutely. ... All my
colleagues in other anti-trust agencies have the same problem. Nobody's ever seen
quite the merger wave that we have, the number of cases and the complexity of the
cases. [Konrad von Finckenstein, 43:9:20]
With such an enviable record of cost recovery, it is reasonable to suggest that to
increase the Bureau’s budget would be sound fiscal planning. This is not to suggest that
cases should be pursued as a revenue-generating exercise; rather, an increase in funding
would permit the Bureau to enforce the Act vigorously with a view to ensuring that
industry and consumers would continue to reap the benefits of healthy competition.
Competition Tribunal Processes
The current Tribunal review process is perceived as slow to respond and overly
procedural: “we need some power to move quickly in predatory pricing cases so that you
can preserve competition before the victim’s dead” [Tom Ross, 46:9:40].
In today’s innovative economy, speed counts and anticompetitive conduct may
drive a complainant from the market before a case can be heard and a remedy ordered.
Several procedural changes were suggested that would improve the dispute resolution
system. A system whereby references could be made to allow early resolution of key
issues on which a case hinged; the discretion to award costs would give the Competition
Tribunal a lever to discipline delay tactics and strategic litigation; summary dispositions
would allow the Tribunal to bring a case to a quick close if the evidence on either side
appeared to have no merit. On this subject, the Committee is aware that in February 1999
47
the Tribunal invited public discussion on its “Proposals for Revised Procedures before the
Competition Tribunal.” Among other things, the proposed changes aim at “streamlining
the proceedings of the Tribunal” and accommodating “comments and suggestions made
in the past by competition law practitioners and the Commissioner of Competition in the
objective to make the Tribunal a more flexible and efficient forum of adjudication.” The
proposals aim at active case management, alternative methods for witnesses and experts
to present evidence, and eliminating unnecessary steps in the process, such as oral and
documentary discovery.®
In addition, the Commissioner has argued in favour of amendments to the law
granting the Commissioner new powers to issue cease and desist orders of his (or her)
own right in instances of suspected price predation.” This proposal met with considerable
resistance from lawyers and economists appearing before the Committee. The issue is
explored in greater detail in Chapter 7.
Private Access, Protecting Against Abuse and Remedies
With some exceptions, witnesses appearing before the Committee expressed
support for a right of private access to the Tribunal, particularly on the following grounds:
The very purpose of competition law in the Competition Act is of course to redress
the evils of private monopoly. It strikes me as totally incongruous in that context to
assign a public monopoly to a government agency in performing this function.
[Michael Trebilcock, 48:9:45]
And
Giving private parties the right of direct access and direct initiation of proceedings
before the Competition Tribunal is a way of holding public agencies, in this case the
Bureau, accountable for the exercise of its enforcement discretion. [Michael
Trebilcock, 48:9:45]
However, there are more reasons to favour private access to the Tribunal; these are
summarized in Exhibit 6.1.
From The Competition Tribunal: What Is Its New Role?, notes for an address by the Honourable Mr. Justice
William P. McKeown, presented at the conference entitled “Meet the Competition B ; .
Insight conferences, in Toronto on May 3, 1999. : FD Lo
Clause 104.1 of Bill C-472 proposes amendments to the Competition Act to this effect.
48
Exhibit 6.1 .
Reasons for a Right of Private Access to the Competition Tribunal
Studies suggest that the private sector is more able than the government in detecting
Se conduct that has an immediate impact on participants in a specific
market.
Private actions would free up Bureau resources, and allow it to focus upon higher-level
anticompetitive conduct that is not readily detectable, owing to its covert nature.
The Competition Tribunal is currently underutilized.
The possibility of private action might deter firms from undertaking anticompetitive
activity.
The private sector could be an effective partner in achieving compliance with
competition law if interim injunctive relief or cease and desist orders were made
available to it on a relatively inexpensive, expedited basis.
Private actions would result in judicial decisions providing guidance to the business
community on its responsibilities under competition law.
An increase in cases would provide new opportunities for more lawyers to specialize in
competition law practice, contributing to the development of a more diverse bar
reflecting broader socio-economic interests.
Similarly, increased opportunities for economists and other experts to provide
evidence in proceedings would promote the development of theoretical constructs
unique to the Canadian experience, and reduce the degree of reliance on the
experience of foreign jurisdictions.
While most witnesses were of the view that creating a private right of action would
not lead to a flood of new cases, several means were suggested to discourage strategic
litigation. They are documented in Exhibit 6.2.
49
Exhibit 6.2
Rules to Discourage Strategic Litigation
Carefully prescribing rules of standing to limit the right of action to parties that had been
directly aggrieved by alleged anticompetitive behaviour.
Assigning the Tribunal a “gatekeeper” role, with the right to determine issues of
standing.
Prescribing a summary judgment procedure that would require the adjudicator take a
“hard look” at the merits of the case in the early stages with a view to determining if the
matter aimed at bona fide anticompetitive conduct. Clearly frivolous or vexatious cases
could be struck out at an early stage.
Prescribing slgntncant costs sanctions against unsuccessful plaintiffs.
Granting the Commissioner a right to intervene and present views on the merits of the
case to the Tribunal as an amicus curiae.
There should be appropriate cost rules so that unmeritorious cases that failed would
entail some costs to plaintiffs.
While there was broad agreement on the principle of granting private access, there
was less consensus on the relief that should be available. Many witnesses did not support
a right to claim for damages, but rather proposed to limit the plaintiff to injunctive relief.
Injunctive relief would have the effect of enjoining the anticompetitive activity in the future.
The primary reason for denying claims for damages would be to discourage strategic
litigation.
In previous discussions about the merits of private access — and we've had
many — stakeholders have expressed concerns about the need for safeguards and
against strategic litigation. Private access should be introduced with safeguards
such as leave from the Tribunal to bring an action and cost awards. Certainly, it
should not provide for damages. [Konrad von Finckenstein, 43:9:15]
However, a contrary view would allow the injured plaintiff to sue for damages:
| know there is resistance in the business and some elements of the legal
community to this proposal, but | for the life of me don’t understand why the plaintiffs
whose complaints have been found meritorious by the Tribunal and who have
suffered losses should have to bear those past losses and settle only for future
relief. It's better to say there’s a loss there, somebody has to bear it, either the
defendant or the plaintiff. Why should the plaintiff, in cases where his or her
complaint has been vindicated, have to bear those losses ... [Michael Trebilcock,
48:9:50]
90
Proponents of this view express the opinion that it is the U.S. rules on treble
damages and costs which, taken together, have promoted the extensive litigation
witnessed in that country. Limiting recovery to those damages that the plaintiff could
quantify, and following the general Canadian cost rule of costs following substantial
aes in the cause would, it is Suggested, provide adequate disincentive to excessive
itigation.
There have been very few such cases for very good reasons. First, you can only get
single damages. In the United States you can get treble. Second, we have the
anglo-Canadian cost rules as opposed to the American style cost rules which
means that if you lose, you have to pay the other side’s costs. Third, in general
we're more restrictive in creating class actions. [William Stanbury, 47:15:50]
Even where relief is limited to injunctive measures, there remains the question of
to whom the relief is available and in respect to what matters. On this issue there was no
firm consensus. For the most part, witnesses suggested a rather narrow definition that
would allow only persons directly harmed by anticompetitive activity to apply. However,
the Committee is aware that this is not the only approach available; other jurisdictions
formulate rules of standing more broadly, even to the extent, for example, of allowing
members of the general public to challenge activities such as mergers that could have
broader consequences to the public.
The possibility of allowing class action was also canvassed. In 1999 two class
actions were certified by Ontario courts under the criminal provisions of the Act.'°
Providing for certification of civilly reviewable actions would not appear to require
significant amendments to existing rules.
Based on the evidence heard to date, the Committee finds that amendments to
the Competition Act may be advisable in order to create rights of private action before the
Competition Tribunal and therefore finds that:
44. The Government of Canada give further consideration, in
consultation with stakeholders, to enacting legislative changes
necessary to permit private individuals who have been prejudiced in
the conduct of their business by anticompetitive conduct to make
application to the Competition Tribunal for relief in matters involving
civil review. The issue of the relief available to private litigants,
whether in the form of injunctive relief or damages, or both, may
also be the subject of further consultation.
10 and Carom v. Bre-X Minerals, [1999] O.J. No. 1662
Chadha et al. v. Bayer Inc. et al 45 OR. (3d) 478 (1999)
(Que):
51
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CHAPTER 7:
INTERIM CEASE AND DESIST POWERS
! would think that you'd want the Commissioner to have to convince somebody
other than himself that there was irrevocable damage going to be done.
[Donald McFetridge, 46:9:50]
On interim orders, | am very concerned that this is a major institutional change to
give the Commissioner decision-making power on his own of a legally-binding
nature. If you're going to do it you want to be very careful about the due process
side of it. [Lawson Hunter, 46:9:35]
These cease and desist powers ... really turn competition policy on its head. We’ve
had a judicial process ever since the beginning of competition law, and so have all
the other major jurisdictions. | think it's worked well and served Canadians well ...
[Roger Ware, 52:9:50]
In recent appearances before House of Commons committees, including the
Industry Committee, the Commissioner of Competition has argued for amendments to the
law granting the Commissioner new powers to issue cease and desist orders of his (or
her) own right, without allowing the affected party a right to be heard prior to the making of
the order, and without any authorization from the Competition Tribunal. The
Commissioner believes that these extraordinary powers are necessary owing to the
inadequacy of the procedures and/or the remedies currently available to the Bureau to
use against the threat of price predation.
We have asked for [cease and desist powers] in the [case of ] airlines. It is in [Bill C-472] ...
Its something | think that should be explored. The problem with the abuse of dominance is
the process takes a long time. Very often by the time we finished our investigation and we
take court action, the company that is suffering from the abuse of dominance may be out of
the market or may be sufficiently disciplined or chastised ... This isn’t worth it. [They] don't
want to buy a two-year lawsuit and so they abide by the rules that the dominant player is
trying to impose. [Konrad von Finckenstein, 43:9:25]
Role of the Tribunal
The Competition Tribunal was created in 1986 when Parliament enacted major
reforms of Canada’s competition law and replaced the Combines Investigation Act with
the Competition Act. The Tribunal is a specialized court that combines expertise in
economics and business with legal expertise and hears and decides all applications
made under Parts VII.1 and VIII of the Competition Act as informally and as quickly as
allowed by the circumstances and considerations of fairness. The Tribunal is strictly an
adjudicative body that operates independently of any government department. It does not
have investigative powers nor does it provide advice to government. It has no function
other than that associated with the hearing of applications and issuance of orders.
53
The Tribunal is composed of not more than four judicial members, who are
appointed from among the judges of the Federal Court, Trial Division, and not more than
eight lay members. Lay members are appointed by the Governor in Council on the
recommendation of the Minister of Industry.
In the context of competition, and more particularly in civilly reviewable actions
under Part VIII, executive authority is exercised by the Commissioner in the role of
investigator and prosecutor. The Tribunal, exercising judicial power, serves as a check
upon the unconstrained exercise of executive authority, with a view to preventing that
power from being misused, either consciously or inadvertently. Accordingly, the
Commissioner may be seen as the investigator/prosecutor, and the Tribunal as the judge.
In seeking the cessation of a particular behaviour, the Commissioner makes an
application to the Tribunal for relief, setting out the case, on a balance of probabilities,
that the circumstances warrant such relief.
Among the many forms of relief available, the permanent or interim injunction (also
known as a “cease and desist order”) is common. Interim orders may issue in three
instances:
1. Under section 33, the Attorney General may apply to a court for an order pending
the commencement or completion of proceedings under Part VI (Offences in relation
to Competition), or proceedings relating to the violation of an order made under Part
VII.1 (Deceptive Marketing) or Part VIII (Matters Reviewable by the Tribunal). In this
case, the Commissioner must convince the Tribunal, on a balance of probabilities,
that non-issuance of the order will result in injury to competition that cannot
adequately be remedied otherwise by the Act and that a person is likely to suffer
non-compensable damage and that the balance of convenience favours the
applicant.
2. Under section 104, in respect of Part VIII matters, after an application has been
made to the Tribunal, the order will be issued in accordance with the principles
ordinarily considered by superior courts when granting such relief. In issuing a
temporary order, the court must first find that irreparable harm will occur if the
injunction is not issued. The only question at this first stage is whether a refusal to
grant relief could cause harm that could not be remedied if the eventual decision on
the merits did not accord with the result of the application. “Irreparable harm” is
harm that either cannot be quantified in monetary terms or cannot be cured, usually
because one party cannot collect damages from the other. If the first test is met, the
second question to be addressed is which party will suffer the greater harm from the
granting or refusal to grant the injunction, pending a resolution of the dispute on the
merits.
3. Under section 100 — in the case of mergers only — where the Commissioner has:
not referred the merger to the Tribunal, but an interim order can be made under
section 10(1)(b) with regard to a possible offence under Parts VI or VII and which
requires more time to be completed. In this case, the absence of an interim order
would have to compromise the ability of the Tribunal to remedy the competitive
54
effects of the proposed merger. The Tribunal’s interim order issues on such terms
218 Soedaiemaa considers necessary in the circumstances, and lasts for a maximum
O ays.
An important recurring question was how long it takes to get a temporary cease
and desist order from the Tribunal. While it was widely agreed that final disposition of
cases by the Tribunal can take a long time, there was no firm consensus on how quickly
an interim order might issue. Estimates provided by counsel with considerable experience
in competition practice ranged from an hour to two weeks.
You go to the Tribunal, you get it the same hour. It’s not two years. | think he does need a
power, but | think you can do it with the Tribunal. [Warren Grover, 46:11 :20]
As the name suggests, the order enjoins, or prohibits, the person against whom it
is made from engaging in a specific type of conduct. An interim order “may issue ...
having regard to the principles ordinarily considered by superior courts when granting
interlocutory relief.” In the case of predatory pricing, irreparable harm can be said to have
occurred if the victim of the predation has been so “undercut,” that he or she is forced out
of the industry.
