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Please enter a valid web address * About * Blog * Projects * Help * Donate * Contact * Jobs * Volunteer * People * Sign up for free * Log in Search metadata Search text contents Search TV news captions Search radio transcripts Search archived web sites Advanced Search * About * Blog * Projects * Help * Donate Donate icon An illustration of a heart shape * Contact * Jobs * Volunteer * People Full text of "The Terrible Secret " See other formats LIARARV CAaTalım ING IN PUBLICATION DATA CONTENTS Intr: duction ı Germany: A Wall of Silence? 2 The Neutrals Unanimous and Reliable eports lies: "Wild Rumours Inspired by Jewish The A Fea Ihe News from Poland The Jews in Nazi-occupied Europe: Denial and Acceptance 6 World Jewry: From Geneva to Athlit Conclusion Appendices 1. The Abwehr Connection Press Comments on the Holocaust in Nazi- occupied Europe Ihe British Foreien Office and the News from Poland, July-December 1942 Ihe Department of State and the United Nations Declaration of 17 December 1942 Ihe Missions of Jan Karski, Jan Nowak and Tadeusz Cheiuk \ Note on Sourcı Chapter Note Index Stiftelsen norsk Okkupasjonshistorie, 2014 2 The Terrible Secret entire world was deeply shocked and, as the military govern- ment'newspaper said, united in its resolve ‘to wipe Belsen offthe face ofthe earth’. The British officers, the Germans living in the nearby little towns of Winsen and Schwarmstedt, the whole world had been taken unaware by the incredible spectacle that was Belsen. The correspondent of a British paper began his dispatch on Belsen as follows: ‘It is my duty to describe something beyond the imagination of mankind.’ The case ofBelsen was unbelievable for more than one reason. Three years had passed since the world had first been informed about the existence of extermination camps. There had been much detailed information about the names of these camps, their location, the millions who had been killed there, even the namesofthe commanders had been published. But, like Captain Sington, virtually no one had ‘imagined what a camp would be like’. And thus Belsen triggered off’a wave of violent anger even though, ironically, it was not an extermination campat all, not even a concentration camp, but a Ärankenlager, a sick camp - though admittediy, the only cure offered to the patients who entered the camp was death. The camps in which systematic extermination had been practised had-ceased to function months earlier. In comparison with thedeath camps, Belsen was almost an idyllic place; there were no gas chambers in Belsen, no mass executions, death was merely by disease and starvation. But at the time it was considered the greatest possible abomination, and the Juckless commanders and guards of Belsen were the first to be brought to trial; their colleagues who had been in charge of the death camps in the East were to appear in court only many years later and some would never be judged. Some had died or disappeared, others were too,.old or t00 sick, the witnesses had forgotten or died, too‘ much'time had passed. There had been a steady flow ofinformation, but it had quite obviously not registered. Or had it been perhaps a case of’some vague rumours which could not be given credence because there was no way to verify them? There is, in short, an unsolved problem. In this book I have tried to provide answers to the following questions: when did the information about the “final solution’ first become known to Jews and non-Jews? Through what channels was it transmitted? Introduction Ey What was the reaction of those who received the news? On one hand this is a study in the flow of wartime information which shows that Nazi Germany was not a hermetically closed society, that despite secrecy and disinformation the “final solution’ was an open secret almost from the beginning. But it also touches on wider cognitive questions: what is the meaning of“to know’ and *to believe’? The problem was put most succinctly by Judge Frankfurter in a meeting during the war with Jan Karski, a Polish emissary recently arrived, who told him about the mass slaughter in Europe. Frankfurter told Karski that he did not believe him. When Karskiprotested, Frankfurter explained that he.did not imply that Karski had in any way not told the truth, he simply meant that he could not believe him — there was a difference. This stüdy-grewout of an invitation to give the annual Leo Baeck lecture in New York on ı2 November 1979. I had read much about this most tragic period in the history of the Jewish people. But I am not a professional student ofthe “final solution’ and I have been writing about it only rareiy and with reluctance. Nevertheless, the question “What was known?’ and ‘Why was it not believed?” had increasingly preoccupied me in recent years, and this for two different reasons. First, because it is still one of the riddies making the understanding of the catastrophe so difficult; secondly, because it is, ofcourse, directly connected with a more general issue, that ofthe denialofreality, the psychological rejection of information which for one reason or another is not acceptable. This, up to a point, may well be a normal defence mechanism. For it is, ofcourse, impossible tolive while constantly expecting the worst; even the greatest hypochondriac does not really believe in his own impending death. Men freely believe, as Julius Caesar and many others have noted, that which they desire, and there is enormous resistance against accepting what is highly undesirable. But beyond a certain point, facing incontrovertible information such an attitude becomes difficult to comprehend. What is the reason for the inclination among otherwise normal, sometimes even highly intelligent, human beings to deny reality, however glaring? Clearly it is a question of judgment rather than the intellect. Judgment can be affected by a great many factors: ideological prejudice may be so strong as Stiftelsen norsk Okkupasjonshistorie, 2014 a wat are nn nn a he nn 4 The Terrible Secret to exclude all 'ınwelcome information; a mood, such as unwarranted optimism or pessimism, may influence it and there are a great many other possibilities. Whatever the reason, such behaviour is still mysterious and the mystery deepens ifthe issues at stake are not events of marginal importance or in some far- away country but very real dangers to the survival of one’s group or oneself. To return to the information about the “final solution’: Ihad rashiy assumed that, the spade work having been done, I would be able to marshal the evidence in a more or less orderly manner and then present my conclusions. I soon realized that far less preparatory work had been done than I had thought, that the evidence was immense and often contradictory, that much important material had never been critically analyzed, partly because it had not been available until recently, and that other evidence was not accessible even now and perhaps never would be. lalsorealized that it would be a vain undertaking to aim ata systematic, comprehensive survey of all the facts.pertaining to this subject. For the news was transmitted through dozens of channels and came from thousands ofindividuals, very. often by word of mouth. Even when there was at one time a written record, it frequently did not survive. The history of the two most important channels of inform- ation will never be written. Thisrefers above all to the networks of Polish, Hungarian and Slovak smugglers, old and young, professional and part-time, Jewish and non=Jewish, who brought news to the ghetto, transmitted messäges to individuals and communities and even went, for a.great deal of money, on special missions searching for people who had disappeared. They maintained something akin to a private messenger service throughout the war. But the regular mails also continued to function in wartime Europe, a fact which isfrequentiy overlooked. Letters and postcards were sent from one Polish town to another, and also from Nazi-occupied Europe to neutral ° countries. Some of these letters still exist and they show that wherever the postal services were working information could be transmitted within a lew days, or at most weeks, following any important event. But only a fraction still exists. For every one of which we know there may have been ten or more which were lost. For each kept in a public collection, there may be many in Introduction 5 private hands. Hence I decided early on in my work to restrict myself to examples and illustrations. Such a selective approach can always be criticized. Unfortunately there can be no other in view of the immense amount of evidence. But the real difhculties only start at this point. The fact that a letter was written, reached the addressee and was read does not by itself mean verymuch. It certainly does not signify that certain information had become public information. Even the publication ofa newsitem in the legal press, or a fortiori in illegal newspapers, is not conclusive proof that it was attentively read and indeed belicved. The fact that some important news was radioed by the Polish underground to London does not necessarily mean that'the British War Cabinet knew about it. Perhaps the information was read only by a few Polish officials but was not passed’on; perhaps it was transmitted to the Special Operations Executive (SOE) or the Foreign Office intelligence but shelved there by some middle-level bureaucrats because it was thought to be oflow priority. It is usually difficult to prove whether some specific item of information was widely cir- culäted. It is almost impossible to say whether it was believed. Butifthere is no certainty there are still degrees ofprobability. The arrival of one letter in a community counting many thousands does not mean much, whereas the impact of the arrival of many letters containing the same. message cannot easily be dismissed. The publication of a news story or the receipt ofa message through diplomatic or intelligence channels is not necessarily a matter of great consequence especially if it runs counter to all previous experience. But ifthere are repeated accounts from independent sources, the recipient will be compelled to pay attention. He may still reject the information but he can no longer ignore it. In this study I cover the period between June 1941, the German invasion ofthe Soviet Union, and the end of 1942. The importance ofboth dates asmajor landmarks can be disputed. It can be argued that the real turning point was the Wannsee Conference of January 1942, and ıhat since the major extermi- nation camps began to operate only in summer of 1942, no significant information could have possibly come out of Eastern Europe before that date. I once shared this view but I no longer do so. Stiftelsen norsk Okkupasjonshistorie, 2014 u net man ann eh 6 The Terrible Secret The Wannsee Conference was the occasion on which Eichmann convened leading representatives of various German ministries whose help he needed to expedite the “final solution’. It was an important new stage, but it was not the beginning. In the six months preceding this conference more than half a million Jews had already been killed by the special ss units, the Einsatzgruppen, and the first extermination centre (Chelmno) already functioned. If the Einsatzgruppen had continued their murderous activities on the same scale throughout the war, four million Jews would still have been killed. These units did not engage in pogroms but in systematic murder, and for this reason it is implausible to disregard events before January 1942. It will be argued that the decision to conclude my story in December 1942 is arbitrary. History is a seamless web and therefore all periodization is arbitrary, and yet lines have to be drawn somewhere. By December 1942 the Jewish institutions outside Europe had declared days of mourning and the United Nations had confirmed the news about the massglaughter in a common declaration. The news had been broadcast all over the world and featured in all major newspapers outside, Nazi- occupied Europe. The majority of,Jews in Eastern Europe knew, so did millions of Germans and other residents.of Nazi-occupied Europe. Every European government had heard the news, ifnot 'necessarily most ofits citizens. Thusa good case can be made for concluding the story in late 1942, even though many learned about the “final solution’ only in later years; someäfter all, refuse _ to accept it to this day.* The questions posed in this book cannot be answered in a general way. T'he fact that some information became known in *During 1943 and early 1944 ıhe mass murder did not figure prominently in the neutral and Allied media, nor did Allied official declarations mention.it frequently. Many American and British Jews realized the full extent fthecataströphe only during the last year of the war and many non-Jews only after the war had ended. It has been noted that in January 1943, after the Allied declaration condemning Nazi atrocities against the Jews, more ıhan half (he American citizens asked in a poll did not believe that the Nazis were deliberateiy killing the Jews. Resulis of a similar poll in late 1944 showed that most Americans stilt believed that fewer than 100,000 Jews had been exterminated. Not oo much political importance should, however, be attributed tosuch polls which have shown time and time again a regrettable lack ofinformation about facts and figures in general including, for instance, the size of ıhe population of the United States or cven their home state or town. They do not invalidate ihe case against carrying the story beyond December 1942. For the purpose of this study is to establish why information which was available was not believed. Introduchn - 4 the Warsaw ghetto does not mean that it was also known in Lodz or Vilna, let alone among the Jews of Berlin, Amsterdam or Saloniki. Ifthe Swedish Government received certain news in July 1942 this does not imply that the Red Cross or British intelligencesalso.heard about it soon afterwards. I had to divide my.sürvey into five broad sections, dealing first with Germany, its allies and satellites, then with the neutrals who in many ways had unique sources ofinformation. I then deal with the channels through which the Allies learned about it, and in the last part with the knowledge of the Jews inside Nazi-occupied Europe, and those outside (in the US, Britain and Palestine). Lastly I devote a special section to Poland; this was the country in which most of the slaughter took place and from which most of the information came. Someoverlapping between these sections has been unavoidable; Ichave tried to keep it to a minimum. It should be made clear once again that this is a study not about the holocaust - a term singularly inappropriate* - not about aid, rescue or resistance, not about the behaviour of Jews, Nazis and Allies, but about a far more limited topic. Ina general book about the ‘final solution’ not only the emphasis might have been different but very likely also my judgment; this concerns groups of people as well as individuals. The main question in this study is whether the news was suppressed or.not, and whether it was believed. It is perfectly true that some ofthose who had been the first to sound the alarm later did little or nothing to help the remaining Jews, whereas some who had initially refused to believe the news did a great deal to aid them later on. There are other books dealing with these issues and the literature is still growing. Difhiculties of research and organization quite apart, there is one main pitfall in a work of this kind: the temptations of hindsight. Nothing is easier than to apportion praise and blame, writing many years after the events: some historians find the temptation irresistible. But the ‘final solution’ more perhaps than any other subject should be approached in a spirit of caution and even humility. It is very easy to claim that everyone should have known what would happen once Fascism came t0 * Holokaustein’ means to bring a {wholly) burnt offering; it was not che intentton of'the Nazis to make a sacrifice ofthis kind, and ıhe position of the Jews was noı that ofa ritual victim. : Stiftelsen norsk Okkupasjonshistorie, 2014 8 The Terrible Secret power. But such an approach is ahistorical. Nazism was an unprecedented phenomenon. In Fascist Italy, with allitsevils, it is also true that during the twenty years of its existence some twenty enemies of the state (or of Mussolini) were actually executed, and of those some had, in fact, engaged in terrorist action. There was no precedent in recent European history for the murderous character of German National Socialism and for this reason most contemporaries were caught unprepared. To understand this reluctance not oniy in Britain and the United States but also inside Germany and even among the Jews themselves to give credence to the news about the mass murder, one ought to consider the historical impact of the atrocity propaganda in the First World War. While this had not, of course, been the first war in which allegations had been made of widespread massacres and unspeakable cruelty, such propaganda campaigns had never before been conducted systematically on such a large scale. Both sides engaged in such ‚propaganda, but the British and French with much greater effect than the Germans who felt aggrieved that they were losing the battle of words even though they had made a valiantefort to charge their enemies (and especially the Eossacks in East Prussia} with every possible crime. Western allegations of German atrocities began with the violation of Belgian neutrality by the-Germans in August 1914. The Germans, it was said, had ravished women and even young children, impaled and crucified men, cut off tongues and breasts, gouged eyes and burned down whole villages. These reports were not only carried in sensationalist newspapers but also endorsed by leading writers from John Buchan and Arthur Conan Doyle to Arnold Toynbee, to mention but a few.’ This propaganda continued throughout 1914 and 1915, decreased somewhat in intensity in 1916, but reached a new peak in April 1916 when the British press began to /publish news and comments about the use of the corpses of fallen soldiers by the Germans for the production oflubricants such as glycerine and soap. As an afterthought, probably for the benefit of China and the Muslim countries, it was added that pig food was also made of the corpses. There were indeed such installations in Germany {Kadaververwertungsanstalten) but they were processing animals’ rn a ar aa ie eaean. er tm Ah Tansania ea a Fa) = Sakırz ariemn mus ne neh Introduction 9 cadavers not human corpses. However, such news items were not the exception; even highly reputable newspapers such as the Financial Times carried stories according to which the Kaiser himselfhad ordered the torturing ofthree-year-old children and had personally specified what tortures should be applied. The Daily Telegraph reported in March 1916 that the Austrians and the Bulgarians had killed 700,000 Serbs using asphyxiating gas. Some readers probabiy remembered these stories when in June 1942 the Daily Telegrapk was the first to report that 700,000 Jews had been gassed. For when the First World War had ended it soon appeared that many of these reports had either been invented — and some of the inventors admitted this much - or grossly exaggerated. The invasıon of Belgium had indeed been a war crime, many Belgian civilians had been executed by the Germans on charges of armed resistance which were frequently unproven„and there B gie een En a a ae a JE ann a an FEUER PRERES > Germany: A Wall of Silence? 29 reports originally went to some four hundred recipients. In _ January 1942 Hitler decided to cut:this number drastically. But even after this the circle of recipients was much wider than Hitler and Goebbels intended and furthermore there were many other secret information services for leading Nazi dignitaries. At aministerialmeeting in February 1942 State Secretary Gutterer announced that there were some hundred such services all of them ‘secret’ or ‘topssecret’ and some with a circulation of up to four thousand.*'® Little attention has been paid to the role ofthe railway in the “final solution’.'” The special deportation trains were com- missioned directly by the ss, more specifically by Eichmann’s section IV B4, in the Chief State Security Office (RsHA). The organization ofthe special trains in the middle ofa war involved a major logisticaleffort. Not only the most senior officials knew about it-butalso regional directors. There were meetings and conferences in which railway staff and railway and political police took part. It could, of ccurse, be argued that the special trains were needed for nothing worse than the transfer of Jews to the East. But most ofthe extermination camps were near main lines, the trains entering and leaving the camps could be scen (and were photographed) from passing or stationary passenger trains. Auschwitz railway station was little over a mile from the place where people were actually killed. The burning of the corpses was done, as a railway employee put it after the war, more or less in public.'? But even those in the railway central offices who had never been near the camps were bound to reach the conclusion that Auschwitz had to be one oftthe biggest cities of Europe, if its inhabitants were still alive. Even the Allies, for reasons to be discussed later on, had to pay attention to this concentration of traffic in an unexpected direction. The number of people in Nazi Germany who had a full Picture was probably quite small, even by autumn of 1942. But hundreds of thousands, if not millions, had heard something from officers and soldiers on leave about the ‘very hard measures’ which figure in Bormann’s circular letter ofg October *To provide but. onc illustration: DNB, the official German news agency, circulated a daily (restricted} bulletin which was read by hundreds of high officials. On 22 July 1942 the bulletin announced that there had been a mass demonstration of jews in Madison Square Gardens, New York, in protest against the murder of one million Jews. Pr Stiftelsen norsk Okkupasjonshistorie, 2014 Te 30 The Terrible Secret 1942 (for confidential information’) to Nazi Party senior sta members.'” Even a year earlier, on 25 October 1941, in a conversation between Hitler, Himmler and Heydrich, rumours among the population about the destruction of the Jews had already been mentioned. (“Public rumours attribute to usa plan to exterminate the Jews.‘)”® The fortnightily and monthiy reports of the sp {the Nazi party intelligence service), giving unvarnished public opinion surveys in the Third Reich, do not report any rumours at all about the ultimate fate of the Jews throughout the year 1942. In 1943, on the other hand, it published many such reports, mainly in connection with the Allied bombings and the murder ofthousands of Polish oficers by the Russians at Katyn. {We should not complain, the ss has done the same to the Jews’ etc., etc.)?! One does know, however, from many sources that there were such rumours in great numbers even in 1942 and it is unlikely that the eflicient sp could have missed them. It is not difhcult to explain this apparent paradox. The editor of the sp review, Dr Otto Ohlendorf, certainly knew allıthere was to know about the fate ofthe Jews: he had been commander of one of the Einsatzgruppen. But he also knew that while his reports went only to a limited number ofkey people in the Nazi hierarchy, this Iist was by no means identicalwith the group which knew all the details about the “final solution’. While Ohlendorf wanted to provide a candid review of public opinion, he was aware of the fact that there had to be limits_to his candour. Just as he could not'report a ‘rumour” (esgecially if true) about a forthcoming major military operation or a scientific breakthrough of military importance, he would not deal with a top secret of another kind. In r943, on the other hand, when the great majority of the Jews had already/been slaughtered, these restrictions apparently no longer applied. Knowledge about the fate of the Jews, insany case, was widespread even in eärly summer of 1942. Again one example will have to suffice. Mr Haas, a teacher in Niedernhausen (Odenwald), had forwarded to the Stürmer a letter written by Private First Class Lothammer reporting in some detail the killing of Jews in Jassy and in the southern Ukraine. But the letter was not published. One of the editors informed Haas in May 1942 that ‘out of certain considerations’ it was not always Germany: A Wall of Silence? gı possible now to publicize Jewish abominations.? The Stürmer had not been known for tact and delicacy of feeling prior to the outbreak of war. Why should it have shown such inhibitions in war time? Sapientt sat. Private Lothammer should not have written about the massacresinnthe first place, but army instructions were frequently ignored: the reports circulated by army censors almost regularly mention such transgressions. Furthermore, letters written by German and foreign civilians from the East were not subject to such restrictions. A few letters were intercepted, most were not. Of those who had heard that the Jews were killed most were not aware that gas was used. It was widely believed that the Jews were shot or burned or somehow killed by means of electrical shocks. Those who did know sometimes tried to mislead even the party @lite and theshigher state bureaucracy. Thus Dr Hans Frank, the head ofthe General Government, was not permitted to enter Belzec and Auschwitz. The language used even in the internal communications (except the progress reports of the Einsalzgruppen) hardly ever mentioned actual killings: hard measures were taken against the Jews, they were compelled to work hard, it was implied that many ofthem would probably die ofdisease and starvation. But the “final solution’ could mean after all a great many things other than violent death. In their conversations with neutral and satellite diplomatic representa- tives, leading Nazis never mentioned the murder ofthe Jews if a record was likely to be made ofthe conversation: the Jews were disappearing somehow, why discuss details which were neither particularly interesting nor important? Such ambiguities had a certain effect, but only on those who had no particular wish to know. Those who had witnessed the murder of a thousand people or heard about it from an unimpeachable source could still persuade themselves that this had been an exceptional case. They might even forget it; after all, a great many people were killed in the war, human life was cheap. But information continued to arrive from more than one source. Each successive.piece of evidence (as a pioneer of the detective story once wrote) would not just be proof added to proof, but proofmultiplied by hundreds or thousands. Thus, by the end of 1942, millions in Germany knew that the Jewish Pr Stiftelsen norsk Okkupasjonshistorie, 2014 a a ee 32 The Terrible Secrei question had been radically solved, and that this radical solution did not involve resettlement, in short, that most, or all ofthose who had been deported were no longer alive.