Subject to provisions of the Act that specifically limit the duration of the order, the
Tribunal’s interim order has such effect and is of such duration as the Tribunal considers
necessary in the circumstances. Once an interim order is issued, the Commissioner is
required to proceed as expeditiously as possible to complete the proceedings.
Proposals for New Cease and Desist Powers
Bill C-472 proposes amendments to the Competition Act that would invest the
Commissioner with the authority to issue temporary (up to 80 days) cease and desist
orders without the necessity of applying to the Tribunal: “if in the opinion of the
Commissioner, the order is necessary to prevent injury to competition or harm to another
person.” The following conditions would also have to be met: (1) the Commissioner would
have to have commenced an inquiry in regard to whether the person has engaged in
conduct that is reviewable under section 79; (2) the Commissioner would have to
consider that, in the absence of a temporary order, injury to competition that could not
adequately be remedied by the Tribunal would be likely to occur, or a person would be
likely to be eliminated as a competitor, suffer a significant loss of market share, suffer a
significant loss of revenue, or suffer other harm that could not be adequately remedied by
the Tribunal; and (3) the Commissioner would not be obliged to give notice to or receive
representations from any person before making a temporary order. A person against
whom the Commissioner had made a temporary order might apply to the Tribunal to have
the order varied or set aside.
Witnesses expressed broad support for the principle that remedies aimed at price
predation must be swift; however, the idea of granting new cease and desist powers to
55
the Commissioner met with much opposition. These criticisms are summarized as
follows.
A party against whom an order was sought would not be entitled to receive notice
of the application. As such, the application would be heard without the party having had
an opportunity to make arguments or present evidence. This approach would likely cause
difficulties for Canadian courts:
The reason why there’s no notice is because the whole point of it is that he’s just issuing it
himself. The courts hate [that], and part of our judicial tradition is that ex parte applications
are rare, very, very rare. [Stanley Wong, 48:11:25]
Where no notice was given the company would be presented, as a fait accompli, with
an order that had the same force as a court order and a breach of which would be
punishable by fine or imprisonment. Once the order was made, the party could bring an
application to set the order aside.
This “reverses the onus” of proof; that is, instead of the Commissioner being
required to make out a case for why the order should issue, the person affected by the
order would have to make a case for why the order should be lifted. This is arguably in
violation of principles of due process, making the legislation vulnerable to judicial review
under section 7 of the Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
A second potential ground for judicial review arises out of the fact that the
Commissioner could be acting, in effect, as both the prosecutor and the judge. Similar
principles were in issue in an early Charter case, Hunter v. Southam."
The key problem here is the one | think that Chief Justice Brian Dickson, in the leading
decision of the Supreme Court of Canada, indicated in Hunter and Southam, that it’s
inappropriate for a law-enforcement official also to be acting in a judicial capacity in regard to
same matter. In other words, he shouldn’t be authorizing the issuance of orders in support of
your own investigations. [Tim Kennish, 44:9:20]
In that case, the Director of Investigation and Research (the predecessor to the
Commissioner) was authorized by statute to conduct searches of premises where the
search was authorized by a warrant. The warrant, however, did not issue from the
judiciary, but rather from the Restrictive Trade Practices Commission. In effect, the
investigation was carried out by one branch of the Commission, and the warrant was
issued by another branch. Chief Justice Dickson, writing for a unanimous Supreme Court,
found that this violated the “unreasonable search and seizure” provisions set out in
section 8 of the Charter. A proper warrant, it was found, must issue from an independent
judicial authority (i.e. one not involved in the investigation) and based on evidence
submitted by the applicant. In effect, the Director as investigator/prosecutor is required to
“make out a case,” to an independent judicial body, for the necessity of the search
warrant.
TT (1984) 2 S.C.R. 145.
56
A similar principle would appear to apply in the case of the interim order: the
Commissioner could issue an order if, in his view, the Tribunal did not provide an
adequate remedy. In effect, then, the Commissioner would make not one, but two, judicial
determinations: a) that the Tribunal did not provide adequate remedies; and (2) that
there was sufficient evidence of an offence for an injunction to issue. This raised certain
questions among witnesses: On what grounds would the Commissioner decide whether
the Tribunal was adequate? What “check” would there be on potential misuse of the
power? It would lie only with the party affected by the order who, after receiving the order
as a fait accompli, could make application to the Tribunal, and then make out a case,
post-facto, why the order should be lifted. The applicant would be denied recourse to any
other civil court, apart from the Tribunal, for review of the Commissioner’s use of the
power. Accordingly, any delays by the Tribunal in hearing the application would act to the
prejudice of the applicant.
A third argument involves the possible perverse effects of the power. If a mere
allegation of price predation would be sufficient to permit the Commissioner to invoke the
interim powers, the Commissioner could, in good faith, be induced by an industry player
into issuing an order with a doubly perverse effect: (1) maintaining higher prices for
consumers; and (2) protecting an uncompetitive player from healthy competition. Of
course, the Commissioner would undertake a full investigation into the matter, when time
permitted. However, it is precisely because time is of the essence and permits only a
partial investigation that the Commissioner claims that the new powers are required. If
there were time for the Commissioner to carry out a full investigation, the Commissioner
could simply bring the results of this investigation to the Tribunal, as is currently required.
Accordingly, a situation could conceivably arise where the Commissioner, not having
completed the investigation owing to time constraints, issued an order based upon an
unsubstantiated allegation of price predation. Of course, should price predation in fact be
occurring in an industry, the effect of the order would be to right a manifest wrong.
According to some economists, however, economic evidence in both Canada and the
United States indicates that true predation is rarely attempted and even less frequently
successful. In the absence of predation, the effect of the order would be to protect an
uncompetitive market player and to maintain higher prices for consumers, at least in the
short run.
The only thing | just want to caution here ... is that the outcome of this is higher prices, not
lower prices. ... We're going to ask them to pay more to preserve a competitor because we
believe in the long run that’s going to ultimately lead to lower prices. That's fine if that's what
ultimately is going to be. But if all we're ending up doing is protecting a competitor, raising
prices to consumers which we didn’t necessarily have to do ... | don’t think consumers should
have to pay the penalty for that. [Margaret Sanderson, 48:11:25]
Accordingly, it should be asked how often does price predation actually take place,
versus how often it is alleged to take place? The Committee heard evidence on this from
several economists. While there was no firm consensus on the frequency of predation, it
was agreed that it is alleged far more often than it is proved. That is, price predation does
exist, but the difficulty of meeting the criminal burden of proof ( beyond a reasonable
doubt”) may deter the Commissioner from referring it to the Tribunal. Furthermore,
57
strained enforcement budgets necessitate that the Commissioner choose cases that have
the greatest chance of success. As such, it may well be that many cases of predation are
not prosecuted (the dynamics of price predation are explored in greater detail in
Chapter 3).
Several members of the Committee pointed to instances of possible predatory
behaviour and emphasized the devastating effect of the practice on small and medium-
sized enterprises (SMEs). Economists appearing before the Committee made the point
that the loss of a single competitor does not necessarily harm competition, although
certainly it may have that effect:
Any complaint to the Competition Bureau in predation comes from a competitor. It's always a
terrible story. Someone is about to go out of business ... [S]omeone is complaining about an
imminent failure. There isn’t necessarily harm to consumers ... [Margaret Sanderson,
48:11:15]
Assessing the competition in a given market requires more than merely counting
the number of firms competing in it. Indeed, the example of Coke and Pepsi illustrates
that vigorous competition can ensue where there are only two participants in market.
Calculating the impact of the loss of a competitor requires detailed analysis of the
particular circumstances of the industry, including market power, the existence and
closeness of substitutes, price elasticities of demand and barriers to entry. SMEs are
more likely to fail in a market increasingly dominated by large firms which, enjoying
greater economies, are able to offer consumers prices that SMEs cannot match. The
result is, at least in the short run, lower prices for consumers. In the long run, however,
there is a risk that, having driven smaller competitors out of the market, the large firms will
raise prices in order to recoup their losses during the predation phase. If barriers to entry
are low, of course, raising prices will attract new entrants and competition will bid prices
down again. Accordingly, while the loss of a competitor may have a detrimental effect on
competition, it does not necessarily do so. Expert witnesses underscored that the
Competition Act protects competition, not individual competitors. This is not to say,
however, that the Act will never serve to protect an individual competitor if competition
would be harmed by the failure of that firm. Ultimately, however, the test is the impact of
the failure on competition, not on the individual enterprise.
Perhaps the most compelling argument against providing the Commissioner with
new powers is the fact that the same result — swift action against price predators —
could be more readily accomplished with a relatively simple two-step amendment, a
process that would safeguard the rights of all parties. The first step would involve
expediting the Tribunal process for granting temporary orders; the second step would
amend section 100 of the Act to expand the circumstances in which the Commissioner
could apply for an interim injunction.
[Under section] 100, [the Commissioner] is basically certifying that he has started an inquiry
under section 10 ... that he has reasonable grounds to believe that there’s grounds for
making an order, and that he needs more time to complete his inquiry...and that there’s
58
going to be harm that cannot be remedied by the Tribunal. ... [I]f you generalize that — and
I'm surprised, I’ve said that to the Commissioner directly so I’m not saying anything behind
his back = that's where we should be going, a generalized power. You get exactly what you
want and it meets all those requirements. [Stanley Wong, 48:11:30]
Private litigants — if private access to the Tribunal was granted (see Chapter 6) —
could also benefit from the streamlined injunction procedure. Victims of predation would
no longer be reliant on the Bureau’s decision to pursue or not to pursue a remedy. As
was discussed in Chapter 6, the decision to take a case to the Tribunal may not be made
based on merits of the claim, but rather on the availability of enforcement dollars. A
private litigant, being intimately familiar with the circumstances, would be better equipped
to mount a timely and convincing case. This would give the firm itself the means to take
swift action to defend itself from the predator. Of course, the firm would do so at its own
expense and risk but this would be no disincentive to legitimate claims.
Alternatives
Several witnesses suggested that, with a few amendments to the current Act, the
rules relating to interim orders could be expanded to address the Committee’s concerns
about the timeliness of the Tribunal process.
Under section 100, the Commissioner may apply for an interim injunction in
respect of a merger when the Commissioner: (1) has started an inquiry under section 10;
(2) needs more time to complete his inquiry; and (3) the Tribunal finds that in the absence
of the order its ability to remedy the effect of the proposed merger would be substantially
impaired. It was suggested that by “generalizing” this section to permit the Commissioner
to make an application in respect of any matter — not just mergers — in respect of which
he has commenced an inquiry, the same objective could be achieved (i.e. swift action
against price predators), while ensuring that due process is respected.
The burden of proof to be met by the applicant for an order is an issue that would
have to be addressed. By granting an injunction, the Tribunal is, in effect, presupposing
that an offence has been committed, which, in the absence of the injunction, will continue.
If the subsequent hearing reveals that, in fact, there was no offence, the enjoined party
will have been wrongly prevented from pursuing legitimate business activity and is likely to
have suffered significant losses as a result. For this reason, with such a result on a
normal civil action,'* the party seeking the injunction must undertake to pay the damages
suffered by the enjoined party. For the same reason, the Tribunal would have to require
that the applicant make out, at the very least, a prima facie case that an offence was
ongoing at the time of the application. Discharging the burden of proof in a price predation
case would be difficult: price predation is currently a criminal offence, requiring proof
beyond a reasonable doubt. Making out a prima facie case ofa criminal offence requires
considerably more than making out a prima facie case in a civilly reviewable offence,
aa See, for example, Rule 40 of the Ontario Rules of Civil Procedure.
59
where the burden of proof is the balance of probabilities. However, by amending the Act
to make predation a civilly reviewable offence (see Chapter 3), the less onerous civil
standard would apply.
It is also important to note that showing a prima facie case is by no means as
onerous as actually proving the alleged offence on the balance of probabilities:
It is not a high threshold. Typically, what does it mean to have a prima facie case? It means
you have some evidence of market power. Have you done a full market power assessment?
No. You basically have an idea that people have pretty high market shares, and you've got a
rough idea that barriers to entry are not low. And that’s all. [Margaret Sanderson, 48:11:30]
Having heard and considered the submissions of all witnesses, the Committee
finds that:
15. The Government of Canada, in consultation with stakeholders, give
further study and consideration to amending section 100 of the
Competition Act and (other sections in consequence thereof) to
apply to matters civilly reviewable by the Tribunal in respect of
which an inquiry has been commenced under section 10(1), or in
respect of which an application has been commenced by a private
party consistent with finding No. 14.
60
CHAPTER 8:
THE NEWSPAPER INDUSTRY, A DIVERSITY
OF VIEWS AND THE COMPETITION ACT
The extent of corporate concentration in Canada is unparalleled in any of the
western liberal democracies. There are extreme consequences for journalists, for
employment, for readers and for democracy. [Gail Lem, 52:10:35]
Competition issues are generic. The same analytical tools can be applied in all
markets. The same analytical issues arise in all markets. In my opinion, it is not
necessary to have an industry-specific competition policy. [Donald McFetridge,
44:9:05]
Some observers find the Committee’s study of a specific industry — in the present
case, the newspaper industry — somewhat incongruous in the context of a study of the
Competition Act, an Act of general application. The current study was conceived in June
1999, far in advance of the recent announcements by both Hollinger and Thomson of
their anticipated newspaper divestitures. Over the past three decades, the trend toward
greater concentration of ownership has been of increasing concern to many Canadians.