* Details about their deaths were known to a much smaller number. What was known in 1942 among Hitler’ssatellites? Government officials, diplomats, journalists, officers and soldiers returning from the eastern front knew a great deal. Slovak and Hungarian officers were among the main sources for the early phase of the “final solution’. The internal correspondence of the sp shows that Italians visiting the eastern front had also inadvertently witnessed some ofthe massacres and that, as a result, there were ‘“unwholesome rumours’ making the rounds in Rome. The satellites had representatives in the German capital and they could not help listening to the Berlin gossip. They read in the German press speeches by Robert Ley and others which were anything but cagey: “We have to fight the Jews to the very last consequence. It is not enough to isolate the Jewish enemy of mankind; the Jew must be destroyed.’”*” Or Goebbels in his organ, the weekly Das Reich: “The Jews will pay with_the extermination of their race in Europe and perhaps beyond.’ These and other speeches were widely quoted in diplomatic circles in Berlin. The language was unmistakable: the Jewihad been isolated, now he had to be destroyed? The.term ‘destroy’ in this context had only one possible.meaning, and it was neither resettlement nor productive work. *This is not to dispute the evidence by Helmuth Count Moltke, one ofihe martyrs of the German resistance to Hitler, who wrote in a letter to a Britisti friend that I believe that at leası nine-tenths ofthe population do not know that we have killed hundreds of thousands of Jews. They go on believing they just have been segregated and lead an existence pretty much as they led (before) only farther to the East, where they came from. Perhaps with a little more squalor but wirhout air raids. If you told these people what has really happened they will answer: You are just a victim of British propaganda, remember what ridiculous things they said about our behaviour in Belgium in ıg14/18. ... {Moltke to Lionel Curtis, Stockholm, 25 March 1943, quoted in M. Balfour and J. Frisby, Helmuth von Moltke (London, 1972), p- 218.) Moltke, who was associated with Ihe Abwehr as a cover, had known, albeit vaguely, about the mass murder even before the Wannsee Conference, as emerges from letters sent to his wife. It has alrcady been noted that Allied propaganda about masses ofBelgian babies allegediy bayonetted in 1914 was still widely remembered in Europe in 1942, not only among Germans, and dissuaded many from accepting the news about the mass murder ofthe Jews. But even ifmore than nine-tenths of the population did not know or did not believe, this Icaves millions who had heard and did not doubt it. Germany: A Wall of Silence? 33 The Finnish ambassador in Berlin was warned by Felix Kersten, Himmier’s masseur, in June 1942.* Other am- bassadors knew no less. Doene Sztojay, the Hungarian ambassador in Berlin, was a radical anti-semite who became Prime Minister after the German invasion in March 1944- He went to see the Germans from time to time with all kinds ofmild protestsrabout.the fate of Hungarian Jews in Germany, but never forgot to addhow distasteful these missions were for him personally. But he was fully informed at an early date. In the case of Hungary it is now possible to state with some accuracy when and in what circumstances the first information about the “final solution’ reached Budapest. The news was transmitted from Berlin by Andor Gellert who represented the (Hungarian) Revision League in the German capital. It was conveyed to the Political Department ofthe Hungarian Foreign Ministry which did»not reject it outright but expressed doubts about its authenticity. (’Donot exaggerate,’ Gellert was told by aleading ofhcial.) Gellert, a protege of Prime Minister Pal Teleki, had been told in March 1942 by Ernst Neugeboren, an ethnic German from Transylvania, about the implications for Hüngary ofthe Wannsee Conference. Neugeboren, an account- ant by profession, had joined the SS and attained a position of some infiuence.t Gellert thought the news at first absurd and did not believe it, but similar information albeit more vague reached him from other people as well and he was sufficiently alarmed to go to Budapest to report. He still was not sure whether Neugeboren had wanted to warn him or whether it was an attempt to intimidate the Hungarians.?° Thus Sztojay knew from Gellert, but he had also heard from other sources and on occasion he dropped broad hints to visitors from Budapest. One ofthem was György Ottlik, the editor of the Pester Lloyd, who was in Berlin in August-September 1942. After his return to the Hungarian capital he wrote a memorandum which he handed to the Foreign Ministry in which he said that Sztojay was all in favour ofat least a ‘token deportation’ of jews and that while he did not define the “final solution’ expressis verbis, he did not "See p. 36 tAccording to his personal file in ıhe Nazi Central Archives (Berlin Document Centre} Neugeboren was born in Brasovin 905. In 1939 he joöined the German Foreign Ministry. In 1942 he volunteered for the ss, but hespent the rest ofthe war doing staff work for ıhe SS and the Foreign Ministry in Berlin and south-east Europe. Pers nn de ei > Stiftelsen norsk Okkupasjonshistorie, 2014 34 The Terrible Secret conceal (titkolni in Hungarian) its meaning either.?* Sztojay’s intenttion might well have been to induce the Hungarian Government to burn its bridges with the Western Allies'which Kallai, the Prime Minister ofthe day, had no intention ofdoing. The Ottlik report nevertheless leaves a number of questions open. It was not the habit of Sztojay to use precise language in such delicate matters as the extermination of Jews, nor was Gellert particularly close to him politically. Sztojay was a devotee of Gömbös, the protagonist of a pro-fascist orientation in Hungary in the 19305, whereas Gellert was basically a ‘Westerner’ who resigned in 1935 as editor of the semi-official Budapesti Hirlap precisely because he resented the anti-Western line. True, Pester Lloyd too was a semi-oficial organ and Ottlik had compromised with the reluctant collaborationism of the Hungarian Government. But it still. appears doubtful that he would have written his report unless he had received similar information from at least one other source. Such a source existed and it was none other than the Berlin correspondent ofthe Pester Lioyd, Ernst Lemmer.* Quite irrespective of the'source_of Outlik’s memorandum the mass extermination of Jews in 1941 had been witnessed by thousands of Hungarian officers and soldiers. In the words of a Hungarian historian: ‘It is ridiculous and contemptible for anybody who served.on-the Russian front and passed through Poland and the’occupied UssR, an area inhabited by six million Jews and by then devoid of Jews, to maintain that he did not know what was going to happen to the Jews when they were deported.’?” The Slovak and Italian ambassadors hardiy knew any less and the same is true for the envoys ofthese countries in neutral capitals, for they were exposed to Allied newspapers and radio. The Slovaks insisted in their negotiations with the Germansthat the Jews would never come back, but the equation ‘resettlement = mass murder’ appears in Slovak documents only in 1943. The Slovaks had close relations with the Vatican (and the Italians) and they had- received warnıngs from these quarters as earlyas March 1942. Some ofthe evidence came out in the post-war trials of Dr Joseph Tiso, the President of the Republic, and Dr Anton Vasek. Even an ardent admirer of Dr Tiso admitted in later years that by July 1942 Tiso had been *For Lemmer’s role as a source on the mass extermination ofthe Jews, see Appendix 1. na u Sn en Fan ni Se Germany: A Wall of Silence? 35 informed by the Vatican that the Jews deported from Slovakia were killed (or had been killed) in.the region of Lublin.** Mussolini had been informed by Hitler about the true meaning of the “final solution’ in early 1942. Later that year Himmler had talked to him about it in some detail. How many other Fästistleaders knew cannot be established. Some did, this relers above all to the generals and diplomats dealing with East European affairs. Theltalians in their occupied zone in France probably knew, they helped the Jews escape the deportation dragnet much to the annoyance of Eichmann and his aides. General Giuseppe Pieche, who represented the Italian carabinier in northern Croatia and Slovenia, wrote in a note to his government that the Jews from the German zone ofoccupation were deported to the eastern territories and ‘sono stati eliminati mediante Pimpiego di gas tossico nel treno in cui erano rinchiusi’.* Thistmessage was dated 4 November 1942. It was seen by Ciano, the Foreign Minister, and General Roatta and eventually it was submitted to Mussolini. Mussolini read it, wrote with a blue pencil ‘Visto dal Duce’, seen by the Duce - and there was no comment.” But why should there have been reason for surprise? On 21 i August 1942, four months earlier, there had been a mem- orandum from the Italian Foreign Ministry to Mussolini, according to which von Bismarck, the adviser of the German Embassy in Rome, had submitted a request by the German authorities that all Croatian Jews should be extradited so that they could be deported to the East. The memorandum made it clear that deportation meant ‘in pratica — eliminazione .... The Duce commented in his handwriting: ‘“Nulla osta — ‘No. objection’. Notes of this kind were read by dozens ol’ people and if such state secrets were not kept even in Germany, one can imagine how widely such information would be shared among Italians not bound by any solemn oath. Mussolini was close to Hitler, the Finns were not, Their alliance with ihe Nazis was purely pragmatic, their aim the return of Karelia. But even they knew what the “final solution’ meant and when Himmler arrived in 1942 to claim the few Finnish Jews, the Finnish Government had already been “, ,. are eliminated by ıhe use of toxic gas in the train in which they are locked.’ SEE FEEER ee ae eg 3, & En ee Stiftelsen norsk Okkupasjonshistorie, 2014 DE SE SEE Ze 2 Pe 36 The Terrible Secret warned by its ambassador in Berlin.* They had a good excuse: the Jews could be surrendered only after a debate and vote in parliament and Himmler, needless to say, was not at alleager to have publicity ofthis kind. But the Berlin embassy had not been the only source of information. Arno Anthoni, the head of the Finnish state police, was brought to trial in Abo in 1947 for having handed over to the Gestapo several Jews who did not have Finnish citizenship. He admitted having met Eichmann in Berlin in 1942 but claimed that he did not know about the mass murder ‘because he had no time to read the newspapers’. But among his own files a report ofa subordinate, Olavi Viherluoto, a state police oficer, was found. It concerned a visit to Estonia, dated late 1941, and contained details about the extermination of Estonian Jewry, one ofthe very first authentic reports target out of the Baltic countries. Anthoni claimed that though he initialled the report he had not read it. It is far more likely that he did read it, and that he reported to his superior, Toivo Horelli, the pro-German Minister of the Interior. Thus even in far away Finland there were people who knew the secret and there was no reason why they should have.kept thisknowledge to themselves. The consensus in Finland after the war was that Anthoni must have known, and that he did inform some members of the Government.” But it ismore than doubtful whether members ofthe Finnish Government or indeed anyoneelse in Finland even needed to.be told. Asthe German ambassador in Helsinki, Bluecher, reported ®* According 10 post-war Finnish literature 'nothing was known during ıhe entire war about the methods used in German concentration camps. (Mannerheim, Memsirs, Finnish ed.. p. 388). This is true only äfıhe stress is. put on 'methods’, i.e. the question of whether poison gas was used or someothermeans. Kiwimacki, the ambassador in Berlin, wrote that he learned through Kersten that Hitler intended to demand that Finland hand over her 8,300 (sic) Jews (Suomolaiten Politikon Minstelmat, “Memolts of’a Finnish Politician’ (Helsinki, 1965), p. 243). A few pages later ıhe author says thaı he had learned ıhat the Finnish autkoritieson theirown initiative had taken measures to deliver to Germany Jews who had reached Finland as refugees (p. 246). These Jews were handed over 10 the Germans on 6 November 1942 - one ofthem survived. A kibburz in Israel is named in their memory. Lasıly, Kiwimaek) mentions that ıhough he had no certain knowledge of ıhe details of the fate planned for the Jews he had enough information to know that ihe days of many of them were numbered, He also says that Swedish newspapers which carried information about the systematic extermination were widely read in Finland in 1942. For most Finns who had no access to classified information this was (he main source of information, a facı which has been noted by recent authors (for instance Boris Gruensiein, writing in Helsingin Sanomat, 22 April 1979). wre mini a in ar Ze En Be rn re a EA en Germany: A Wall of Silence? 