In the interim between the Committee’s conception of the study and the study itself, the
newspaper industry has experienced something of an upheaval. While the
announcements by Thomson and Hollinger appear to be “shifting the ground,” the
ultimate result of those decisions will remain unclear, until at least such time as
prospective buyers come forward. Of course, the acquisition of those papers by a single
entity could lead to even greater competitive concerns. As such, the Committee believes
that such potential “groundshifts” and issues of newspaper concentration will continue to
resurface as significant concerns for Canadians. Moreover, as a result of the rapid and
widespread development of electronic media in the past decade, the nature of the debate
has changed significantly since the 1970s or 1980s. For these reasons, in the context of
its study of the Competition Act, the Committee has taken the opportunity to explore the
interface between competition law and the newspaper business.
A clear understanding of this interface is often obscured by what many see as
special considerations unique to the newspaper industry. While at one level it is possible
to talk about newspapers as a business like any other, it is equally important to recognize
the unique role of the daily paper to millions of Canadians, who rely on it to form opinions
on the issues of the day. It is this dual perception of the newspaper industry that makes
for the uneasy relationship between that industry and principles of competition law as they
have evolved in Canada over the last century.
61
A Diversity of Views and Ownership Concentration
Concentration in the newspaper industry is not a new concern. As one witness
explained, the issue has been addressed before:
In early 1980, there was a massive sell-off of newspapers ... [This], however, did not
produce greater diversity of ownership. On the contrary, it produced yet more
concentration so that instead of three chains what we got was two larger chains.
The after event response from the government was the appointment of a Royal
Commission, which reached the obvious conclusion that the concentration of
Canada’s press, which was already uniquely high for a democratic country, would
become greater still unless Parliament took preventative action. [Tom Kent,
54:15:35]
The government of the day failed to take decisive action “and the inevitable followed.”
However, Mr. Kent notes “with Mr. Black’s ... troubles and Thomson’s changed
business strategy there is a new opportunity for some deconcentration” [Tom Kent,
54:15:35].
Mr. Kent was not alone in expressing his concerns about concentration, which
were echoed in some detail by other witnesses:
[In] 1970 ... independent daily newspapers controlled 40% of English language
newspaper circulation and 50% of French language newspaper circulation. Today
independent newspapers represent less than 4% of English language daily
circulation with one chain, Conrad Black’s Hollinger, controlling 45.4%. This means
that almost half of the readers of daily newspapers in Canada get their information
from the same source. Three other large chains — Quebecor, Torstar Corp. and
Thompson — control the remaining 50% of English language circulation. In the
French language market the situation is similar with Quebecor controlling almost
45% of daily circulation. At the regional level, the level of monopoly ownership is
simply appalling. In four provinces, one owner controls the entire daily newspaper
industry — the Irving family in New Brunswick, and Hollinger in Prince Edward
Island, Newfoundland and Saskatchewan. [Gail Lem, Communication, Energy and
Paperworks Union of Canada, 52:10:40]
The impacts of concentration are most acute outside major urban centres:
At the local level, the situation is similar. In the major metropolitan market of
Toronto, there are four English-language dailies, which makes Toronto one of the
most aggressive news cities in North America. In Montreal there are three French-
language dailies and one English daily. But leave those major centres and you have
only a handful of cities where there’s actually competition. Outside of those seven or
eight cities, the major newspaper chains have simply eliminated the competition.
They've bought each other out or closed newspapers. [Gail Lem, 52:10:40]
. One obvious consequence of increasing concentration is a smaller job market for
journalists: “When large chains buy up newspapers, and especially when they buy up a
large quantity at a time, the first thing that typically happens is that journalists lose jobs”
62
[Gail Lem, 92:10:40]. There is more at stake, however, than the loss of jobs for
journalists. The quality and quantity of news that reaches the public may also be harmed:
If you talk to a journalist you will uncover a quiet fear about the state of journalism in
Canada and about the quality and integrity of their craft. ... Journalists talk about a
shocking narrowing of the journalistic agenda. The range of material that is deemed
newsworthy has declined and the resources for investigative journalism have
virtually disappeared. [Gail Lem, 92:10:35]
Editorial control is most obvious where journalists are fired, of course: but the
impact may be more systemic:
Chiefs usually claim that they don’t abuse their power: they don't interfere in news
and opinion ... In a day-to-day sense that's largely true. The chiefs are too busy. But
they do choose the people who do manage. In fact, within a chain, the type’s set. It
may allow a little licensed dissent by a columnist or two, but essentially one
viewpoint rules throughout papers. | think no one would accuse Mr. Black of being
any less than ideological master of his papers, not any less so than was the
Canadian who did become Lord Beaverbrook. [Tom Kent, 54:15:40]
Moreover, the phenomenon is not limited to national newspapers:
The growth of chains has extended to the community newspaper level. This is
something that is not talked about that much, but the fact of the matter is that when
you look at community papers you see again Hollinger or a subsidiaries of Hollinger
and other chains with large market shares. [Gail Lem, 52:10:40]
Competition Bureau and Newspapers
The evidence presented to the Committee revealed two fundamentally different
views on how newspapers should be perceived. On the one hand, journalists contend
that:
The news media is not a business just like any other. Its product is a powerful one
that influences political, social and economic policy. This fact remains true despite
efforts in recent years of media owners and newspaper publishers to distance
themselves from it, perhaps to justify the pursuit of profit at the expense of quality
journalism. [Gail Lem, 52:10:35]
By contrast, M. Gaston Jorré, head of the Mergers Branch with the Competition Bureau,
emphasizes the uniformity of the Bureau’s approach to industry analysis; that approach
does not differ when the business is newspapers:
The Act is one of general application, so the basic principles and the basic approach
we use with newspapers are the same as with any other industry. When you have a
proposed merger of any size, it's going to be notifiable to us. The key test for us is
going to be whether you have a substantial lessening of competition. [Gaston Jorré,
43:11:10]
63
The Bureau’s analysis is essentially an economic one, focusing on advertising.
Newspapers, like television, are primarily a vehicle for advertising, since this is where the
great preponderance of their revenues are generated. From a business perspective, the
key product of a newspaper is an audience for advertisers, the newspaper's number one
client is not, as might be supposed, the newspaper reader but rather the advertiser.
Accordingly, the key issue that the Bureau must address is how would a proposed
transaction affect the advertising rates that the papers can charge? To answer this
question means knowing the market.
In broad terms, there are two kinds of advertising: “image” or “national” advertising
aims at promoting brand preference and targets a non-regional audience. Common
examples (taking the Globe and Mail as an example) would include recurring
advertisements placed by companies like Harry Rosen menswear or Dell Computers. The
second type of advertising aims at promoting retail sales and is likely to target a local
audience by advertising a specific sale in a specific store at a specific location. Thus, it is
clear that the market for newspaper advertising may be local or national, depending on
the product, or more accurately, depending on the advertiser's target customer.
The extent to which a proposed transaction will affect the rates that the papers can
charge to advertisers will largely depend on the paper’s market power. But market power
is not simply a question of how many newspapers, for example Le Droit might sell as
compared to the Journal de Montréal. Other factors will influence this analysis, including
the availability of substitutes. If the local paper raises its rates, an advertiser may switch to
another medium — to television, radio, billboards, flyers or the Internet. Whether one
medium can be substituted for another depends in large measure on what the switch will
cost the advertiser. “Cost” in this sense is assessed broadly, encompassing more than
just the additional expense of the new medium, but also how effectively the new medium
will allow the firm to target its customers. A drop in sales as a result of switching would
also be factored into a firm’s “switching costs.” Of course, costs might also be favourably
affected by the switch — a dealer in used cars, for example, might find profit by switching
from the Ottawa Citizen to the Auto Trader. However, an electronics retailer might not
have such available substitutes. Demographic studies indicate that certain audiences
tend to prefer certain media. People with university education, for instance, are more
likely to read the Globe and Mail or the National Post than the Sun. Other demographic
groups may rely on magazines, television, the Internet or radio as their source of
information. For example, market studies indicate that the Sun is the paper of choice for
males between the ages of 18-25 with a high-school education. Accordingly, an advertiser
aiming its product at that demographic may have very limited substitutes, even in a
seemingly competitive market such as Toronto, a city with four major dailies.
This brief illustration makes clear that competitive analysis of news media is very
complex. What also becomes clear is that the Bureau conducts its analysis based on
quantifiable phenomena, for example: how much must the price rise before switching
occurs? This is where problems arise when the Competition Act is applied to issues of
64
editorial content. How do you attach a price to editorial diversity? How do you express as
a number how public opinion is affected by a change of management of a newspaper?
Objectives of the Competition Act
The objectives of the Competition Act, as set out in section 1, are:
Maintain and encourage competition in Canada in order to promote the efficiency
and adaptability of the Canadian economy, in order to expand opportunities for
Canadian participation in world markets while at the same time recognizing the role
of foreign competition in Canada, in order to ensure that small and medium-sized
enterprises have an equitable opportunity to participate in the Canadian economy
and in order to provide consumers with competitive prices and product choices.
The current Commissioner and his predecessors have consistently maintained that
the Bureau’s mandate does not extend to consideration of issues of editorial diversity.
The point is made by a Bureau official:
If you have a change of ownership that may have various effects on editorial policy
or other things, but that’s not going to change the nature of that local competitive
market. You had one newspaper before and you'll have one after. You will of course
have an issue if, for example, you had two newspapers in a market and the owner of
one were to try to purchase the other. Therefore as such the editorial content or the
editorial orientation of a paper is not something that we look at in competition policy
terms. [Gaston Jorré, 43:11:05]
While the statement is undeniably correct, it is, at the same time, necessary to
recognize that increasing concentration of ownership does, at the very least, give rise to
legitimate concerns about editorial diversity. The question is: What can competition
policy do about it?
The few witnesses appearing before the Committee in general agreed with the
conclusion reached by the Kent Commission in 1981 that the current competition laws
may not be the best way to regulate newspaper ownership:
The Campaign supports the Kent Commission's recommendation that Separate
legislation governing newspapers be enacted that set out limits on ownership as well
as mechanisms to ensure greater diversity of ownership by Canadians. [David
Robinson, Campaign for Press and Broadcasting Freedom, 53:15:45]
In the absence of industry-specific initiatives, however, witnesses suggested that
certain changes to the Competition Act would allow the Bureau to respond to the
issues. The most frequent suggestion was that the objectives of the Act be expanded.
Drawing upon existing legislation — the mergers and monopolies legislation in
Britain — we could put into the Competition Act an amendment that granted the
tition Bureau the authority to consider the impact that proposed mergers and
aie dustry not just on the business competition, which
acquisitions on the newspaper in
65
And
is competition for advertisers, but also on editorial diversity ... [David Robinson,
53:15:50]
When considering whether a proposed merger in the newspaper industry prevents
or lessens competition, the Competition Bureau should consider the public interest
as well as commercial interests. | know this would be an unusual departure. It would
mean considering the impact on the diversity of sources of news and information
available to the Canadian public from these newspapers. [Gail Lem, 52:10:55]
A further suggestion was to expand the scope of the Bureau's review to
the impact of a proposed acquisition on labour markets:
And
When assessing proposed mergers and acquisitions in newspaper interests, the
Competition Bureau has thus far focused only on the competition for advertising, but
there’s also a need to look at the competition in the labour market. That is when you
have one employer, there’s not much competition if you become unemployed and
are looking for other employers to work for. [David Robinson, 53:15:50]
It's a departure but one under the current climate that we think would be an
important departure. When considering whether a proposed merger in the
newspaper industry prevents or lessens competition, the Competition Bureau
should, in the interests of a free and fair press, consider the impact on jobs and
newsroom resources. [Gail Lem, 52:10:55]
consider
Commentators recognized that implementing these recommendations would have
far-reaching effects and would involve substantially rethinking conventional ideas about
competition:
What I’m suggesting ... is that ... competition is a fundamental good of our kind of
society. ... In terms of the means of production and the whole economic system,
competition is very important. Fine, but there are special situations — and there may
be others besides the media ... where the important competition is not of the
“means of sale,” so to speak, the advertising, the means of financing, but the
competition is in terms of what this medium does for people’s thoughts and minds
and opportunities to have views on public affairs and so on, the very guts of
democracy. [Tom Kent, 54:16:45]
Mr. Kent's views, and those of other witnesses, aim at expanding the objectives of
the Competition Act to take into account in its analysis what has come to be called “social
capital”:
Let's be a community of communities. It's very important in this country that we get
as much strength as possible in our diverse communities ... The Competition Act is
an instrument ready to hand that could be used here and now, quickly — with what
really, | would say, is quite a minor modification, broadening to take advantage of a
window of opportunity to get back to more diversity. | stress that what I’m talking
about there is, above all, community. It's the importance of community ownership,
66
ownership in the community rather than ownershi by bi i
BS aieciece P ... by big, remote corporations ...
Finally, Mr. Kent warned the Committee of the consequences of failing to act.
Twenty years ago | thought in media it would have to be some separate legislation
but now you have an opportunity where it could be done through the Competition
Act. If it isn't done through the Competition Act, then what will happen now is what
happened in 1980, that is to say, these papers will be sold to other major
corporations, and there won't be any improvement in competition and diversity.
[Tom Kent, 54:16:45]
Two Approaches
Expanding the objectives of competition law to include “social capital”
considerations might be accomplished in two ways: (1) through direct amendments to the
Act itself, creating a “carve-out” for newspapers: or (2) giving final approval to the Minister
of Canadian Heritage to allow or disallow a merger or acquisition according to criteria
different from those in the Act.
The first approach would require amending the existing Act in order to create
industry-specific provisions for newspapers. This approach poses serious conceptual
difficulties, however. A recurring theme heard throughout the Committee’s study of the
Act has been a strong emphasis on the “framework” character of the legislation, that is to
say on its application to industry generally. Overwhelmingly, witnesses underscored the
importance of preserving the general application of the Act and viewed a possible move
towards creating special provisions for any industry, even one as culturally important as
newspapers, as a step in the wrong direction.
A second difficulty with this approach would be its impact on the Bureau's analysis,
which as noted above, is an economic one, requiring — to the greatest degree
possible — quantification of market behaviour. Predicting the behaviour of markets, even
using the most sophisticated analytical models, is far from an exact science. Clearly,
“social” questions, such as how a given newspaper contributes to solidarity of the
community or how it promotes political pluralism, are, by their very nature, unquantifiable:
The public’s interest in vigorous competition among newspapers is not one that can
be quantified in a dollar and cents terms. It has to do with the number and quality of
independent voices finding expression. [David Robinson, 53:15:55]
In essence, there are simply no analytical models for expressing social concepts in
an objective and meaningful way. Ultimately, to challenge a proposed transaction, the
Commissioner must be able to provide compelling and objective analysis detailing the
expected impact of the deal on markets. Expanding the objectives of the Act to take
account of such considerations would require Canada to make a complete paradigm shift,
away from the analytical approach currently used by antitrust authorities the world over,
67
towards a more holistic model relying not on economics, but on the disciplines of
psychology, sociology and political science.
Another option would be a hybrid model that incorporated traditional antitrust
analysis along with “holistic analysis.” This route would also pose difficulties. Which of the
two factors would be given greater weight? The economic or the social? How would the
Tribunal gauge the merit of the parties’ arguments on the social impact of the
transaction?
Finally, it is important to recognize that expanding the objectives of the Act would
create a very real risk of compromising the original objectives. Lawson Hunter, a former
Director of the Bureau, speaks “about the dangers of going too far”:
As a law of general application ... it is a very blunt instrument. Because of that it is a
very discretionary instrument and so it gives enormous power in the hands of the
regulators ... | think you need to bear that in mind when you think about the powers
and process that you're adding on to that position. [Lawson Hunter, 46:9:25]
With this single blunt instrument, the Commissioner is given the task of fulfilling
and balancing the Act’s objectives. Occasionally, these objectives collide — for example,
in some instances it may not be possible to “promote efficiency” while at the same time
ensuring that “small and medium-sized enterprises have an equitable opportunity to
participate.” Given the difficulty of reconciling even the current objectives of the Act, it is
suggested that expanding these objectives would turn the Act from a blunt instrument of
economic policy into a blunt instrument of economic and social policy and would
ultimately fail to address either objective effectively.
The second approach — creating special provisions in another statutes — would
have the advantage of preserving the integrity of the current Act. At least two models for
this approach exist in current legislation. The first, in section 47 of the Canada
Transportation Act, permits the Governor in Council “on the recommendation of the
Minister and the minister responsible for the Bureau of Competition Policy,” by order, to
take any steps, or direct the Agency to take any steps, that the Governor in Council
considers essential to stabilize the national transportation system ...” In order to invoke
the section, the Governor in Council must be of the opinion that: (a) an extraordinary
disruption to the effective continued operation of the national transportation system, other
than a labour disruption, exists or is imminent; (b) failure to act under this section would
be contrary to the interests of users and operators of the national transportation system;
and (c) there are no other provisions in that Act or in any other Act of Parliament that are
sufficient and appropriate to remedy the situation and counter the actual or anticipated
damage caused by the disruption. The critical section 47(7) states that “anything done
under the authority of this section prevails over the Competition Act.” By this section, the
Commissioner's power of review might be suspended by order of Governor in Council.
Similarly, with the necessary legislative changes, the Minister of Canadian Heritage might
have the power to suspend the Commissioner’s review of a proposed transaction.
68
A variation on this theme finds precedent in section 224 of the Bank Act, whereby
the Minister of Finance is required to consent to mergers. The Minister of Canadian
Heritage could similarly be given the “final say” to approve or deny a proposed transaction
In respect of newspapers.
Both of these models pose difficulties owing to the perception of conflict of interest.
The role of the press is commonly understood as being the “watchdog” of democracy and
thus adversarial to government in order to ensure public accountability in elected
representatives. Investing a minister of the Crown with the authority to intervene so
significantly in the business dealings of newspapers would be likely be perceived as
political interference.
Foreign Ownership Restrictions
Owing to foreign ownership restrictions, newspapers in Canada are not an open
market:
Ownership restrictions in Canada ... undoubtedly contribute to the concentration.
Whenever you have ownership restriction in an industry, whether it’s newspapers,
whether its telecommunications or broadcasting, etc., you're likely to have fewer
players in the market than if you have unrestricted access. [Konrad von
Finckenstein, 43:10:10]
in June 1999, the authority to review foreign investments in cultural industries was
transferred from the Minister of Industry to the Minister of Canadian Heritage.
Newspapers are a cultural good, so foreign investment in them is subject to review by the
Minister of Canadian Heritage. In the case of books, another cultural good, there are
separate regulations in the /nvestment Canada Act that limit foreign ownership. Firms in
the book industry — publishers, wholesalers and retailers — must be Canadian
controlled, both legally (50% plus one of outstanding share capital) and de facto. There
are, however, no such limits in the Investment Canada Act with respect to foreign
ownership of newspapers.
There are, however, effective limits to ownership, and these come into play
through the Income Tax Act. Under section 19 of that Act, the deductibility of costs of
advertising in newspapers is limited to advertising in a newspaper that is at least
three-quarters owned by Canadians. This requirement imposes an effective limit of 25%
on foreign ownership.
Under NAFTA (which refers back to the terms set out in the FTA) this limit could
not be relaxed without changing the thrust of NAFTA with respect to Canada’s ability to
protect its cultural industries. Making section 19 of the Income Tax Act more restrictive
(such as by increasing the required ownership of newspapers by Canadians to more than
75% for the advertising expense to be an eligible expense for tax purposes) could lead to
a challenge by the U.S. under NAFTA.
69
The tax code treatment that is based on ownership residence obviously erects a
barrier to entry to any foreign firm wanting a higher stake in a Canadian newspaper.
Some investors, for example, might want a controlling investment or none at all.
The solution of removing barriers to foreign ownership did not, however, meet with
enthusiasm:
Publishers in the U.S. have been lobbying quite hard for a change in the Income Tax
Act ... The fact of the matter is that ... opening up the industry to foreign ownership
is not an answer to this dilemma. Exchanging a Canadian-owned chain for an
American one does nothing to improve the situation but could put the cultural fabric
of Canada, which | think we all recognize is already under siege, further at risk ...
[Gail Lem, 52:10:50]
Mr. Kent viewed foreign ownership as preferable to large corporate ownership:
American takeover ... indeed ... could be the lesser evil, if the only alternative is
domination by a new Canadian media giant. But it would be a poor second to
restoring the diversified Canadian ownership that there used to be ... | would
certainly agree that to have some foreign ownership could be preferable to
everything falling into the hands of one great big corporation just because it was
Canadian. [Tom Kent, 54:15:45]
Still, with the current restrictions in place, the question — particularly since the
Thomson and Hollinger announcements — remains the same: Who is going to buy the
papers? According to one witness:
The fact that too many Canadian newspapers are in too few hands does not mean
that there are a lack of interested buyers, it simply means that big, wealthy, and
powerful chains have muscled their way into ownership and influence. This did not
happen because no one was interested in owning profitable newspapers. It occurred
because there was no effective legislation to prevent it. [Gail Lem, 52:10:50]
One suggested solution would be to take steps necessary to reverse the influence of
the chains:
To ensure that newspapers are affordable to interests other than the large
conglomerates and to open up ownership to other than the large chains, the
Competition Bureau should consider requiring the vendor to offer the newspapers
for sale on an individual rather than a group basis. [Gail Lem, 52:10:55]
Not all witnesses agreed with this assessment, however. “There is a practical problem.
With Thomson and Hollinger papers on the market together, demand is likely to be
weak in relation to supply” [Tom Kent, 54:15:45].
As an alternative to directly prescribing who might own or bid for a newspaper, it
was suggested that tax incentives might be restructured:
The government should look at the idea of coming up with some incentives or
means to encourage local ownership. We do believe that media properties are
70
different from other businesses and that there is a public interest as opposed to just
the financial and competitive interest. ... It could be done perhaps through various
tax incentives or others that would encourage local ownership as opposed to chain
wide ownership. [Mike Bocking, Communication, Energy and P
Canada, 52:11:35] gy aperworkers Union of
Mr. Piss agreed that, with the right incentives in place, new buyers could be found or
created:
| think there are quite a lot of people who, on the sort of terms I’ve suggested and
with a powerful tax incentive, would be very anxious to purchase the papers as a
group and not necessarily even individuals in that sense. They could be credit
unions, labour funds, all sorts of things, purchasing shares in the local paper. The
aa have the local paper is something that has been rekindled. [Tom Kent,
Other Proposals
Given the apparent difficulty of reconciling the two approaches to newspaper
industry analysis, witnesses suggested other means for ensuring accountability and
diversity of ownership. One alternative focused, for example, on the membership of
newspaper editorial boards:
One idea that comes up quite often is the idea that instead of just the management
of the newspaper, there should be a provision that editorial boards include a
representative from among the journalists and a representative from the community
so that the newspaper is responsive to needs other than just the management of the
newspaper. [Gail Lem, 52:11:40]
Another suggested variation on this theme would be to establish “a publicly accountable
body, which could investigate complaints, report publicly on findings, order redress, and
so on” [Gail Lem, 52:11:40].
Given the importance of avoiding the appearance of political interference, an
amended Competition Act would remain Mr. Kent's preference.
| would be very worried if the process that I’m suggesting, or any process of any
other kind that I’m suggesting, were not sort of a due process through the
Competition Tribunal rather than by a straightforward ministerial decision, because
there would be no avoidance of certainly the appearance or suspicion that dislike of
Mr. Black or dislike of somebody ... would influence the decision. That clearly is not
what we want. The strength of the Competition Act from this point of view ... is that
there is a process, a quasi-judicial process. It's very important to have that kind of
process if we’re dealing with the media. So if we could use it, that would be far
simpler than setting up an entirely new process. [Tom Kent, 54:16:30]
Having considered the issues in light of the testimony received to date, the
Committee does not endorse the principle of creating special provisions with respect to
the newspaper industry in the current Competition Act. While recognizing that there are
71
legitimate concerns with respect to increasing concentration of ownership in the media, it
is the Committee’s view that the Competition Act is not the appropriate instrument to
assess those concerns and provide remedies. The Committee therefore finds that:
46. The Government of Canada, through the Department of Canadian
Heritage and other departments, continue to discuss and consider,
in consultation with stakeholders, issues of diversity of ownership
in the newspaper industry and other information media.
72
CONCLUSION
The overriding objective of competition law should be the preservation and
enhancement of the vitality of the competitive process. ... Competition law should
not be used to protect or give advantage to individual competitors or classes of
competitors, nor should competition law be used to pursue other political or social
objectives. [Donald McFetridge, 44:9:05]
Considerable thought went into the framework for merger analysis as it’s embodied
in the Competition Act. | think in general it’s still applicable and | don’t see any
serious need to tinker with it. [Donald McFetridge, 44:10:10]
It is important that we create two branches for agreements between competitors,
one branch that makes securing convictions against real true price fixers easier
than it is currently ... At the same time... we need to be more accommodating to
strategic alliances and joint ventures. [Tom Ross, 46:9:10]
Predatory pricing, resale price maintenance and price discrimination are all
practices for which the anticompetitive uses are difficult to distinguish from
procompetitive practices. ... We simply need a specialized tribunal to make that
difficult assessment. [Ralph Winter, 48:9:10]
Over the last few years, ... there may have been some cases where bona fide
anticompetitive conduct was not appropriately addressed. In our respectful view,
the problems in question had more to do with insufficient enforcement resources
than with any fundamental inadequacy of the Competition Act. [Paul Crampton,
53:15:35]
Private action would be a good complement to public enforcement. It would
increase the deterrent effect of the law, and it would help build up a much-needed
body of jurisprudence. Private rights of access to the Competition Tribunal in our
view would work very well in conduct which is essentially a private matter between
buyers and sellers and which therefore does not warrant public intervention.
[Konrad von Finckenstein, 43:9:10]
Canadian competition policy, as embodied in the Competition Act and as carried
out by the Competition Bureau and the Competition Tribunal, is a modern framework for
dealing with contemporary antitrust issues. The Competition Act generally reflects modern
economic analysis, though minor modifications might be desirable. The Competition
Bureau’s enforcement guidelines can claim to be clear and transparent, though some
fine-tuning would be helpful. The Bureau manages its current caseload well, though more
resources would enable it to be a more vigilant enforcer. The Competition Tribunal has
provided clear and thoughtful jurisprudence that properly embodies economic principles,
though its procedures could be adjusted in order to expedite its workload and make room
for more activity as a result of the granting of carefully thought out rights of private action.
The Committee praises these institutions, which were established to guard the
public interest from the pernicious effects of restraints of trade and to enhancing the
efficiency of the economy, as well as the people who make them work so well. Indeed,
73
this Committee wants to reinforce their efforts to have the business sector squarely focus
on wealth creation and to provide an equitable and productive marketplace and
workplace for Canadians. For this reason, the Committee calls on the Government of
Canada to consider bolstering the Competition Bureau's resources for pursuing both
criminal and civilly reviewable cases in the public interest and to grant rights for private
enforcement in civilly reviewable matters, an area where more jurisprudence would be
welcomed.
The Committee also calls upon the government to modernize its conspiracy
provisions so that they distinguish between efficiency-enhancing strategic alliances and
egregious cartel agreements. Specifically, the Committee finds shifting the former from
the criminal to the civilly reviewable section of the Act (Part VIII), where they will be
treated similarly to mergers, while giving the latter a rougher ride than at present by
deleting the needless but burdensome requirement to prove that they lessened
competition unduly, is worthy of further study.
The Committee finds that the government should consider shifting the three
anticompetitive pricing provisions, predatory pricing, vertical price maintenance, and price
discrimination from the criminal to the civilly reviewable section of the Act, so that the
Competition Tribunal can better sort out the implications of these practices. This might be
accomplished by repealing the existing price discrimination provision, but the horizontal
price maintenance and predatory pricing prohibitions might be retained (with modification)
under the criminal section of the Act. Given that the government favours private rights of
action in civilly reviewable matters, the refusal to deal and delivered pricing provisions
should also be modified to include a “competitive effects” test to avoid becoming
entangled in strictly private contractual disputes.