37 to Berlin in January 1943, Germany’s Jewish policy was so unpopular in Finland that rumours in October r942 about the forcible expulsion ofa handful.of Jews had seriously undermined the position of Horelli.* There was an even greater storm of indignation in December 1942 when it became known that Anthoni, the head of the political police (no doubt with the support.of Horelli), had handed over to the Germans several “Jewish criminals and Communists’. Their transport on the SS Hohenhörn wasıdelayed because of an air raid; during this time the prisonerson board ship made their presence known to others in the harbour. The information reached the Swedish press and there was a confrontation within the Finnish Government with Väinö Tanner, the Social Democrat, at the head of those censuring Horelliand Anthoni. It is most unlikely that Tanner, Fagerholm, the ministers who supported them and Finnish public opinion would have protested so vehemently ifit had just been a question of deporting some stateless Jewish Communists to German prisons or even an uncertain fate.f The point surely is that everyone knew that their fate was certain. As a result of the protests, the deportations were discontinued after this incident. The Hungarians knew a great deal more than the Finns even though their leading statesmen later claimed that they heard about the mass murders only in 1943 - perhaps only in 1944. Eichmann’s emissaries were in’ constant touch with their Hungarian opposite numbers and they explained to them the meaning of the “final solution’. The Hungarian opposition, on the other hand, was kept informed by the Jewish rescue "Wipert von Bluecher to Auswärtiges Amt, 29 January 1943. Witting, the Finnish Foreign Minister, was also generally blamed for having been only t00 willing to give into the German demands. The Finnish press was quite outspoken in its criticism of the authorities. Suomen Sosialdemokraati (11 Deoember) and Hufudstadsbladet {12 December) stressed that this was a political issue, not one for the police to decide, and that the right of asylum should not have been violated. There were other such voices. Only relatively unimportant pro-Nazi newspapers such as Ajan Suunta and Üusi Eurooppa had editorials in the vein of Much Ado About Nothing. tThe Finnish Government had yet another important source ofinformation: having broken the American code, from early 1942 the Finnish secret service systemaucally intercepted the signals between Washington and various European capitals. A post-war Finnish author notes that the Finnish Government was particularly well informed as the resultiof readingjthe/cables'sent out daily by the American legation in Bern. This was the place from which most of the information emerged abo the “final solution’ in 1942. (Jukka Mäkciä, /m Rücken des Feindes (Frauenfeld, 1967), p. 159.) RE SCH ee: Pen hai m. a pe Sa Stiftelsen norsk Okkupasjonshistorie, 2014 r 98 The Terrible Secret committees. There cannot have been many people in positions ofresponsibility in Budapest in late 1942 who did not know. The Swiss ambassador in Budapest reported to his Government that the Germans wanted to transfer the Hungarian Jews to Eastern Europe. Those incapable of work ‘would be made to disappear in a way which was not specified in detail’. In the same report the Swiss ambassador also said that the Slovaks had ‘confiden- tially’ told him that in their country the German demands had been fulfilled ‘in conformance to Hitler’s thesis that European Jewry has to be exterminated’ (ausgerottet).*' In a later report the Swiss ambassador referred to a long talk with Kallai, the Hungarian Prime Minister, who told him that Hungary could not possibly accept a solution of the Jewish question which was not in line with Hungary’s Christian culture and its spiritual tradition, Seelenverfassung.”” The German correspondents in Budapest kept repeating to anybody who cared to listen that although ‘there might have been some place for the Jews in the “New Europe” there was none in “fortress Europe”. So much for latter-day claims that Slovak and Hungarian oflicials- were kept in ignorance. Hitler’s Croatian satellites did not pretend that they were not informed. They were in some,ways the pioneers ofa ‘final solution’ affecting Serbs and Jewsalike. The Romanians did, of course, know about the activities of._the Einsalzgruppen almost immediately; they collaborated, after all, with them in southern Russia. But once Eichmann and his cohorts appeared in 1942 with the demand-ıhat-Romanian Jewry should be handed over, Marshal’ Ton Angonescu, the Romanian leader, pretended\to be hard of hearing. Bucharest was no longer certain that Germany would win the war and furthermore their national pride forbade them to Jet others interfere in internal Romanian affairs. Initially the Bulgarians knew less. They had not declared war on the Soviet Union and their troops were not stationed in Russia. But in June 1942 the Bulgarians were informed by Beckerle, the German ambassador in Sofia, that all European Jewry was to be deported to Poland. Beckerle’s contact was Belev, the newly appointed Commissar for Jewish Affairs. Belev tended to accept the demand to hand over the Jews, others opposed it. The story ofthe tug-of-war has been told in detail. It culminated in a compromise: 11,000 Jews from Bulgarian nn ne [en Germany: A Wall of Silence? 39 Thrace and Macedonia were deported in 1943 and killed, the rest permitted to stay in Bulgaria. German pressure continued as in Romania, but the Bulgarians, like the Romanians, pretended not to understand. The Führer had told them that at the.end of the war the Jews would have to leave Europe. Very well then, -why not wait for the end of the war? Most of the Bulgarian Jews were workers and they were needed for the time being. Stalingrad\and El Alamein did not strengthen the Bulgarian beliefin a German victory and they had no wish to compromise themselves unnecessarily. Did the Bulgarian Government know anything more tangible about the “final solution’? Not ofhicially, but there were many channels of communications. The Russians had diplomatic representatives in the Bulgarian capital during the war. The Bulgarian ambassador in Switzerland was no other than Georgi Koseiwänow, the friend ofthe King, former prime minister and personal friend of many high ofhicials. Like most ambassadors, Mr Koseiwanow was in the habit of reading newspapers. Istanbul was still nearer than Bern; Bulgarian officials and parliamentarians visited there and met fairly regularly neutral änd Allied representatives. Members of a Bulgarian trade mission in Istanbul went out of their way in late 1942 to meet Bulgarian Jews who had temporarily settled in Turkey.”* There was almost constant contact between Bulgaria and the outside world. In short, there were no secrets even in Sofia. Lastly France, the occupied zone and Vichy. The arrests began in July 1942 with the great razzia in Paris (Vel d’Hiv) when some 13,000 stateless Jews were rounded up. Many more arrests followed and within amonth the trains were beginning to roll to Auschwitz. According to the explanations provided by Vichy they were to be transported to southern Poland where they would be employed in various public work projects.” The use of this terminology (Sprachregelung) had been agreed upon from the beginning and was confirmed in a meeting between Pierre Laval, the Vichy vice-premier, and Knochen, the chief ss and police commanderin France. Generally speaking, the Nazis tried harder in France than in any other country to draw a veil over the real meaning of the deportations; the term used by the authorities was in fact resettiement (Umsiedlung) rather than deportation. Stiftelsen norsk Okkupasjonshistorie, 2014 ; : Leite “ 40 The Terrible Secret There were protests from many quarters, the US, Catholic bishops and Protestant clergymen, and even Hungary. But Laval declared that he would not be deflected from his course of. action. If the official explanations had been believed there ‘ would have been no protests, for at the time a great many Frenchmen went to work in Germany and this had not provoked any major outcry. But the fact that the transports included many small children (who were furthermore separated from their parents) as well aselderly and sick peopleshowed that the Nazis had different intentions. As Donald Lowry, a Quaker representative reported to Tracy Strong, general secretary of the world committee ofthe YMCAon 10 August 1942: "They [the deportees] have few illusions as to the fate awaiting them in Poland.’ Valeri, the papal nuncio, told the Vatican the same.on 7 August: people in France did not believe the official version since the deportees inchuded sick and aged people. The news about the mass murders was broadcast from London in French (Zes frangais parlent aux frangais) beginning in early July 1942. Some of the resistance newspapers and pamphlets mentioned the use ofgas in October-November; one notable exception was L’Humanite which did not comment on the extermination of the Jews up to the end oftheiwar.* But Laval stuck to his story about the Jews building an agricultural colony when Pastor Boegner came tose&him in early September 1942 to protest. As Boegner.dater wrote: ‘Je lui parlais de massacres, il me repondait/jardinage.”’® (‘I spoke to him of massacres, he replied with gardening.’) But Laval and his collaborators, needless to say, did not believein jardinage. Ifthey did not know the details ofthe “final solution’, they certainly did know that the Jews would not return. *Ignorance cannot have been the reason for another Communist underground newspaper with a more restricted circulauon {for students and tcachers in the universities) did mention Auschwitz and the fact that the Jews were singled out for destruction. . ® A 2 N nn De nn nd ee Se Zain u a ah a hen nn rn ar a a ak 2 THE NEUTRALS: ‘UNANIMOUS AND RELIABLE REPORTS’ "FOUR neutral countries played an important role as far as the news about the fateofEuropean Jewry was concerned: above all Switzerland, where most of the Jewish emissaries were con- centrated, Turkey, Sweden and to a lesser degree Spain. This is true for rescue work but even more so with regard to the gathering of information. It has been shown in the previous chapter that citizens from neutral countries had many Opportunities to travel in Germany and the occupied countries and some-of them were very well informed. The neutral countries were also of vitalimportance for the Polish intelligence network which brought most of the news out of the country to London. Bern and Stockholm were central “bases’ (so were Budapest and Istanbul). While the emissaries would if possible proceed directly to London, couriers would frequently deliver their messages in Stockholm and Bern for transmission to London.* British and US intelligence, needless to say, also had their representatives in these capitals. The position of Switzerland was pre-eminent both as a listening post and for staging aid operations. Ten years after the war, after much heart-searching and public debate, the Swiss Government asked a leading academic, Professor Ludwig, to prepare a report about Swiss policy towards refugecs during the war. A copy ofthe report was shown before publication to Dr Rothmund who had been chief ofthe aliens department of the Swiss police during that critical period. The main question posed by Ludwig was: at what stage was the Nazi campaign of destruction known? It obviousiy made a great difference whether Swiss officials did know about the “final solution’ in 1942, when they sent refugees back. But in Rothmund’s view the question was not really of decisive importance: ‘Enough was *Emissaries were always members ofthe Polish underground; couriers could also be nationals of another country who acted as mail camiers. er ART Pr Kb tea Te ns er EOc Hi Br ee SR TTIWRS ET pe Tann = Stiftelsön norsk Okkupasjonshistorie, 2014 $. H ENTER ee : 4 & u Pi, be #3 42 The Terrible Secret known by that summer,’ he wrote in a letter of comment. The records bear him out. On 30 July 1942 a twenty-three-page memorandum was sent out by Dr Rothmund to the local chief of police which mentioned expressis verbis the horrible (grässlich) conditions in the Jewish ghettos in the East, referring to ‘unanimous and reliable reports’.' It should be mentioned in parenthesis that this knowledge did not prevent Rothmund two weeks later from circulating instructions to turn back Jewish refugees. A term such as grässlich is not easily used in wartime. It refers quite obviously to something worse than starvation and disease. These ‘unanimous and reliable reports’ came from accidental sources as well as through the ordinary channels ofinformation. The case of the Swiss citizen, who by chance watched the Einsatzgruppen killing Jews at Kamenets-Kasirski in late. 1941 and reported to the Swiss consul in Hamburg, will.be mentioned. Professor Ludwig’s report frequently quotes the reports from Jewish sources received by the World Jewish Congress and the Jewish Agency. But it is not certain whether the Swiss authorities believed these reports; it had, in any case, access to the same sources and also additional ones: There was the case ofa Zürich physician, Dr Rudolf Bucher, a specialist in blood transfusion, who visited Warsaw, Smolensk and other East European cities between November 1941 and January 1942. He was a member ofıthe first Swissmedical delegation to the eastern.front, headed by Dr Bircher, ahigh- ranking Swiss officer (and also a medical doctor) ol’ pronounced pro-German sympathies.” In a book published. after the war Bucher maintained that he was told in December 1941 or January 1942 about Auschwitzand mass gassings in special chambers.” This seems most unlikely because the gas chambers in Auschwitz began to operate only several months later except for the trial run in September 1941 when some 800 Soviet prisoners of war had been killed. But even if Dr Bucher’s memory failed him as far as Auschwitz isconcerned, he certain!y did witness some massacres and did hear of others. Almost immediately after his return to Switzerland, Dr Bucher appeared at public meetings in which he spoke about the inhuman condition in which the Jews were kept, and that he had seen with his own eyes the murder of many of them in Warsaw and Smolensk. Hundreds of people attended these lectures. The German authorities protested and Bucher was threatened with dire consequences by his superiors in the Swiss army." Bucher later became a public figure; he was a member of the Swiss parliament in the post-war period for a number of years. Those who knew him describe him as a somewhat unreliable witness, aman given toexcitement and exaggeration. But, and ivis all that matters, on this occasion he certainly did not exaggerate,and his excitement was not misplaced. His evidence was furthermore corroborated by the account of Franz Blaettler, (apparently a nom de plume) a sergeant-driver who had accompanied the same mission. He also wrote a book in which he described the ‘scene ofmass dying’ in a Warsaw ghetto which he called ‘one great cemetery’: ‘| was ashamed to leave as a free man this site of horror.” His diary was submitted to the Swiss authorities. It included entries such as 23 October: “Yesterday 3,000 Jews killed because of sabotage.’ Or 7 November: “Women and children liquidated [umgelegt] because of shooting at German soldiers.’ There were three more Swiss medical missions to the eastern front, the last in 1943, but meanwhile censorship had imposed a blackout on what its members had seen in the East. Examining both their official (unpublished) reports and some of’ the personal diaries preserved in the archives I found many medical case histories.on one hand and descriptions of the Polish and Ukrainian landscape and the inhabitants on the other.!But there is no word about the Jews. Perhaps the members of these missions saw no evil, perhaps they had taken to heart the order not to reveal any sensitive information on which they may have stumbled: all ofthem had to sign an understanding to this effect as they entered German territory. Or perhaps most of the Jews were already dead and there was nothing to be seen and reported. Information also came, ofcourse, from official sources. Stucki, the Swiss ambassador in Vichy, reported a meeting with Laval from which it appears that Laval was in a truculent mood, that the protests against the deportations of French Jews were unlikely to deflect him — and that he also knew what fate the deported expected. There were reports on the subject from Swiss consuls [rom places such as Marseilles.* Swiss citizens from Nazi- The Neutrals: “Unanimous and Reliable Report? 43 Stiftelsen norsk Okkupasjonshistorie, 2014 “ er asen PRDEL TIEFEN. 7° 27T nee De 44 The Terrible Secret occupied Europe returned home for short or long periods of leave and related their impressions. Swiss citizens listened to the radio speeches by Adolf Hitler on one hand and to Thomas Mann on the other. In his New Year message for 1942 Hitler “ had stated: “The Jew will not exterminate the people of Europe, he will be the vietim of his own evil design.) And on 30 September 1942 in the Sporipalast: I have said in my Reichstag speech on ı September 1939 that if the Jews unleash an international world war, not the Aryan people will be exterminated by Jewry. ... Once upon a time the Jews in Germany were laughing about my prophecies, I don’t know whether they still laugh or whether they no longer feel like laughing. I can only assure thern they will stop laughing everywhere and I shall be right also with . these prophecies. A Swiss newspaper, the Thurgauer Zeitung, commented after this speech: There is no room for doubt any more: Hitler’s word can be interpreted only in the sense that (he extermination ofthe Jews remains one ofthe points which will be carried out irrespective ofthe@utcome ofthewar. Hitler had destroyed all illusions which still existed on the fate ofthe Jews. ...? Thomas Mann, broadcasting over-the Bsc in London, mentioned in November 1941 the “unspeakabie’ done to Jews and Poles.? In the preface to the collection of these radio addresses Thomas Mann wrote that: ‘More people listened to me than could have been expected, not only inSwitzerland and Sweden.’ In his later broadcasts he was more specific: in September 1942 he spoke about the total extermination of European Jewry, about the gassing ofthousands near Warsaw, about the stories ofthe German engine drivers who had taken the trains to the death centres. The Swiss press was kept well informed. Charles Schuerch, the secretary of the Swiss trade-union organization, published an eyewitness account datelined Paris, .2ı July 1942, entitled “We cannot keep silent’, in which he described the big razzias in France which were the prelude to the first large deportation. Many Swiss newspapers wrote at the time that it was ridiculous to argue that refugees turned back at the Swiss border were in no real danger; in facı they faced certain death.'® NER WE N <— ee an ET lei a een er a, m eier The reports about the scenes in France on the eve of the deportation were bad enough. But there still was the question of what happened to the Jews from France, Belgium and the Netherlands after they had been deported. The Swiss press had few illusions: Volksrecht (Zürich) wrote on 13 August that most of them would die.on the transport. The Volk (Olten) commented on 18 August thatall these thousands would die a horrible death in a Polish or Ukrainian ghetto. The Schweizerische Kirchenzeitung wrote on 27 Äugust 1942 that the scenes witnessed were reminiscent of the killing of the children of Bethlehem as reported in the Bible: there was only one aim behind alithis- the extermination of the Jews. From time to time Swiss censorship would intervene and Punish those who had been ‘too one-sided’ in their reports. Thus the organ of the Swiss Jewish community was told that ‘the cleverly selected quotations about the persecution of Jews was propagandistic in character and therefore inadmissible’. What [the censor asked] ifsomeone were to publish a collection ofanti- semitic quotations with the intention ofengaging in anti-Jewish propaganda? Surely the discussion about the anti-Jewish persecution would have to proceed in a quiet and objective (sachlich) manner.'!!' The measures taken by the Nazis, alas, were not quiet and objective. On the whole, however, Swiss censorship did not suppress the news about systematic mass ‚murder in 1942; given the political situation and the constant German pressure this involved a certain courage. In the following year, 1943, Swiss censorship became more stringent. The Swiss newspapers were given a public warning because they had reprinted reports from the British press about the Babi Yar massacre two years earlier.'* Some newspapers such as Nation were given constant warnings for having featured detailed descriptions about the death camps in which on certain days some 7-10,000 Jews were killed. Such reports were, in the words of the censor, ‘“atrocity stories of the worst kind’ (krasseste Greuelmeldungen) which had come from the British press and which were scheduled to serve the propaganda of one of the belligerent sides.!? For the military censor it was quite immaterial whether the news was true or false. All that mattered was that the position of Switzerland in the second half'of 1943 after the German seizure The Neutrals: “Unanimous and Reliable Reports’ 45 Stiftelsen norsk Okkupasjonshistorie, 2014 a A BER 46 The Terrible Secret ofnorthern Italy waseven more tenuous than the year before. In the circumstances Germany was not to be provoked. But in 1942, the period under review in this study, even moderate papers, never given to hyperbole, were outspoken. Thus the Neue Zürcher Zeitung on 13 September 1942: . „these reports on measures whose incredible cruelty has no parallel even in this global war induce a feeling ofhorror. The present accounts do not yet give a final picture. But we do have moving testimonies of undeniable character, which leave no room for any embellishment. Most of these comments concerned the circumstances of deportation, of uprooting people and dividing families. These were tragic events but few had as yet openly stated the equation deportation=murder. On the other hand would so much horror have been expressed about the deportations ifthere had not been suspicions (and more than suspicions) about the fate of those deported? Thus the Tribune de Geneve wrote on 16 September 1942: ‘Ou vont-ils, tous ces malheureux? Ils ne le savent pas, mais ils le devinent .. .’* The Schaffhauser Zeitung on the same day wrote about the ‘most hair-raising rumours’ in connection with the transports. A small town newspaper, the Volksfreund of Flawil (10 October 1942), went even further and asked bluntly: ‘Are the deported Jews killed?’ The paper added: The question may appear incautious. Some will say that whether the Jews deported to the East.are actually killed, whether they are shot, whether they starve to death or die in some other way does not really concern us. But as Christian people in Christian Europe we have to. be concerned whether mass murder of innöcent people of another race does indeed take place. Flawil is a little town in the eanton of St Gallen. It had at the time some six thousand inhabitants. What was known in Flawil, was surely known in Bern, Zürich, Basel and Geneva. The Swiss press widely published a United.Press report from Stockholm (11 October 1942) which said that it was an ‘open secret in Berlin’ that no preparations were made to resettle the Jews. Some of the ‘death transports’ were carrying the Jews to the overpopulated ghettos, others directiy to the place ofexecution. *Where are these unfortunate people going? They don’t know, but they can gas...’ bin nr En anne ati an ein sen tal am a Ti Ad min. Sa a m mai act The Neuirals: “Unanimous and Reliable Report? 47 The Evangelische Fluchtlingshilfe published a leaflet in October 1942 which said, “The Jews, the people of God, are dying. All over Europe reverberate the shouts of those who are shot or killed by poison gas.’ The question posed by the Volksfreund was answered by the Basler Nationalzeitung, one of the leading newspapers in the land: The German authorities are not content with depriving the Jews of elementary humanırights. They now carry out their frequently announced threat to destroy the Jewish race in Europe. Jews from all occupied territories are deported in horrible conditions. In Poland they are systematically exterminated. One has not heard a word from any of those who have been deported.'* Similar information appeared in other organs of the press. Thus,seeninretrospect, DrRothmund wasrightwhenhesaid that ‘enough’ was known in 1942. Rothmund’s superior, on the other hand; von Steiger, head ofthe Department ofthe Interior, wrote to Professor Ludwig in 1955 that he and his colleagues in the Swiss Government had come to believe only in 1944-5 that the rumours of the horrors were indeed true.'* Rothmund, who with von Steiger’s full support had given the order to turn the Jews back, was widely criticized and demoted after the war. Von Steiger, an accomplished timeserver, emerged with hardly a stain on his character, There is little justice in politics. Von Steiger could have pleaded that since the Allied leaders were in no particular hurry to confirm that the news about the mass murder in the East was authentic, there was no reason why he, a minister in a neutral country, should have given more credence to these rumours. There was the oficial Allied declaration of December 1942 but it had not been a particularly strong one in the first place and it was further watered down by the American Government. All this may be quite true, but hardly constitutes a moral excuse. For the Swiss minister did, of course, know, just as the British and American ministers knew, unless he never read newspapers, did not listen to the radio and, generally speaking, refused to discuss politics. For anyone reading the Swiss press in late summer and autumn of 1942 there could be noreasonable doubt that mass murder was perpetrated in Eastern Europe, not isolated pogroms, but systematic extermination. Considering Switzerland’s exposed position, Stiftelsen norsk Okkupasjonshistorie, 2014 # ame rar ran TE I ge BE Ten ENDEN Darf n ‘ E- N ar ranisr 48 The Terrible Secret Swiss newspapers were as outspoken, if not more so, as those in England and America and even Palestine. The ‘rumours’ came not only from Swiss newspapermen in “ occupied Europe but also from many other sources. They came through Swiss diplomatic channels and from Swiss citizens living in Germany or Eastern Europe or returning from visits to Germany or German-occupied territory. They originated with the refugees who succeeded in illegally crossing the Swiss border in 1942; some ofthe stories are mentioned elsewhere in this book. They came from the gövernments-in-exile such as the Polish and the Dutch, who had their representatives in Switzerland, from foreign intelligence agents, and from the International Red Cross and the Oecumenical Committee for Assistance to Refugees (Dr Vissert Hooft and the Reverend Dr Freudenberg). They even emanated from visiting German diplomats who dropped occasional hints. In short the news came from every possible direction. Von Steiger, and through him the Swiss Government, were kept informed.by Dr Alphons Koechlin, president ofthe Swiss Protestant Association. Sweden was in a less central position as a listening post, but the Swedish Government was still kept informed from a variety of sources. There was the presence of Swedish diplomats, journalists and businessmen in Germany and the occupied territories. Kurt Gerstein, thechief ‘disinfection’ officer ofthess back from his inspection tour of Belzec, had madehisrevelations to a Swedish diplomat, Baron von Otter, in a famous encounter on the Warsaw-Berlin express. The question ofwhat became ofthisreport has been a matter of much speculation and it can now be answered with some assurance. Von Otter at first composed a written account of his dramatic meeting, but then decidedinot to send’it with the diplomatic mail since he was to return to Stockholm within a week of the event. Interviewed many years after the war von Ottersaid that it wasa ‘totally uniquesituation?. He was the first diplomat to find out. What if his superiors had passed on the information to the Allies and ifthey had made the facts known? Vor Ötter thinks that the German people would not have believed them as they were in an ‘iron grip’.'