The Committee, as suggested above, finds that the government should consider
enacting legislative changes whereby private individuals who have been prejudiced in the
conduct of their business by anticompetitive conduct could apply to the Competition
Tribunal for relief in civilly reviewable matters. The relief available to private litigants,
whether in the form of injunctive relief or damages, or both, should be the subject of
further and wider consultation with the public. The Committee also believes the
government should continue the process of consultation with the Competition Bureau, the
Competition Tribunal and stakeholders on the development of expedited Competition
Tribunal procedures for ensuring that disputes involving allegations of anticompetitive
conduct are resolved on their merits quickly and cost-effectively.
_ Finally, the Committee recommends against modifying the Competition Act
specifically for the newspaper industry. Rather, it is suggested that the discussion of
issues of diversity of ownership in newspapers and other information media would be
more appropriately carried out through the Department of Canadian Heritage, in
consultation with stakeholders.
74
REQUEST FOR GOVERNMENT RESPONSE
Pursuant to Standing Order 109, the Committee requests that the government
table a comprehensive response to this Report within one hundred and fifty (150) days.
A copy of the relevant Minutes of Proceedings of the Standing Committee on
Industry (Meetings Nos. 43, 44, 45, 46, 47, 48, 50, 52, 53, 54, 55, 61, 62, 63 and 64
which includes this Report) is tabled.
Respectfully submitted,
usan Whelan, M.P.
Essex
Chair
75
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A DISSENTING OPINION
NEW DEMOCRATIC PARTY
JUNE 2000
The Competition Act is an instrument ready to hand, which could be used here and
now, quickly, with quite a minor modification. Broadening could be used to take
advantage of a window of opportunity to get back to more diversity and dare | stress
that what I’m talking about there is, above all. community. It’s the importance of
community ownership, ownership in the community rather than ownership ... by
great big corporations. (Witness, Tom Kent, May 17, 2000)
This dissenting opinion is not being written to diminish the work of the Committee but to
highlight a major concern of the New Democratic Party that was not adequately
addressed in this interim report — the growing concern of newspaper concentration in
our country.
The Committee in its own wisdom decided that the Competition Act is not the
appropriate vehicle for addressing an industry-specific concern such as the one of
monopolies and concentration in the newspaper industry. The New Democratic Party
differs in that it believes that the Competition Bureau should weigh the full impact on
public interest as well as commercial interest when considering whether a proposed
merger in the newspaper industry prevents or lessens competition.
The Public Policy Forum engaged by the Competition Bureau will provide the
Committee with further opportunity to review and compare its national findings on the
many issues studied. However, the New Democratic Party is reluctant to wait for the
completion of the Forum’s review when considering the pressing and immediate
dilemma facing the Canadian newspaper industry. We agree with the view offered by
Tom Kent, former chair of the 1981 Royal Commission on Newspapers, who said: “In
the public interest and in fairness to the business community generally, as well as to the
shareholders of Thomson and Hollinger, a clear policy needs to be defined and
announced very soon. | hope this won't be one more occasion when the decision is too
long delayed.” (Witness, Tom Kent, May 17, 2000)
There was compelling evidence that today’s unhealthy level of concentration happened
because there was no effective legislation to prevent it. Here are some of the glaring
facts:
¢ nearly 90% of daily newspapers in Canada are controlled by large and powerful
newspaper chains — in BC, 95% of them belong to Hollinger;
endently owned newspapers went from 40% to less than 4% of
enti ears, inde , : i
aaa L aily circulation — with one chain, Hollinger, controlling 45.4% of
English language d
the newspapers;
77
+ three other large chains, Quebecor, Torstar Corp. and Thomson control the
remaining 50% of English language circulation;
* competing English language or French language dailies are found in only a few cities
across the country;
* in four provinces, one owner controls the entire daily newspaper industry — the Irving
family in New Brunswick and Hollinger in Prince Edward Island, Newfoundland and
Saskatchewan;
¢ concentration of ownership leads to mass firings of journalists because big chains
tend to minimize newsroom costs, drastically effecting both the quality of the news
and the labour market.
Another emerging issue was the fear of opening up the industry to foreign ownership.
We take the position that the answer to Canada's newspaper ownership dilemma is not
to put the newspaper in foreign hands but to break up the monopolies. An American
chain is not better than a Canadian chain and only puts at greater risk the cultural fabric
of Canada.
NDP Priorities:
We believe that this interim report failed in not recommending the need for a cultural
component, implemented by the Competition Bureau under a revised Competition Acct.
We believe that the Heritage Committee needs to conduct an immediate and
comprehensive review of media ownership while we have papers up for sale and have
an opportunity to deal with the issue.
We believe that this government should support diversity of newspaper ownership by
considering other innovative options including:
> A requirement by the Competition Bureau to have the newspapers for sale offered
on an individual, rather than a group, basis to ensure that newspapers are
affordable and open to interests other than the large chains.
> The use of the income tax system to encourage local ownership as opposed to
chain-wide ownership:
> Witness Tom Kent suggested, “fairly wide ownership could be encouraged by
providing the investments of up to 10% in a 10% share of an equity required to
be eligible for accelerated capital cost allowance.” (Witness Tom Kent, May 17,
2000)
> Explore ways to designate newspapers under a new and separate section of the
Broadcast Act (which currently regulates all private electronic broadcasters and
creates the CBC and CRTC).
78
» Establish newspaper ownership legislation that deals specifically with ownership and
market share similar to models used by European countries.
> Consider a press subsidy scheme whereby newspapers that are not always
supported by corporate advertisers are provided with some public financing.
The New Democratic Party is committed to ensuring a check and balance in the system
that protects the integrity of what we consume as citizens. We feel that the priorities set
forth in this opinion are an excellent alternative to the status quo and deserve the
attention of this Committee and in the general debate on newspaper ownership in
Canada.
79
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APPENDIX 1
THE VANDUZER REPORT
. Anticompetitive Pricing Practices and the Competition Act: Theory, Law and
Practice, a report written by Professors J. Anthony VanDuzer and Gilles Paquet of the
University of Ottawa, is a response to the Government of Canada’s request for a review
of the selective pricing provisions of the Competition Act. These include price
discrimination (section 50(1)(a)), predatory pricing (section 50(1)(c)), price maintenance
(section 61), and, as it relates to pricing, abuse of dominant position (section 79). This
report addresses the appropriateness of the Act in the context of the contemporary
economy, the interpretations of the Act by both the Competition Bureau and the
Competition Tribunal, and the Bureau’s enforcement, management and administration of
the Act’s provisions.
The report assembles, explains, and addresses both conventional and contentious
contemporary economic views on these pricing practices and how they are treated by the
Act, the Bureau and the Tribunal. Perhaps the greatest and most novel contribution of the
report is its analysis of the Bureau’s management of these pricing practices and legal
provisions in light of present declining enforcement resources. The Bureau has
apparently adapted its guidelines and enforcement policy to match contemporary
economic theory where the law has failed to do so. The report is, however, somewhat
critical of the lack of clarity and comprehensiveness of the Bureau’s guidelines on these
pricing practices and the management of criteria chosen to respond to complaints.
In general, the report is critical of the use of criminal sanctions in dealing with these
pricing practices, believing that such treatment is unwarranted in light of contemporary
thinking and, in any case, is not effective in identifying anticompetitive cases. While the
report does not mention or provide any examples of cases where anticompetitive
behaviour have gone unpunished, it clearly indicates that the law could be applied to
many cases that are in fact procompetitive. The excessive compliance and monitoring
costs that are imposed on the business community by the present situation have a chilling
effect on innovative pricing strategies.
The report recommends that: (1) the Act should be amended to comply with
contemporary economic thinking; (2) the bulk of these pricing practices should be moved
from the criminal to the civil reviewable section of the Act, specifically to the abuse of
dominant position provision; (3) the abuse of dominant position provision should be
modified in accordance with (2); (4) the Bureau's guidelines should be updated and
clarified; (5) the Bureau’s enforcement criteria should be reviewed for balance; and (6) the
Bureau's resources in the area of in-house industry specialists should be bolstered.
81
Price Discrimination
Price discrimination is practised by a supplier of goods or services when different
prices are charged to different customers (whether other businesses or final consumers)
for the same product and when these price differentials do not accurately reflect
differences in costs of serving the different customers. Three conditions are necessary for
a firm to be said to discriminate:
1. The firm must have market power to set prices (otherwise consumers can
choose to purchase from a competing supplier).
2. The firm must be able to identify classes of consumers with different price
sensitivities (i.e. price elasticities of demand).
3. There is limited opportunity for consumers to resell to each other (otherwise
consumers would arbitrage these prices to the lower price offered).
Price discrimination is not inherently anticompetitive; much depends on the specific
circumstances. It is often procompetitive to charge different prices to different consumers
when there are different costs attached to serving them (in the same way as volume and
quantity discounts imply different costs and are not anticompetitive in and of themselves).
Price discrimination might also result in additional sales to consumers, for example,
children and seniors who would not otherwise purchase the product.
The authors of the report are critical of the fact that though the civil provisions
dealing with the ultimate discriminatory act, refusal to deal, and behaviour equivalent to
price discrimination, such as tied selling, require a consideration of the impact of the
behaviour on competition, section 50, price discrimination and predatory pricing, does not.
Section 50 has been subject to very few criminal prosecutions, three since 1984. In each
case the accused pleaded guilty. Many elements must meet the criminal standard of
being beyond the reasonable doubt and, therefore, convictions would be hard to come by.
The provision’s ineffectiveness has not led to any judicial decisions that would provide
guidance on how to interpret it. As a result, there has been a “chilling effect” even on
suppliers considering innovative pricing strategies that have no anticompetitive impact.
Dealing with price discrimination as a type of abuse of dominance under section
79 could overcome some of the defects in the present criminal provision. Treating price
discrimination as a matter subject to civil review would be consistent with how the Act
deals with other vertical behaviour. The abuse of dominance provision incorporates the
market power test that economic theory requires as a prerequisite to discrimination, and
further requires an assessment of how the discrimination affects competition. The
application of section 79 to price discrimination complaints would face several difficulties,
however. For example, the approach to market power in the abuse of dominance
provision might have to be adapted for these cases. A test of alternative sources of
Market power is defined as the ability of a supplier to raise its profits by raising its price above marginal costs
for an extended period of time.
82
supply, such as in the refusal to deal provision, might also be required in order to assess
the impact of the alleged discrimination on competition.
Predatory Pricing
Predatory pricing occurs when a firm temporarily lowers its prices in an attempt to
deter market entry by new competitors or to drive out or discipline existing competitors. In
all three cases, the predator incurs temporary losses in the expectation, at the very least,
of recouping them by raising prices later. Prior to the 1980s, predation was regarded by
most economists as extremely rare; the barriers to entry in most markets were seen to be
low. Consequently, the high prices required in the post-predatory period to recoup the
losses suffered in the predatory period would not be sustainable in the face of new
entrants. Moreover, predation would be very expensive because the “prey” would be
aware that it was costly for the predator to finance its losses. Indeed, the prospects of
eventual profits would be enough to make the prey hold on (in the case of efficient capital
markets), if only to see the predator attempt to buy him out. Only in the extremely rare
event that the predator had greater and better access to external capital would a
predatory campaign pay off; however, a takeover or merger would likely be a more
successful way of monopolizing the market.
Several elements must be established before the offence of predation can be
proven. The alleged predator must be engaged in a business and have adopted a policy
of selling products at prices that are unreasonably low. The terms “policy” and
“unreasonably low” have both raised difficult issues of interpretation. One of four
requirements must be met with respect to a policy: (1) it must have the effect or tendency
of substantially lessening competition; (2) it must have the effect or tendency of
eliminating a competitor; (3) it must be designed to substantially lessen competition; or (4)
it must be designed to eliminate a competitor.
Prosecutions under the criminal predatory provision have been rare and there has
never been a successful application to the Tribunal with regards to predation. The high
number of complaints regarding predatory behaviour and the strong concerns raised by
some independent business organizations interviewed, suggest that a more complete
response is required. Furthermore, one should be concerned with the relatively low
priority likely to be accorded predation cases under the Bureau's selection criteria, which
appear to be biased against pursuing them.
Designing a test for predation is more difficult than doing so for other
anticompetitive pricing practices. It is one thing to describe predatory behaviour, it is quite
another to distinguish its devastating effects from the effects of aggressive competition,
even where substantial resources are employed. One thing seems clear, the existing
criminal provision is inadequate for providing relief. Dealing with predatory pricing under
section 79 would be one solution to the problem. Section 79 establishes market power as
83
a threshold for obtaining relief and it requires the lower civil burden of proof, which may be
important given the inherently contestable nature of the claims surrounding predation.
Price Maintenance
Price maintenance is the practice whereby a firm tries to set a minimum price at
which another firm down the manufacturer-wholesaler-retailer distribution chain can sell
its product. Resale price maintenance is one of the most pervasive restraints in the
marketplace. It may take place either vertically, for example between a wholesale supplier
and a retailer that resells the supplier's products, or horizontally, for example between
competitors who agree to impose resale price maintenance on those who resell their
products.
The economic rationale for prohibiting horizontal price maintenance is more
obvious. Where suppliers agree among themselves to set the resale price of their
products, price competition among downstream competitors is precluded. It may be that
the resale price is more visible to the suppliers than their own prices, suggesting that
resale price maintenance may facilitate collusion amongst suppliers. The prohibition of
horizontal price maintenance agreements under section 61 is therefore appropriate.
The economic rationale for prohibiting vertical price maintenance under
competition law is that it lessens competition by restricting the ability of the retailer to
compete on price. It leads to higher prices for consumers and higher margins for retailers,
while at the same time protecting inefficient retailers that might not succeed in a truly
competitive environment. On the other hand, there are procompetitive motivations for
vertical price maintenance. Resale price maintenance could enhance economic efficiency
when supplemental pre-sales and post-sales services were required and there was a
“free rider” problem with some retailers. In this context, the additional services are thought
to be paid for by the additional sales they generate. The market for these efficiency
enhancing sales services could, however, be destroyed by discount retailers who lured
away customers who had been informed or had benefited from the pre-sales services
provided by full-service retailers.
The present provisions dealing with price maintenance suffer from some of the
same deficiencies as those identified in relation to price discrimination. The current
provision is not designed to address only anticompetitive price maintenance according to
criteria suggested by contemporary economic analysis. Consequently, it is not an
accurate tool for enforcement and likely imposes excessive compliance and monitoring
costs on the business community. The subsequent chilling effect is exacerbated when
price maintenance is treated as a criminal offence. Analyzing vertical price maintenance
under the abuse of dominance provision, section 79, would provide better prospects for
incorporating legitimate defences for this practice since market power and the impact of
the practice on competition would be taken into consideration.
84
Bae casts ah eS ee
PRIVATE MEMBERS’ BILLS TO AMEND
THE COMPETITION ACT
Four Private Members’ bills propose amendments to the Competition Act: C-402
(Mr. McTeague), C-438 (Mrs. Redman), C-471 (Mrs. Jennings), and C-472
(Mr. McTeague). A brief summary of each is set out below. While the Committee’s
present mandate does not specifically include a study of these bills, many witnesses
appearing before the Committee expressed views on their content and underlying
principles. The bills will be the subject of a series of roundtable discussions sponsored
this summer by the Public Policy Forum, which expects to make its report in late
September 2000.
Bill C-402
This bill proposes to add three anticompetitive practices to the non-exhaustive list
in section 78 of the Act (abuse of dominant position). The bill would not create new
offences, but would rather provide greater certainty to industry with respect to the type of
offences considered by the Bureau to constitute “abuse.” The offences would have to be
done with intent to either eliminate or discpline a competitor (or a supplier) or prevent
entry or expansion into a market. The offences would include, but would not be limited to:
¢ inducing a supplier to sell only or primarily to certain customers, or to refrain from
selling to a competitor;
¢ selling articles at a price lower than the acquisition cost;
* requiring a supplier to pay a fee to a retailer as a condition for selling a product, if the
fee was unrelated to, or in excess of, the actual costs incurred by the retailer with
respect to the product;
* a vertically integrated retailer squeezing the margin available to an unintegrated
competitor; and
¢ unilaterally withholding on some pretext amounts owing to a supplier without the
latter’s prior agreement for the purpose of disciplining the supplier.
Bill C-438
This bill would expand the deceptive marketing offences under the Competition
Act, creating a new offence (in new section 52.1) of promoting games of chance by mail.
A business would commit an offence where, for the purpose of promoting directly or
indirectly the supply or use of a product, it delivered printed material conveying the
85
general impression that the recipient had won something, whose award was made
conditional on payment of a sum of money or specific telephone charges.
The current section 52 of the Act contains a general prohibition against knowingly
or recklessly making false or misleading public statements for the purpose of directly or
indirectly promoting any business interest. Section 52.1 applies the principle specifically to
telemarketing; it prohibits the use of the telephone to promote a product or business
unless certain material information is disclosed. The bill might best be understood as
“filling a gap” in the current law by creating a criminal prohibition in respect of printed
material similar to that which exists on deceptive telemarketing.
Bill C-471
This bill has two distinct objectives: The first is to facilitate the exchange of
information between Canada and other states for use in civil proceedings. It would
authorize the Minister of Industry to enter into agreements with other states to determine
whether a person had violated or was about to violate the competition law of that state
and to enforce the competition law of that state. Certain matters would have to be
addressed in the agreement, including:
¢ the right of Canada, for reasons of security, sovereignty or public interest as defined
by Canada, to refuse to give effect to a request;
+ the confidentiality of information sent by Canada to the foreign state pursuant to a
request;
+ the information that would have to be set out in a request presented by the foreign
state in order that effect might be given to a request under this Act;
¢ an undertaking that the foreign state would provide assistance comparable in scope
to the assistance provided by Canada;
* an undertaking that information or evidence obtained would be used only for the
purpose of enforcement and administration of the competition law of the foreign
state;
* an undertaking that information or evidence obtained from a person and provided to
the foreign state would not be used for the purposes of criminal proceedings against
the person;
¢ the return of all the evidence provided by Canadian authorities;
* an undertaking that any rights and privileges afforded under Canadian law would be
preserved;
+ the termination of an agreement if confidentiality provisions were violated; and
* a requirement that any violation of confidentiality would be promptly notified to the
Canadian authorities.
86
The Commissioner of Competition would be responsible for the implementation of
every agreement. A request could be denied if:
¢ the foreign state could more conveniently have the request satisfied by another
source;
* — execution of a request would exceed reasonably available resources: and
* execution of a request was not authorized by Canadian law.
This bill would supplement current mechanisms for the exchange of information
with foreign states in relation to criminal matters. The 1990 Mutual Legal Assistance in
Criminal Matters Treaty (MLAT) allows for extensive and formal cooperation and
coordination with the United States. Furthermore, the 1995 Canada-U.S. Agreement
Regarding the Application of their Competition and Deceptive Marketing Practices Laws
provides a framework for closer collaboration in the enforcement of Canada and U.S.
competition law, and includes procedures for notification, expanded consultation and
cooperation to minimize disputes between authorities of the two countries, and to expand
the ambit of cooperation in order to include deceptive marketing practices.
Canada is also a party to multilateral, regional and bilateral cooperation
agreements, including the 1995 OECD Revised Recommendation Concerning
Cooperation between Member Countries on Anticompetitive Practices Affecting
International Trade. This non-binding agreement provides for cooperation and
consultation between OECD member states.
The Bureau’s current policy on confidentiality attempts to strike a balance between
the need to exchange information and the concerns of the legal and business
communities that commercially sensitive information provided to the Bureau not be
communicated to third parties. Under the current legislation, only the types of information
enumerated under section 29 of the Act receive explicit protection against communication
to third parties. The Bureau's policy, however, is to treat as confidential all information
received that is not publicly available and not to share it with other agencies except where
doing so would assist in the administration or enforcement of our legislation. Bill C-471
would enable Canada to promote cooperation with foreign enforcement agencies.
The second objective of the bill is to create a means by which certain questions
could be determined more quickly by the Tribunal. The Commissioner and the party toa
dispute may, by mutual consent, refer to the Tribunal on a question of law, fact, or mixed
law and fact arising under Part VII.1, Part VIII or Part IX. Additionally, the Commissioner
may refer any question as to the interpretation or application of Part VII.1, Part VIII or Part
IX to the Tribunal for hearing and determination. References are to be heard in a
summary way. The proposal is intended to: (a) reduce the length of proceedings and
encourage settlement of disputes by clarifying issues without the necessity of a full-blown
hearing; and (b) promote the development of a body of case law in order to reduce
reliance on Bureau enforcement guidelines.
87
Bill C-472
Of the four bills, C-472 proposes the most significant amendments to the current
system. The first of these would be to replace section 45 (conspiracy). The terms
“conspires, combines, agrees or arranges” would be replaced with the single term
“collusion,” defined as an agreement or arrangement between a person and one or more
competitors of the person in relation to the production, supply or acquisition of any
product where the person knew, or ought reasonably to have known, that the agreement
or arrangement, if implemented, would or would be likely to have the effect of: (a) fixing,
establishing, controlling or maintaining the minimum price of the product; (b) allocating
any markets, territories, customers or sales for the product between the person and the
competitor; (c) boycotting a competitor or a competitor's suppliers or customers; or (d)
preventing, eliminating, lessening or otherwise limiting the production or supply of the
product.
The offence of collusion would be an indictable offence liable to imprisonment for a
term of up to five years and/or a fine of up to $10 million. As a criminal offence, the
agreement would have to be proved “beyond a reasonable doubt”; however, the court
might infer the existence of collusion from circumstantial evidence. The court would not
convict if it found that: (a) the collusion related only to a service and to standards of
competence and integrity that were reasonably necessary for the protection of the public;
or (b) if the collusion related only to the export of products from Canada and if it did not,
or was unlikely to: (i) result in a reduction or limitation of the real value of exports of a
product; (ii) restrict any person from entering into or expanding the business of exporting
products from Canada; or (ili) prevent or lessen competition in the supply of services
facilitating the export of products from Canada.
An agreement or arrangement would not be considered to be collusion if: (a) it was
between or among only federal financial institutions; (b) it was made only among
companies each of which was an affiliate in respect of every one of the others; (c) notice
was given to the Commissioner; (d) it was ancillary to, and reasonably necessary for,
another agreement or arrangement among the same participants and the other
agreement or arrangement would not itself constitute collusion, when considered on a
separate basis; or the participants collectively did not account for, or control, at least 25%
of the relevant market for the product affected by the agreement or arrangement (this last
exception is also known as the “safe harbour’).
According to the third set of amendments, persons who alleged that they were
directly affected in their business or were precluded from carrying on business due to
their inability to obtain adequate supplies of a product anywhere in a market on usual
trade terms could, with leave of the Tribunal, make an application under section 75.
Currently, only the Commissioner has standing to make an application to the Tribunal.
Similarly, persons who alleged that they were directly affected in their business by
exclusive dealing, tied selling or market restriction would be entitled, with leave of the
Tribunal, to make an application under section 77. The Commissioner would have 30
88
days to become party to the application and, after 30 days, would require the request of,
or leave of, the Tribunal.
. The third set of amendments would add new sections 79.1 and 79.2 to allow the
Tribunal, upon an application by the Commissioner, to make an order directed against
any person who was a participant in an agreement or arrangement with one or more
competitors with respect to the production, supply or acquisition of a product; when the
agreement or arrangement had had, was having or would be likely to have the effect of
preventing or lessening competition substantially in the affected market. The Tribunal
could also order reasonable and necessary action to overcome any of the effects of the
agreement or arrangement or to restore competition in the market. However, the Tribunal
could not make an order where, in its opinion, the duration of the agreement or
arrangement was limited to the reasonable time needed to facilitate the entry of a new
product, or a new supplier of a product, into a market. Similarly, no application could be
made in respect of an agreement or arrangement entered into only by affiliated
companies, partnerships or sole proprietorships. The Commissioner might also issue a
clearance certificate, valid for three years, where he was satisfied that the agreement or
arrangement that the person was about to enter into would not be likely to have the effect
of preventing or lessening competition substantially.
The last major amendment would give the Commissioner the authority to make a
temporary order: (a) prohibiting a person from doing an act or a thing that could, in the
opinion of the Commissioner, constitute an anticompetitive act; or (b) requiring the person
to take the steps that the Commissioner considered necessary in order to prevent an
injury to competition or harm to another person: i.e. an injury to competition that could not
adequately be remedied by the Tribunal, or harm a person such as: (i) being eliminated
as a competitor; (ii) suffering a significant loss of market share; (iii) suffering a significant
loss of revenue; or (iv) suffering other harm that could not be adequately remedied by the
Tribunal. The Commissioner would not be obliged to give notice to or receive
representations from any person before making a temporary order.
89
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Associations and individuals
APPENDIX 3
Department of Industry
Konrad von Finckenstein, Commissioner of Competition
Gaston Jorré, Senior Deputy Commissioner of
Competition
Don Mercer, Assistant Deputy Commissioner of
Competition, Amendments Unit
Carleton University
Donald McFetridge, Faculty of Economics
Osler, Hoskin & Harcourt
Tim Kennish, Lawyer
Public Policy Forum
David Zussman, President
Anita Mayer, Vice-President
Blake, Cassels and Graydon
Warren Grover, Lawyer
Lang Michener
James Musgrove, Lawyer
Stikeman Elliott
Lawson Hunter, Associate
University of British Columbia
Thomas Ross, Professor
University of British Columbia
William Stanbury, Professor
91
LIST OF WITNESSES
Date Meeting
2000/04/13 43
2000/05/02 44
45
2000/05/04 46
47
Associations and Individuals Date Meeting
Charles River Associates Canada Limited 2000/05/09 48
Margaret Sanderson, Vice-President
Davis and Company
Stanley Wong
University of Toronto
Michael Trebilcock, Professor
Ralph Winter, Professor
Canadian Council for International Business 2000/05/11 50
Robert Keyes, President and Chief Executive Officer
Milos Barutciski, Member, Competition Policy and Law
Committee
Communication, Energy and Paperworks Union of 2000/05/16 52
Canada
Gail Lem, National Vice-President
Mike Bocking, President, Local 2000
André Foucault, National Representative
Graphics Communications International Union
Allan Tate, International Representative
Queen’s University
Roger Ware, Professor
Campaign for Press and Broadcasting Freedom 53
David Robinson
Canadian Chamber of Commerce
Michael Murphy, Senior Vice-President, Policy
Paul Crampton, Lawyer
As an Individual 2000/05/17 54
Tom Kent
92
Associations and Individuals Date
Canadian Council of Grocery Distributors 2000/05/18
Nick Jennery, President and Chief Executive Officer
David Wilkes, Vice-President, Ontario Region and Trade
Relations
Democracy Watch
Duff Conacher, Coordinator
93
Meeting
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APPENDIX 4
LIST OF BRIEFS
Blake, Cassels and Graydon
Campaign for Press and Broadcasting Freedom
Canadian Bar Association
Canadian Chamber of Commerce
Canadian Council of Grocery Distributors
Charles River Associates Canada Limited
Communication Energy and Paperworks Union of Canada
Democracy Watch
Graphics Communications International Union
Lang Michener
Osler, Hoskin & Harcourt
Stikeman Elliott
University of British Columbia
As an Individual
Tim Creery
95
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MINUTES OF PROCEEDINGS
Monday, June 12, 2000
(Meeting No. 64)
The Standing Committee on Industry met in camera at 3:55 p.m. this day, in Room 371,
West Block, the Chair, Susan Whelan, presiding.