* Soederblom, the head of the political department in the ErRBEVE Fe ni 7 nn ee ee mel Swedish Foreign Ministry to whom von Otter reported, said *We judged it too risky to pass information from one belligerent country to another’; he also said that there were a great many rumours at the time. Gösta Engzell, the Foreign Ministry spokesman.at.the time, had only hazy recollections: von Otter received some»sort of information which was talked about in the Foreign Ministry. Eric Boheman, spokesman of the Government, also believed that there were some documents referring to this incident in the archives. Following a request made by the present writer access was first given to the von Ötter file in February 1980. But the only document found was a letter by von Otter to Viscount Lagerfelt at the Swedish legation in London.'’* It relates the story ofthe meeting with Kurt Gerstein in late August 1942 and the»report about the ‘corpse factory’ of Belzec (a literal translation from the Swedish). There are details about transport conditions, technical procedure, the reactions of the SS guards and the Jewish victims, the collection of jewellery, gold teeth and other valuables, Gerstein also showed von Otter various documents referring to the purchase of cyanide gas. Gerstein’s objective was, as he himself said, to draw the attention cola neutral state to the events. He expressed his belief that the German people would not support the Nazi regime for a single moment if knowledge of the extermination was disseminated and confirmed by impartial foreign sources. Gerstein visited von Otter again half a year after their first meeting in order to enquire what usethe Swedes had made ofhis information. His looks, according to von Otter, indicated that he was in deep despair, ready to commit suicide at any moment, in view of the horrors that were taking place in Germany. Meanwhile von Otter had received independent confirmation from Bishop Dibelius about Gerstein’s reliability as a witness. According to Dibelius he had volunteered for the S$ in order to find out whether it was true that a large number of mental patients were killed upon Hitler’s orders. Gerstein felt that as a sanitation expert he had a good chance to get at the truth. *Another Swedish diplomat who heard about the mass murders in 1942 was Per Anger, stationed at the time in Budapest. His informant was the Hungarian jourmalist Kalman Konkoly. (Communications from Ambassador Anger, 28 January 1980.) The Neuirals: *Unanimous and Reliable Report? 49 dee Der on Stiftelsen norsk Okkupasjonshistorie, 2014 FE & f. Ä E 4 8 50 The Terrible Secret According to von Otter, Dibelius had received exactly the same report about the fate ofthe Jews from Gerstein.* What emerges from all this is that there was only an oral report by von Otter iin 1942 which did not result in a written memorandum or note, The argument that the Swedish Government “found it too risky’ (Soederblom) to pass the information to the Allies can hardiy be taken seriously for there were, of course, ways and means to transmit it without directly implicating the Swedish Government. Ifso, why was the report not leaked at least to the press? Because, to put it in the shortest possible way, it was August 1942. The Swedish Embassy in Berlin was besieged by unfortunate Jews and ‘Christian Jews’ fearing deportation and death for whom a Swedish visa was the last lifeline. Those in the embassy dealing with these requests were, of course, familiar with the mortal dangers facing applicants.f The ‚embassy parson had close contact with oppositionist circles in the German Protestant Church and was kept informed through them. According to.a cable from Uxkuell, an Associated Press correspondent in Stockholm, on ı1 October 1942 the ‘death transports’con- tinued despite the lack ofrolling stock in wartime Germany and the Jews had become totally apathetic as the last hopeito evade deportation, and thus execution, had disappeared, the only exceptions being a few highly qualified workers and doctors. Such information could have come from Swedish channels, but equally some of the refugees’could have been the source, Not many refugees arrived in Sweden except fromNorway and Denmark, but a few did throughout the war, and almost everyone had an extraordinary story to tell. Among, the most outspoken newspapers was the Göteborgs Handelsoch Sjofartstidning, edited by a courageous journalist, "Torgny *Gerstein had also tried to alert the papal nuncio in Berlin, not aware ofthe fact that ofalltheenvoysofthe Vauican, Orseni go was the most reluctant toofend Hitler and the Nazis. Not surprisingly, Gerstein was shown the door. He then got in touch with Dr Winter, the ooadjutor ofthe Asch bishop of Berlin. If his message reached the Vatican ‘it did no more than confirm facts of which the Vatican was amply apprised’. ($. Friedlaender, Counterfeit Nazi (London, 1969}, p. 158.) The Swedish authorities were also kept informed by the Swedish Israeli Mission in Warsaw headed at ihe time by Birger Pernow. Some of their reports that three million Jews had been killed in Poland found their way into ıhe press. (Aflontidningen, 7 October 1943.) But such publications only came later on. Be ur. En net a uni nm tm hen mar nn nen an Se a an EG: >; The Neutrals: “Unanimous and Relieble Reports’ 51 Segerstedt. This paper, as well as the weeklies NU, Trots Alltand some others, contained information on the fate of the Jews. Sweden furthermore represented the Dutch Government in Berlin, and the Dutch mobilized the Swedes even in 1941 when the first news about the execution of young Dutch Jews in Mauthausen was reported. The Swedes approached the German authorities in Berlin and were told that this was an interferenceininner German affairs and the subject could not be discussed. But the Swedes again approached Berlin later in 1942 when the mass depottations got under way; they also acted on behalf of the Norwegian Jews who were deported. The result of their eflorts is of no relevance in this context. All that matters is . that through these interventions Ambassador Richert and his assistants came to know about the mechanics of the final solution’. The Swedish press was more reticent about the ‘final solution’ than the Swiss although there was no censorship. It was only in December 1942, after the tide in the fortune of the war had changed, that outspoken and detailed reports and comments were occasionally published in Swedish newspapers. This is true even with regard to a liberal, pro-Western newspaper such as Dagens Nyheter. During the criticalsummer months of 1942 there were reports about anti-semitic decrees in Vichy (4 June) and Norway (19 June), about the deportation of Jewish ‘criminal’ elements from the Netherlands to the East and about even more stringent anti-Jewish laws in Germany (24 July). But massacres were mentioned only indirectiy, as with Churchill’s message to a Jewish meeting of protest and mourning in Madison Square Garden, New York (23 July 1942). There were some exceptions but these were few and far between. Thus Dagens Nyheter reported on 13 September 1942 that the technique of persecution (of the Jews) had become harder and more ruthless. But this could mean a great many things short of murder. Perhaps the first outspoken editorial comment appeared on 21 October 1942 in the Eskilstuna Kuriren. It spoke about indescribable barbarity and a ‘war of extermi- nation’ against the Jews and said that this was ‘the responsibility ofallofus’ and asked whether Swedish Christians were not their brothers’ keepers. Eskilstuna is a provincial town west of Stockholm. What was known there, was known, ofcourse, in the STEEL EReE = Wer EEE 1 2 CSER PEREGESOEEEERSRIFN in Eier en" #8 Stiftelsen norsk Okkupasjonshistorie, 2014 SETICH ne 2 ä Bi # 52 The Terrible Secret capital. If the Stockholm newspapers refrained from such comment, the reason was not lack of information. Exact information was difficult to obtain but this was true a Fortiori with regard to partisan warfare in Yugoslavia about which the papers had a great deal to report during this period. Since the Swedish Government had first-hand, detailed information about events in Poland from leading members of the Swedish colony in Warsaw up to their arrest in July 1942, as well as from other sources, and as British and American newspapers were available in Sweden, the question has to be asked why the information was suppressed at least in part. The answer is, very briefly, that although there was no censorship the Government had the right to confiscate a newspaper without taking the matter to a court of law ifthe paper had published information or comment ‘likely to cause misunderstanding with a foreign country’. The Swedish Board of Information sent ‘grey slips’ to the editorial offices drawing attention to subjects unsuitable for publication. Among these topics werer‘atrocities committed by the belligerents’. Swedish cabinet ministers, in particular Foreign Minister Guenther, were apprehensive during this eritical period about newspapers showing a deplorable lack of national responsibility»a New Order had come into being in Europe, the balance of power had changed and it was exceedingly dangerous to provoke the Germans, the strongest power in Europe. The turning point came when the Quisling Government in neighbouring Norway had all Jews arrested and deported) in November 1942, except those who-sucteeded in making their way to Sweden in time. In November 1942, it should also be recalled, the German Sixth Army was encircled at Stalingrad, Rommel was decisively defeated and the Allied landing took place in North Africa. Tihere was great commotion in Sweden: special services were held in Swedish churches, the bishops published appeals against the anti-Jewish measures and there were sermons on subjects such as ‘the voice ofthy brothers’ blood crieth unto me from the ground’.'* Speakers in public meetings said that the treatment ofthe Jews in Norway defied description. Atcording toa Gailup poll 25 per cent of all Swedes said that they would remember longer (and with greater horror) the deportation of Jews from RT a Tem ER Tan PETER ATRTTEEEET > [4 1 x The Neutrals: “Unanimous and Reliable Reports’ 53 Norway than any other event which had occurred in 1942 (Dagens Nyheter, 3ı December 1942). The Swedish press, including newspapers which had not. previousiy taken a particularly sympathetic line towards the Jews, expressed indignation. Svenska Dagbladet said that platonic declarationswere no longer sufficient, action was needed, all Jews from Norway should be given asylum in Sweden. Quite. frequently reference was made to ‘death ships’ and the extermination of the Jews.'” Some papers stressed both the ‘sadistic character’ and the ‘mechanic precision’ of the “final solution’ which was regarded as a terrible stain on European civilization. While some editorial writers decried.the fate ofthe Jews without specifically mentioning that they were killed, others — and again surprisingly many provincial newspapers among them - said expressis verbis that this was a case of 'mass murder’; that a whole people was killed with inhuman brutality.2° But the focus was on Norway most ofthe time. Only rarely mention was made of the fact that the two thousand Jews ofNorway were not Hitler’s only victims and that the Allies had published a common declaration against the mass'murder.?' On 20 December 1942, Dagens Nyheter wrote that the silence ofthe Swedish newspapers regarding the persecution of the Jews in Norway was due to the desire to help the unhappy victims, at a time when the Swedish Government was believed to be doing everything it could in this direction; ‘It is impossible at this moment to reveal details ofthe negotiations but when they have been concluded the public must be informed, and silence will no longer be necessary.’ But once the gates of Auschwitz had closed behind the Jews from Norway, the issue disappeared for a long time from the columns of the Swedish press. Among the neutrals, Spain was the country least interested in the Jews: Spanish newspapermen and intelligence agents certainly did not go out oftheir way to establish what happened to the Jews.* But even the Spanish could not help hearing the % The same is true, ofcourse, with regard to Turkey. Istanbul was of great importance in 1943 and the ycars after as a centre from which rescue operations were direcied. But the various rescue committees were represented there only after January 1943, which is to say that during the most critical period, 1941-2, relauvely little informadon about the fate ofthe Jews reached the West through Turkey. (About individual attempts to gather information, by Meleh Neustadt and otherz in 1942, see chapter 6.) The Turkish Stiftelsen norsk Okkupasjonshistorie, 2014 AD nn RTRERT RE A RE ESTER FE TEE 54 The Terrible Secret ‘rumours’; they had ambassadors and journalists in the Axis countries and also in the neutraland Allied capitals. They had a volunteer division fighting on the eastern front; Jewish refugees succeeded in reaching Spain, which given the European situation was a secure haven. Spanish consuls in German- occupied territories were implored to give citizenship papers or visas to individuals about to be deported, however tenuous their relationship to Spain. The Spanish Government did extend such protection to some Jews of Spanish origin in Greece and other countries. It was, in fact, more helpful than other more democratic but also more fearful countries, and it even risked some German ill will in the process. Offictally Spain knew nothing about the ‘final solution’ but from both Nazi and Allied sources it emerged that at least some people in Madrid were certainly in the know. Thus von Thadden, the German Foreign Ministry specialist for ‘final solution’ international compli- cations, reported to Eichmann that a member of the Spanish Embassy in Berlin had informed a representativeofthe German Foreign Ministry orally that they would not mind handingöver the Spanish Jews from Greece to Germany ‘ifonly they could be certain that they would not be liquidated’.”* One month later the British Embassy in Madrid reported that the Spanish Government would welcome the. idea of permitting Jews with Spanish passports to come to Spain as an alternative to being sent to Poland where they would presumably die in concent- ration camps and be made into soap.?” The Spanisinarchives have not yet been explored; but it is obviousquiteirrespective of whether a search would result in startling new discoveries that Madrid, like everyone else in Europe, had heard about the fate of the Jews. The role ofthe Vatican has been endlessiy debated - whether Pope Pius had to keep silent, and whether by.doing so he violated his elementary Christian duties. The Vatican did intervene in Slovakia and Romania, and, albeit not very forcefully, in France and Croatia. Would Hitler have arrested the Pope and executed the cardinals, if they had spoken out Government and the press were not interested in the topic. There were few foreign correspondents in Istanbul in 1942. Neither they nor the more strongly represented intelligence services reported on Jewish affairs except on rare occasions. One such exception was the report made by Francis Ofner to Basil Davidson, representing British intelligence, in June 1942. The subsequent fate ofthe report is unknown. loudiy and clearty? Hardly; he was only too anxious to prevent an open conflict in wartime. Probably it was a case of pusillanimity rather than anti-semitism. Ifthe Vatican did not dare to come to the help of hundreds of Polish priests who also diedin- Auschwitz, it was unrealistic to expect thatit would show more courageand initiative on behalf of the Jews. But the central question in this study is not what the Vatican did, but what itknew. While there can be legitimate differences ofopinion on its activities (or lack ofthem) there isno shadow of doubt with regard to its knowledge. It has been argued (by M. Wladimir d’Ormesson) that the Pope and those around him had no idea what went on in the outside world in view of the ‘total isolation’ imposed by Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy, the fact that the telegraph wasin the hands ofthe Italians, that there was interference with foreign broadcasıs etc.** But M. d’Ormesson, who represented France in the Vatican up to October 1940, was not a disinterested party and his apologia is hard!y convincing. There was a great deal ofcoming and going throughout the war between the Vatican and the outside world. It was kept informed by the Jewish representatives in Geneva who handed long memoranda to the nuncio in Switzerland, Bernardini (17 March 1942), as well as to Angelo Roncalli, the future Pope John xxın, at the time papal nuncio in Turkey; it was bombarded with notes by Myron Taylorand Harold Tittmann, US envoys at the Vatican, Sir Ronald Campbell, the British ambassador, the Brazilian envoy and countless others. All these notes contained information about the mass murder committed by the Nazis. But for the tragic character ofthe subject, it would have been a subject for a comedy, for the Vatican did not, of course, need Myron Taylor, Sir Ronald Campbell and the Brazilians for information about events in Germany and Eastern Europe. It was better informed than anyone else in Europe. There were tens ofthousands of Catholic priests all over Poland, Slovakia and the other countries. They were part ofthe community, ifanyone knew what happened there, it was these men. There were many millions of practising Catholics in Germany, and again tens of thousands of priests - not a few of them serving with the German army in the East. Ifa Catholic priest learned about the conspiracy against Hitler’s life, it is difficult to believe that they did not hear about the activities of a Z hen — ent sim nen in and must mal nme an nn nn The Neutrals: “Unanimous and Reliable Reports’ 55 wenn mine en Stiftelsen norsk Okkupasjonshistorie, 2014 € ERTEILT I ZEN Srgezeree 56 The Terrible Secret the Einsatzgruppen and the death camps. A Catholic official ofthe Foreign Ministry talked to his bishop about the “final solution’ looking for spiritual guidance which he apparently did not get. But this became known by mere accident; there may have been many more such cases. The Vatican, furthermore, had direct or indirect channels of communication with every European country but Russia.* If some Catholic priests in Germany sympathized with the Nazis, many did not, and there were no Nazi sympathizers among the clergy in Poland and few in France. From the little evidence that has become accessible it emerges that the Vatican was either the first, or among the first, to learn about the fate ofthe deported Jews. According to Hans Gmelin, counsellor at the German embassy in Bratislava, Burzio,the local nuncio, wrote in a letter to Prime Minister Tuka in February 1942 that it was an error to think that the Jews would be sent to work in Poland, they would be exterminated there. This is confirmed in a dispatch by Burzio to the Vatican dated g March 1942 which deserves to be quoted again-in view of its importance: “The deportation of 80,000 persons to Poland atthe mercy ofthe Germans means to condemn a great part ofthem to certain death.’”* Yet the ofhcial line ofthe Vatican throughout 1942 remained that it could not confirm the news about the “final solution’ and that, in any case, the information about massacres scemed to be exäggerated. True, Orsenigo, the representative ofthe Vatican in Berlin, had reported on 28 July, “. ..piu macabre supposizioni sulle sorte dei non-ariani.’2°} But "The Polish bishops had to report to Rome through Nuncio Orsenigo in Berlin, whom with some justification they distrusted. For Orsenigo’s behaviour in his dealings with the Nazis certainty went well beyond the necessary caution. It is difhcult tojudge whetherhe thought he acıed in the best interests of the Church or whether his own carcer was foremost in his mind; Orsenigo very much wanted to be a cardinal. His performance in Berlin did not make him very popular in Rome after the war and he’did not attain his ambition. What has just been said about the Polish bishapsırefers, of course, only to official channels. There were yarious other ways to communicate with the Holy See-for instance through couriers t0 Bernadini the nuncio in Switzerland, or via Budapest, Above all, the Polish clergy was in contact with the Holy Sce through the London Government-in-cxile which had ıhroughout the war an ambassador at the Vatican, Casimir Papee. From the documents published by Pape as well as the reports of the Polish Home Army it appcars ihat the Vatican was kept fully informed about events in Poland. (C. Papte, Papiez Pius wir Polska-Przemowienia i listy Papieskie 1999-46. and ed., 1946. See also Carlo Falconi, The Silence of Pins Xrr (Boston, 1970), PP- 109-244.) t“. .. the most gruesome speculation on the fate ofthe nen-Aryans.’ The Neutrals: “Unanimous and Reliable Reports’ 57 supposizioni were not facts on which a government (or the head of the Catholic Church) could base its policy. Both Catholic and Protestant church leaders (such as the German Bishop Dibelius) have claimed after the war that until the very end they were not aware ofthe full implications ofthe final solution. This may well betrueifthe stress is put on the “full implications’. There was no evidence which would have stood up in a court of law; no cardinal or bishop was ever permitted to visit Auschwitz, Sobibor or Treblinka. Their knowledge was based on hearsay, but it is unlikely thatthey had any doubts as to the authoritative character of this information. The Vatican was in a better position to know than the Protestants, simply in view ofitssuperior organization and more extensive international connections. The Vatican archives are not accessible at the present time. ] have been assured by Cärdinal Casaroli, Prefect ofthe Council for the Public Affairs of the Church (and Secretary of State), that while the Holy See cannot depart from its principle ofno access to the archives, the eleven volumes of “The Holy See During the Second World War’ have not omitted anything relative to the object of the Present book.?” Ifso, it must be assumed that the great majority of the notes, reports, letters, memoranda etc. exchanged between the Holy See and its own representatives on one hand and foreign governments on the other have been lost; one can only hope and pray that the loss is not permanent.* Much of the information reached the Vatican, furthermore, not through diplomatic channels but through personal contacts between priests, high and low, and this will not be found in the archives at all. It can be argued that even the most energetic actions on behalf ofthe Vatican would not have saved a single Jew. But it cannot possibly be maintained that the Vatican had no information. As Carlo Falconi says: no one was better *Such attempts to keep Vatican knowledge of events secret are politically and psychologically understandabie, but not very far-sighied, for sooner or later at least some of Ihe facts will become known. Even if (he Vatican archives remain closed indefinitely, there are other sources, The Vatican representatives in the various capitals used an antiquated code for their communications which was undoubtediy intercepted and, in all probability, also broken by most {if not all} European secret services. It is quite likely that the Vatican emissaries did not trust their own code and that very secret or sensitive material was passed on only by word ofımouth. But evenso there are likciy to be at least some revelations in the not-too-distant furure. warnen Ahnen. REP EERE, Stiftelsen norsk Okkupasjonshistorie, 2014 ‚ } + er en Rt 58 The Terrible Secret informed than the Pope about the situation in Poland, with the exception, perhaps, of the Polish Government-in-exile. Ofallthe unofhcial international bodies no one wasin a better « position to know about the fate ofthe Jews in Europe than the International Red Cross, As the report ofthe IRC.ofits activities during the Second World War states: Since the year 1863, when a cornmittee of five citizens of Geneva, with Henry Dunant as their leading spirit and General Dufour at their head, gave the first impulse to the world-wide movement of the Red Cross, based on the formation of National Societies, and to the first Geneva Convention of 1864, the Red Cross, both as a humanitarian and a social institution, has attained far wider scope than its founder ever conternplated.?