Members of the Committee present: lan Murray, Nelson Riis and Susan Whelan.
Acting Members present: Michel Bellehumeur for Pierre Brien; John Finlay for Walt
Lastewka; Werner Schmidt for Eric Lowther; Denis Paradis for Gurbax Singh Malhi;
Murray Calder for Gerry Byrne; Bob Speller for Jerry Pickard and Dennis Mills for John
Cannis.
In attendance: From the Library of Parliament: Dan Shaw and Geoffrey Kieley, Research
Officers.
Pursuant to the Committee's mandate under Standing Order 108(2), a Review of the
Competition Act.
The Committee resumed consideration of a draft report.
lan Murray moved, — That the Draft Report as amended be concurred in.
After debate the motion was agreed to on division.
On motion of lan Murray, it was agreed, on division, — That the Chair present the Seventh
Report to the House at the earliest possible opportunity.
On motion of lan Murray, it was agreed, on division, — That pursuant to Standing
Order 109, the Committee request that the Government table a comprehensive response
to this report within one hundred fifty (150) days.
On motion of lan Murray, it was agreed, on division, — That the Chair be authorized to
make such typographical and editorial changes as may be necessary without changing the
substance of the Draft Report to the House.
On motion of lan Murray, it was agreed, — That 550 copies of the Report be printed in
both English and French in tumble format.
On motion of lan Murray, it was agreed, — That the Committee authorize the printing of
the dissenting opinion of the New Democratic Party as an appendix to this report,
immediately following the signature of the Chair.
On motion of lan Murray, it was agreed, — That any dissenting opinion be limited to not
more than three pages.
97
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JWS sed Hop au S9U81/N9U09 e| JNS lo] SUN |] JUaWAranpiAIpUI sud sju811N9U09
se] JaBg}oid ep enb asoyo awigw e| sed jSe,u 29 ‘eoueinouos e| 16ejo14
: edno1 ua no juewuejenplAIpuI ‘Sjuaunouos sa] 196ajoud ap
Saslides SejuIeu B SUIOW9} Se] eUBINos ju0] WW, ‘sed uou je ejuelinouos snssesoid
9| 18S10ne, ep ja JeBsjoid ap jse souaunouos Be INS 107 e| ep un J}°8fq0,]
9IU81/N2U02
E] INS JOT €] ap Selrequewe[dwuos suonisodsip je sejjenjaiyuos suonisodsiq
| ‘O9U91/1N9U09
ep sige US juswsjebe sie ‘sdJewWO0d ep ejjelu US juewuejnes uou senbijaueq
sjeye Sep ne e ‘(YNT1Y) uleouewe-piou efueyos-elqi| ap Plo99y] ap IAINS aja
e janba| ‘471. & 20216 sasijeas seBueuoe Sep uolesijesaqi| el ‘e|duaxs eg ‘g0UALINOUOD
e| JUBSHOARY JEYOOSU Jed no jueweisqep ‘inb sanbiod Sep juaydope s}usweuUJeAnob
se] enbsio| ‘sues one] suep juswaje6e enof eouepuedepiajui 0}99
Ol
‘[60:6:++ ‘ebpuje4oy pleuog] « sousunouos
e| INS 10[ eSIEANEUI Sun jUusUlesjUe sousiinouos e| INS SsJUoWefal sIennewu eq
‘eelWeld e] e1dW01109 ap jaye Jnod jueweune nb yusanos snjd e ejeo ‘SJenualinouognue
Suoue|Bsi ep ajdwoo euue} ejenb inod souaunouoo e ins 107 e| 1einjeuep
ep ejue} UO) enbsio] ‘Jaye uy ‘sed jueued Au ee nb 152,9 ‘jJuewuwenbey snid Awe
Inb 89 ‘sloja}no}| ‘suonouses ep aiue 29 ap seau saya sep suleues 1esueduio9
B JINOS }nod SOUSUNoUc2 B INS 107 E| ‘UoISe290] Y [‘‘] ‘eoueunouos e| ep ejjeJIA
e| Jounsse e ajnes ajj9 e sed }JJNS au aoUaL”INOUOD eB INS 107 e| » ‘sed ja} UN SUEG
[GL:01:++ ‘eBpiye4oyy pleuog] ‘suosies senne,p inod enaaud aja e Inb sousinouos
| 8p uoonpal ej 12611109 JOANOd sed au je apede} eun,nb euje.u jnad eoueiinouos
ep enbyod e7 ['‘] ‘exe 1861109 Jnod esoyo-pues6 eue, sed sioued jueanod
ou BOUBIINOUOD SP aJaljeu ue seaydope sanbnjod se] je Sic} Se] je ‘eouein2uo9
ep judsa| e e1I21}U09 }S9 ‘jPuoljEu no jeloUIAOJd Jos eyoIeW 29 enb ‘audJew
un & 19pP999,p JU811n9U09 UN ey9eduwue Inb uonejxuewefes auf ['''] ‘sousinouos
J8JAI| BS BP JIpJejuI ina] juotue/Bes un,nb soJed siew [‘'‘] sjenjuens sjueinouoo ep
ejne} sed uou ‘ajodouow un e ayod ej JIJAno jned UO ‘UONEULIOJSUEJ} EJ Bp Neanlu
ne ‘jeae ue SeWajgoid sap asned uo ‘xneloulAosdsa}ul SebueYydE $a} ji] UO IS
: eduexe Jed ‘jorued
}921109 UN,P 291 9B] Janof xneiw ne jned aja ‘eoueinouoo ep enbjod eB e juenn
[S0:LL:8+ ‘uosispues je1e61en] ‘esudenue] 1suuonouoy Op
jenbnp nyueaA ue Je6e] auped 9] 21e assind Inb 10] aun ‘aouaNdDUOD e| INS 2pIJOS lO]
euuoq aun,p uIoSaq SUOAe snou enb sulolwW Sed 3}S81 US,u |} ‘JP 2199 ‘29U91IN9U09
e| 21PUI91}S91 Bp }S2 ‘UOU NO 219q1[9p HOS [I nb ‘sye}Nse! Sep uN ‘SJUSJIOJIP SJjow
sap inod SaJejuouua/Bai SUO9ISei sunaisnjd aydope juewiauieAnoË 8] JUeANOS
[""] ‘eouesinouos epues6 snid aun JaswoAej ap suodej sesneiquou ap e À ||
: SUONENYUS Saja} Op SUEP 9 ‘BOUSIINOUOD e| JUAUBI1S91 ‘eoUeLSApeU!
Jed no juaweaJeqiep Jos 29 enb ‘sajejuswaeuseAnob senbijod seureyeo ‘Je, oq
[GO:LL:8ÿ ‘Paul epeued sajyeloossy
JeAlH See) ‘uosiapueS joleBsey\] ‘eoVeuINDUOD E INS 107 E| JUaWA}e|dWOd
sinofnoy sed juaoejdwe: eu senbnjod seo ‘juepueded ‘ueuse yodsuel
np eujsnpul| no eee] aujsnpul,; suep SJUSWISUUOISN} sep 9818 J8S0dW09
ap aioe) snjd }I21S |! ‘UOEUOJSUEI} op ye] ap sejonb Se) ins Se[BIOUIAOIdISJUI
SUOI}OLUISe1 SeWgW Se] Sed SUOIAe,U snou IS NO ehejoged ap else Us a}USIE}JIP
anbiyjod aun yeae epeued 8j IS ‘UOSIe1 }!e) E JNO} ZaAe SNOA ‘JIed ap jUOA [Sala]
yeBesiAue SB] SUOLIASP snou enb |sule 52,2 je ‘jueyelduos as [sejje nb] esued af
: SalleJuouw9|6a1 sajoe}sqo
se JUQUUaIAINS enbsio| seed snsqns sep sed juos ou salle ‘salejueuua|duo9
juos eouainouoo ep enbjod e| je eoueunouoo ej enb IBIA jso IS
"JUSLU9}e!PSwWWI
Je jueuwenbyeuoyne sInouede,s e sed eAleu eouelinouos El] ‘saJiezuoue/fai no
senbiBojouy98} sajoe}sqo Sep UOSIE1 US NO El] aleyuoueaduos enbrijod aun Jasnejsul jney
| “ajuesyyns sed }se,U SeAeIUS SUES BDUANOUOD BUN ‘SIOJ9}NO | ‘[sZ:oL:pp ‘eBpujye sony
peuog] ‘« sajoejsqo,p edA 92 ouoduinb ‘sjuelinouos xnesAnou ep uoneseuod e|
e ejqissod sajoejsqo,p sulow 9] & À |! NO ‘HEANO Je 81] SUTIEUI UN }S8,9 ‘SINSJEUIWOSUON
xne 11yo essind uonb uonsejoid aunayiew e| » juenbesuos Jeq [cz:0L:++ ‘eBpLJO ON
peuog] « xud sinajjiew xne synpoid sunajjiow Se| sue xne 1110 inod 3s9,0 ‘a}sixe
99US1IN9U09 E] IS “uly eun e JIUaAed JNod UsAOW un nb }se,U SOUSUNDUOD B| » anb auuiye
juo sulouue} se] ‘nel ap aaujua,g ‘ejuesseiaqu uoysenb eun sa ‘ed e1jNe,p ‘souslnouc,
e| ep Op aj je enbjod ej je ‘Wed eunp ‘eouelinouocs e| eus UOoElequl,]
aoua1n9u09 ap enbijod e] 39 BDUSIINDUOD EB] 21jU8 UONDE19}U|
‘anbsajuefif Se ayoe} e7
[SZ:oLer
‘Ula}SUBYOUI-4} UOA peJUOY] *8}X9}U09 29 SUP BdUaJINOUOD e| JaINSSe JUSLULWOD
Japueweap as jned uo Je ‘seouepuadoepiejulp je SUOIE|S1ISJUIP JUSWEUIOUS 8919
aIWOUO98 I}@ANOU 27 ‘979 ‘Xneesas sinelsnid e À |! Uelq NO ‘ejUeUIWOP uonsod es
ap Jesnqe jned neesai Un 2/91}U09 INb Inj89 }3 “XNeesel Bp eIWOUO,S BUN }S8,, ‘}IE}
uy ‘sayuedno9oa1d yo sanbiysii9}oesed sinalsnid SuoduO9 eIWOU098 8[jeAnou eT
: BDUSIINOUOD B| ap sebueyo
9y0}Ne,| JNod je soueJinouos e| JnNod sewiejqoid ep alles aidoud es esod xnesse1 se] INS
EPUOJ SILUOUODS OUN ‘SIOJ9}NO} ‘SeWOU Sep INS epuajue ss UO, enb abixe sinejesi]n,p
xneaesel XNSIQUIOU ap soUs]sixa| ‘aljenjoe eILWOUO099 | INS UOIEWUOJUI,| Bp SeiBojoUuYdeE}
SOP je Ssinesse901doJ9I SOP SJIEUUOIINIOAS! 99] ep nue} a}dwoo ‘snid aq
[OL:OL: py ‘UO}aLeD Ss}ISISAIU)
‘o6pine49n pjeuog] ‘e6es san sed juawejqeqod jsa,u inb 30 ‘sayiqissod sao
ap a}dwoo sed jual} ou UO Ssieyy ‘sue a1jenb no sioJ} SuUep 2109U8 NO ‘Wap je Sue
xnep suep auinpoid as ap sajqijdaosns }U0S 29U21/N9U09 E| SBP SUOIJN|OAS,P SAUOS
seyno] ‘eine, ap enb jopnid 9399 un,p suonednssoa1d sap souejeq e| Jeuyoued
auley jnod 2/29 ‘seo suleyeo suep ‘siewW ‘UBJUIO] doi} JIU8AR UN 1nS Jaououoid
as sed ajineA au neang 9 enb aipuaidwod xned ef ‘alloiyip Se] 212 ned
2/99 ‘eu9Jeu Np sunjonjs e| Suep jueweBueuyo np ayns Jed aunpoid es eA inb 29
211p91d ep aiesse UO ‘JUeWeUUOISN} a] DAA ‘Soda Bs jned UO sjenbxne sajqibue}
Se} Sep no snbuojsiy un ajsiXe || Sejjenbse] inod seaisnge senbijeid seuieuies e
jueue1IE1}U09 ‘SJUSWSUUOISN; Sep asfjeue| e Sa}UdJAYU! S9}|NOIWJIP Sep aun, JS2,9
: Jeouenu ep euodul || ‘SiojaynNo |
[0£:6:9+ ‘1ejunH uosme]] 'jueysui
inod lo] e] Suep ajdwoo ue asud uelq }os uoenouul] anb Jns sed sins eu af
‘SIOJO]NO| JUESYINS S91} 21j9 UeIQq Jeunod 29 ‘senne,p sueq ‘Buo] don Jos 29 anb
ned as || ‘lou UOj8S ‘sinajoes SUI2J199 SUEQ ‘Sue xnap juewejeseuef 159,9 ‘neaing
9] INOd “PYyoeW 8] INS a1npoid as ap sajqndeosns sjueweBueuo xne Jenolle sdue]
9P U8lquiO9 JIOAeS Bp UoSenb e| SUEP 1n8}98 UN JUSANOS }S9 E[29 Jo ‘SeyoueW Sap
ules Ne UOHeEAOUU!| 8 Soueuoduul,p eBejuenep ‘sjueuue|fei sa] suep jos ‘lo] e] suep
JOS “JBUUOP SUOASP SNOU ‘neaing 9] 2818 HS9U09 aq ‘UOJEAOULI | & soueuoduul p
jusuWesiINS sed eplo99e,u janjoe }lo1p a] enb yey 9 Jed adnosoaid Sins ar
: SUOI}SENb saune p je sJuewiesuuolIsn,
Sep UeWEXe] SUEP SOUSIINOUOO e| Bp Neeing e| euuop es enb sue xnep ap uOZUOY|
gsneo US SUOIHelUes Snou enb yeipnez || ‘ejduexs 124 ‘eouenouos e| op sebHieyo
gywojne,| nod sep XneeAnou ap juetueleBse jueujenus Senbluouoss se1Boid seq
[SS:0L:€r
‘UI9}SUBHOU!4 UOA PeJUOY] ‘ajqeynbe sigiueW ap aie, 9] Ne} |! sie ‘ejins ap sue
2 UONUBAU! 81301 ep Za}Jo1d SNOA enb JeULOU }Se || “JIOANOd 21j0A ep asnge zane
SNOA JUSWS|ISUSSST ‘SUUSIPEUEI 8IWOUO99 suep sebenes Sap asneo zane SNOA
‘gees uF ‘je1ou96 jueweddojsnsp 9] zeAeïue SNOA ‘os 29 enb Inb dane Jabeyed
2] ep ZeSnjei SNOA enb ja jueuoduui snid ayoueW UN,p 8j9 e| JS@ UONUBAUI 21J0A
enb esed ‘enb suowljse snou seo seies senbjenb suep ‘ued eune.q ‘ajqeyinbeul
J3IA9| np uolsenb ej e euono] Inb #9 Jnod elloA ‘xd 9a JeAed ua e sasodsip
JUOS S|! ‘Jasi|I}N,| JUBINBA SUaBh se] enb je uoqueaul 2729 ep aureJeudoid a] saya SNOA
SWWOD ‘UOHUSAUI BJJOA DEAE JIOA e uals juefe,u JeAojop eBejuee un,p 1e]o1d
e }8 SoU9JEU sajne.p ins Jasodw! SNOA e jeipneanbe inb aieiuewu eun,p siwued
SOA sed Zelps9 eu SNOA Anb 29 e suollIeA SNON (aile, zenanod snoA anb asoud)
uonesijn p SIWJod Sep Ze}U2SU09 SNOA ]UOP Ode} e| ‘AEP! 21JOA ZSIEIDIEUWILUON
SNOA JUOp UOŸE, e| JS2,9 ‘SuouIWEXE snou anb asoyo ajaiweid e7 [‘] vesnge
US,p }I01p 8] Sed auuop SNOA eu 88}II| 891Np eUN,p ajodouoW un juaWwaljauasse
en}}SU09 Inb 29 ap 1esodsip ‘sioyeyno] ‘uorsaenb js8 || JUOP JenJoalejut Ueiq a]
UOJSS SULA U0192]01d Bp epouod 27 ‘91jqnd aulewop 8] SUP aquUO} Bap! 2104 lonb
saide ‘o9}Wl| 291np aun Jnod asajuod Sa SNOA ajeudoid ap jloip 29 ‘ediounud al]
JUBLUB]||9!JUBSSO E]]S2,9 ‘12}Jo1d ue 10Anod ZaAap inb SNOA 358,9 ‘JenJ98][eJUI |IPARI}
| He} Zone IND SNOA }S2,9 BWIWOD ‘Je9UuEUI; Se] je 19812918 WWO9 Sa] Zalssind SNOA
anb Jnod ‘saap! SOA ins ajel1do1d ap WOup Un JU818JU09 SNOA Salje ‘pioqe.q ‘2119,p
suosies xnap ajquiasua, Suep UO ayjanjoayjajul ajaiudoud ap auaijew ue sioj seq
‘yuoueb
e| Inb xneo ap soUaLINOUOD eB] JUBSIIOAR} IND sueweyodio9s saj jueweyeu JenBunsip
ep euodui |! ‘siojepno} ‘anbiesd ej suep enb euoeu] e] SUep ueliq IssNe Sexa|dWOd juos
QOUSIINOUOD | INS 9 ayjanyooyjayu! ajelidoid ej ins Senbi}jod sa; a1jue soosepejul seq
[SZ:OL:€p ‘ula}suayOUI4 UOA peiuoy] ‘jUsANOS Snid ue snid ap 1ejueseid es
eA Inb ewejqoid un ej 1S8,9 anb ajqwas [*"] ||,nb eo1ed ‘soueJNOUOD ej sp awibas
a] je ayjenyoayjayul gjeudoid ej ap aewibei 9 jUessiBbeseyu! JUOP UOSE] E] S20119811P
soul Sa] suep enboAs sUuoAE SNON ‘UsIg UN,p UONeSI|I}N,| JUSJILUI] SI! ‘UONIUHSP Jed
‘Sueodui snjd ua snjd ep jusuUaIASp ajjenpoelejut ajedoud ej uns syoup sa[7 1]
: Said snjd ap seultuexe 2132 p ajiotu Inb soepajul uN ej e
À || eenpalau a2udoid ap jloup un,p jefqo,| jueAnoS ju07 xneeanou synpoid seq
[GL:0L:9+ ‘uopAeio » sjesse) ‘ayeI1g ‘ejunH uosme7] 1869jod se]
ap Jeiejui eujou suep }os |Inb sed asued eu ef ja ‘suoieBioy ap dnooneeq sed ejsau
au || ‘‘‘UIeJe} np pied uoyesiueB10,p BuO} eun nb je SetUgW Se] }UOS nef np sabes
se] anbsJo] ‘siojayno| ‘eouelnouos es J80/8x8 essind juepuedepui Jeloide anb
je Sno} inod seweui sa] juelos nef np se|Bei se enb yey |! Jed ‘sJUeAJE}U!,P SUOASP
snou snou ‘ene,p euuosiod JauUOCISIAOJdde,U ap jIP Jn8| Je SINESSIUINO} sep
ule e| BOO} B}UeUIWOP uoijisod eun,p juessinof aecid9,p eueuo e| onb o9Jed
9S9| }S9 |LS ‘19}J01d Ud BA INa}BWILWOSUOD 8] IS J2pPUEWSP aS Ne} |! eduoo np 1noq
ny ‘neaanou adf} ap se Inb uoresiueBlo,p au10} e| S8,9 sioyed siew ‘xneeanou
sapa9oid ap no sjnpoid ap Seule} US UONEAOUUI] e suosued snon ‘ajueyodu!
sai jueunod 35e Inb ‘ajjeuuonesiueBlo UOeEAOUU!,| J91|GNO 8 BOUepUs} SUOAE SNON
: BQUBIINDUOD 2p a1aeuu US eudoidde 218}19
np uoneoyjdde| ap je ajeuuonesiueBio uoeAouul] Bp JUa|NODEP Inb sabejueNe Se] 909
ne ajeddei juo sulowa} seq ‘xnelquou snid SUaUeXxa,p }° suoissaid ap jelqo,| }Uose}
Q0UALINDUOD EJ INS 107 e| ap SUonISOdsIP Se] }@ ‘eX8}U09 NESANOU 89 suep Jajuetubne,p
juanbsu saaisnge senbiyeid ap suoneBelle seq ‘(gjuew6ne uononpoid El onb ainsew
e sinu xneulbiew s}noo Sep SieA no sjueUI|Sep AJIUN] B S}NOD Sep sieA pue} IND }n09
ap aunjonujs aun) sjueoduui snjd SJUESSIO19 2|2U929,P SJueuepuel sep JU2ANnOS au9IJe
sno9 Sep ainjonjs e| nb eynsai ua || Uononpoid ep SN09 Se] Jessieq Jueuwaledde
ye} enbiBojouyos} juawebueyd 9 ‘sine}9es Se] Sno} SUEP ‘siojajno|, ‘siewefl
anb sainp eunos snjd ep aja juowejebe ejquies eyoewW uN INS s}UBUILUOP uonIsod
e7 juenesedne ajsixe sieuuel }IeAe,U ejje no e| 1nouede,s sioued jned sdUualINDUOD e| Je
‘sassiege aij@ JuaANed seuueloue snjd Sel}snpul Se] jualeeBajoid inb s299e] e sajoe}sqo
$2] ‘Sal}SNpuI SajjeAnou ap Jed eulon ‘uOONposd ap sepgooid ja senbiBbojouyoe} suaAow
‘slinpoid xneaAnou ses ap apnyinw ej Jed sgsuejeses ‘onbiuueuAp elWouo9s aun JS9
inejou 1nod uoneAOUUI, je Juewepuo, Inod souessIeuuo, e] e INb elouose eun
[sv:6:0S ‘HsIOueg Son] ‘enbjueuyne soue1inouos eun 1jueseb
e SO9BUI]SOP SOUSIINOUOD E] INS SIO] Se[qe}u9A ap anb jomnid ‘s18Bue1s s}UsIINDUOD
sep juawiujep ne jueoBejuene soj ua sajeuoleu seujsnpul sep JelBsllaud
ep je ejeusnpu enbnjod aun JasuoAe} ap sueAOW sep jnoyns juan}}SU09
nb sunaisnid Je}10 ue SNOA sieunod af ‘apuoW 2] suep 1nanBIA ue 89u8211Nn9U09
e| ins sio| senbjenb 32 08 sa !lwuedg “adUeIINOUDD e| BP OJP 2p WeANod
snos e[euoljeu a}snpul,| ap uoyowold ep enbyjod aun — jUaJayJIP juaws}e|du09
ep esoyo enbjenb e sed uou je ‘«eouelinouo9 e| ep joip» suojedde
snou enb 29 e said ned e puods21109 e9ue1in9u09 e] ap jloip a} juop shed
un,p si6e,s yop |! ‘shed anne un 9e1e suoisdooo snou Is ‘anb juendns uonueuu
aun 10] ap Jeloid np exe] 2] Suep einjouip uoq e1a-neod ouop ze1eBnf snoA
: 4eBueye sed un suep soue1inouoo
e| ep 2961eu9 ajioyne] 9018 1e}i21} jne} |INnbsio] juenbiduuoo as sasoyo seq ‘euuiy5el
Jueweyeued eXe}]U09 UN SUeP Ua} p ine] e Sajanes sed juoJes eu syuaweuiesuel
S90 enb npuejue juej9 ‘eoueljUO9 2}n0} US BOUdIINOUOD eB] Bp Nesaing ne sje} SO] J21JUO
JIOANOd ap SEUlepysd aJ}g JUSAIOP SE]eID0S Seq ‘jONpod je xnanjon4y Jos snsseoold el
enb 1nod jeyA jualpeubul ‘« aguuojul uonelsoBou » ej e 20816 jUQWeOeOIe je juewepidel
SnJOS9i JUOS ‘SUIOW np epeued ne ‘sjIAIO enjeu ap Spuelayip sap uednid e7
[SY:6:0S ‘499g » pie ‘saIneq ‘sioinieg SolN] ‘€g6L ue uononpoid
ing] 38 eyosew ap Yed Jne] JUEUISOUOI Soouuop se] anb sajeol|ap snid dnoonesq
SUOHEUOJUI SBP JUOS 29 ‘Synpoid sina] ep uONeJoge|9,| je G-y ep sewweuBoid
sina] ‘seyoedeo sina) ‘esudenuep suejd sina| : sesudenue Sep 9yyenjoe|
jueuono} Inb ‘sejueinoo SUOIJEWOJU! Sep juos sJalssop sel] }U9U19)991109 1enje19 jo
Selieye SED INS 18jenbue Jnod uioseq e neaing el juop SUOI}EUIOJUI Sa] ja June |
op eued uo ‘Jaljnowed ua sJueWeuuoIsn sa ‘ajueuILuop uorsod ep snqe.p seo
Se] ‘SOIIAID SasIeye Se] Suep anb sioje ‘assed 9] anjjsuooeu uO ‘sino[no} sed slew
Jeaue jNad e89 ‘eouelinouos e| ap and ap quiod np S9}29119p Jueweelnoued
sed juos eu Inb suoyewloquip yes || ‘JUSANOS ‘jueAe sue GL no OL assed
152, Inb 99 ‘sjayeo soi ep je, |Inbsio] ‘ewaw no ‘juene ue un assed 1s9, inb
29 JusWa|el9ugb6 euiWuexe UO ‘sajeUuad sauleye se] Sue ‘BOUBLINOUOD el] ap yop
NP NO {REASIULUPE }OJP NP ‘IAD OJP Np Juensjai sauleye sa] suep anb seau
Se] Sed juos eu sajeuod sauleye sap suep ajduioo ua 91pu8id e suonesapisuoo sa]
- Sueodui snjd dnooneag juos S}ENUSPIUOD
ep xnelue se] ‘Sell Sauleye se] sueq ‘8lI98} aye} oun sed elas eu 30 ‘S1OJO]NO |
; ‘69 “d “6661 JILIN! OZ ‘suondo
Aood ‘« {yeBpng AWANONpold y PeeN epeueo saoq » ‘jalueq ‘Jayjos] JIOA ‘sjueHoduw! sjusweassieqe,p
g19ygueq juo Inb sejeo suep aguue Jed % G'‘L ap jo ‘suakow saslejue} sjuawassieqe,p ajyoid juo inb
SOl}SNPU! S98] SUEP GEEL Je 8861 e1jus seuue Jed % 9'O AP an199e jsa,s a}IANONpOJd e] ‘Jayjor) [alu U0JeS
‘18J9p ne eju8A e] JUBWA}a|dWOD JIUSAUO9I119 AP ‘S2SOU9 SaJjne AJJUe Ja SEO SUIEUO9
SUEP ‘eye JNOd e jeuieju]] enb sipue} ‘uosiesAI| Bp je euejuenuI p sewueysÂs xNeaAnou se] je « sdiue} e ejsnf »
uononpoid e] Dane ‘|leJ9p ap 2918WW09 Np ajUeLOdWw! 29104 aUn SnUaAap juos 29euns apueJB e suIseBeW seq
‘ZTE ‘d ‘8661 Suew ‘enbiuouo2a
aISSN91 E] EP J198S : SIAHONPOId 7 ‘BIA Bp NeeAlU Np 2pnje,p ayjUaD JIOA 'SeOINeS ep sesidamue
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