® The ıRc stood for a particular idea, namely the protection of wounded and sick members of armed forces and succour for the defenceless victims of hostilities, respect for the human being, and the provision of effective aid on the basis of the principle of absolute impartality. During the First and Second World Wars) as-on_many occasions before and after, the IRC hasdone anenormous dealof good and its selfless work deserves the highest praise, During the Second World War it paid thousands of visits to prisoner-of-war camps and provided humanitarianshelp such as food»and medical supplies and parcels 16 the civilian population: 36 million parcels were shipped and 120 million messages transmitted. It arranged theexchange of permanently wounded or sick prisoners of war and certain categories of civilians; it organized the exchange of short messages between civilians of belligerent nations. Nevertheless much criticism has been levelled againstthe ırc for not having extended help to Jews, both to prisoners of war and the civilian population, except during the last phase of'the war in Slovakia and Hungary. The linetaken bythe IRC was (as ‚expressed by Professor Max Huber, its then president) that the civilian population in territory occupied by the enemy had little protection, merely the ‘obsolete and incomplete provisions’ of the Hague Regulations of 1870, and that furthermore for practical reasons stirring up a scandal would have endangered everyone without saving a single Jew. It is true that the ırc could not operate in former Russian territory since the Soviet The Neutrals: *Unanimous and Reliable Report? 59 Union had not signed the Conventions and that the Germans put many obstacles into the way, of the ırc. The national committee of German Red Cross, with which the ırc had to deal, was headed by several major war criminals such as Dr Grawitz and Professor Gebhardt, leading members of the ss, inventors-of the gas chambers and initiators of ‘experimental medicine’ in the.death camps. (The poison gas Zyklon B was transported in vanswith the Red Cross insignia.) Lastly, Swiss neutrality imposed strict limitson IRG activities; all the leading mernbers of the IRC were Swiss citizens. Swiss neutrality up to 1943 prevented any action that could have been construed as unfriendiy by Germany and the Axis powers. But again the problem in this study isnot whether the Red Cross did as much as it could have done, but at what stage it knew about the mass murder and what use it made of this information. The structure öfthe ıirc at the time was briefly as follows: the leading body was the Central (Co-ordination) Commission which had been established in November 1940. Its members were Professors Huber and Burckhardt and Messrs Cheneviere and Barbey. Huber was a distinguished expert in the field of international law. Burckhardt was equally well known as a diplomat, historian and student of literature. They supervised committees dealing with prisoners of war, relief, legal questions etc. The ırc staff in Switzerland in 1942 was almost 3,000 and there were some 70 permanent employees abroad. By the end of the war the ırc had some 76 delegations with 179 members paying visits t0 POW camps and civilian internee centres; there were about one thousand such visits in r942 alone. The emissaries and delegates covered enormous distances, they visited the German Foreign Ministry, they talked to countless civilians and army personnel on both sides and while they could not, of course, move about freely in German territory, they certainly could reach places which other foreigners (and many Germans) could not. Several POW camps were located in Poland. The ırc was bound to learn early on that Jewish soldiers and officers of the Polish army had been taken from the POW camps for “an unknown destination’. The IRC had delegates not only in Germany but also in Croatia and Romania, the countries in which the first major massacres of Jews took place. Furthermore the irCin Geneva was constantly ARE ae ee a A en ee ee a nn DET... . r } N B A Stiftelsen norsk Okkupasjonshistorie, 2014 60 The Terrible Secret approached by the local Jewish representatives with various requests for information about the fate of’ various individuals in Nazi-occupied countries. The ırc.did try to find out until it was "told by the German Red Cross that no information would be forwarded about ‘non-Aryan prisoners’. What could the IRC have done in these circumstances? To protest was pointless, Professor Huber argued; the Red Cross was not an international tribunal. Had the committee adopted the method of public protest, it would inevitably have been forced more and more into taking a definite stand with regard to all kinds ofacts of war, and even of political matters and this, of course, was quite impossible. It was the considered view of the ırc, on the grounds of past experience, that ‘public protests are not only ineflectual but are apt to produce a stiffening of the indicted country’s attitude with regard to Committee, even the rupture of relations with it.’*? ‘Germany had put the Jews into a new category, that of second-class human beings,’ the IRC post-war report said. Just as the general laws did not pertain to dogs, cats and sheep, so they did not pertain to Jews. But what use would it have been to bang on the table and to protest - ‘what protests and threats have ever changed criminal methods?’ These and many other post-war writings (‘Did we not faibin the fulfilment of certain duties?’) shows that the IRC was aware that it had faced a grave dilemma, and that it might not have doneallitcould even withinthedifhicult conditionsfacing it. For it was also true that keeping silent in these-£ircumstances was tantamount to abetting the “final solution’. But what did the iRC know and through what channelsdid it get its information? It was not permitted to open a permanent delegation in Poland and only in late 1942 was it allowed to establish delegations in Slovakia, Hungary and Romania. But its emissaries did travel in Eastern Europe and from these missions and through other means the news about the fate ofthe Jews filtered through. On at least one occasion in late August 1942 Dr von Wyss, an IRC delegate, inspected the food distribution centre for the Polish ghettos. Some further examples will sufice.”' There were frequent exchanges between Miss Warner and Miss Campion of the British Red Cross and Madame Ferriere in Geneva: what had become ofthe German The Neutrals: “Unanimous and Reliable Reports’ 61 and Czech Jews who were deported? Was it true that they were sent to Poland and Russia? There was no reliable information, Madame Ferriere replied, but it actually happened all over Europe. It was a tragic situation and ‘we cannot do anything aboutit’. On.another occasion she mentioned the ‘tragic consequences of the situation’. Later, in August 1942, Miss Campion reported t0.Geneva ‘enormous numbers of inquiries’ about deportations. Meanwhile individual ırc ofhcials had talked to Jewish doctors about the deportations from Berlin (Dr Exchaquet, 20 November 1941). Rene de Weck, the Swiss minister in Bucharest, wrote in a private letter to Jacques Cheneviere of the IRC about the systematic persecutions to which the Romanian Jews were exposed and said that ‘the Armenian massacres which had shakemihe European Conscience at the beginning ofthe century were a mere child’s play in comparison’ (29 November 1941). In a postscript he stated that the basic tendency was the ‘physical destruction ofthe,Jews’. Following de Weck’s initiative and urgings from other quarters W. Rohner visited Hungary and Romania in March 1942. In a long memorandum to Burckhardt he mentioned “les massacres les plus atroces’* of Kamenets Podolsk as well as the fact that in the Ukraine some 100,000 Jews had been killed (report dated 10 April 1942). He also wrote that the Slovak Jews had been deported. According to one report he received the younger Jewish women thought they would be working in factories in Poland but this was probably mere self-delusion, they would be put ‘ä la disposition des soldats allemands’.t In Hungary he heard a report on the deportation to Auschwitz of eight thousand Jews and in Romania about the murder of twenty thousand in Odessa. Rohner was president of the Commission mixte de secours; his word carried weight. Auschwitz, among other places, was also mentioned in a report by the head ofthe Slovak Red Cross, Skotnicky, (9 June 1942) and by the representative of the French Red Cross, Colonel Garteiser, who misspelled it "Hauswitz’. He noted that those deported were never heard of; they were not permitted to write orreceive letters (2 June 1942). Dr Marti, who represented *he most atrocious massacres’. t'aı the disposal of German soldiers. ER ner Stiftelsen norsk Okkupasjonshistorie, 2014 * | | an Aue 62 The Terrible Secret the ırc in Berlin, was another important source. He went to see Dr Sethe ofthe German Red Cross and intervened with him but . was told that those deported from France were considered criminals; no help could be rendered (20 May 1942). He tried again in September: was it possible at least to correspond with those who had been sent to the East? Again there was a negative answer, except for some thirty individual replies to many thousand queries. Dr Marti was permitted to travel to the General Government in August 1942 but scems not to have seen much. True, he reported horrible scenes at Rawa Russka where French prisoners of war from Stalag 325 had seen the execution of 150 Jews by Ukrainians. Several months before, Marti had reported that special SS units were exterminating civilians in the occupied Russian territories. When he told Sethe that people outside Germany were saying that conditions in the camps were worse than anything the Inquisition had invented, Sethe simply replied ‘Let them talk’ (28 January 1942). LaterMarti reported that French Jews had been seen in Riga and thatsixty thousand Jews were believed to have been killed there (14 November 1942). So far the information had been sporadie but in late autumn the news came in from all quarters. Even the IRC delegate,in Washington reported that the State Department had been informed that Jews were killed in great numbers in Poland (13 October 1942). Thus the question arose whetherthe IRc should make public what it knew. Discussions among members’of the IRC executive went on throughout August 1942. By mid- September Professor Huber and his assistants had prepared a draft which, while mentioning no names and condemning no one in particular, simply said that civilians should behumanely treated. This was not sufhiciently outspoken for Madame Odier {head of the subcommittee for civilian aflairs) and Madame Bordier, a member of the relief commission. They thought that stronger language was needed in the face of an unprecedented catastrophe. However, the majority in the executive did not believe in appeals which it thought emotional and futile, but they were willing to support the Huber draft. The decisive meeting took place on 14 October 1942. Huber was ill and the chair was taken on this occasion by Cheneviere. Ze ve anna em mn See meer pn PEREINPUDRENND DEU Dur E Philip Etter made one of his rare appearances on this occasion. He had been Swiss Foreign Minister in the 19305 and represented the Swiss Government. His orientation was if anything rather pro-Axis and he opposed even the anodyne Huber draft, arguing that it could be interpreted as a violation of neutrality. His opinion prevailed and as a result no IRC statement at all wasissued concerning the murder ofthe Jews. If leading membersofthe ırc did not believe in the value of public appeals they were willing to pass on what they knew in their capacity as private eitizens. In October ı942, Carl Burckhardt began to talk.* He informed first an old Jewish friend and colleague from the Geneva Centre of Advanced Studies, Professor Paul Guggenheim, and then on 7 November he saw Paul C. Squire, American consulin Geneva. He told Squire that while he had not actuallyseen the order, he could confirm privately and not for publication that Hitler had signed an order in 1941 that before the end of 1942 Germany must be freed of all Jews. He had received this information independently from two very well informed Germans, one a German Foreign Ministry ofcial (probably Albrecht von Kessel), the other a War Ministry official. Squire asked him whether the word extermination was used, whereupon Burckhardt said that the actual text was judenrein-- empty of Jews. But since there was no place to send the Jews, and since the territory must be cleared, it was obvious what the result would be. Burckhardt also said that the ırc had. considered directing a public appeal throughout the world on the question of the Jews but it had been voted down; it was thought that such an appeal would render the situation even more dificult and jeopardize the work undertaken for the *He was not ihe only one to transmit information privately. Dr Riegner, writing in June 5942, mentions the fact that he was told by alcading personality ofthe IRG that the Jewish representatives in Geneva actually underestimated the number of Jews killed in the German-occupied territories of Russia. According to ıhe same source the only way to stop the slaughter was to threaten the Germans with retaliation in kind. (Riegner 10 Goldmann, 17 June 1942.) The official in question was, in all probability, Andre de Pilar, a Baltic baron who also had Swiss nationality. He was a member of the Commission mixie de secours of the IRC, a special agency for reliefdispatches. De Pilar wasin constant touch with the German Red Cross. Riegner recalis ıhat he was very open in conversation ‘and gave me from time to time extremely valuable information’ (Riegner to author, 13 December 1979). The Neutrals: “Unanimous and Reliable Reports’ 63 N 1 Stiftelsen norsk Okkupasjonshistorie, 2014 mn 64 The Terrible Secret prisoners ofwar and civil internees which was the real task ofthe Red Ciross.* - In a covering note to Leland Harrison, US minister in Bern, Squire wrote that he had always observed that the Nazis sought to cloak their documents in legality — the use of the term ‘extermination’ was too bloody for historical record, but it was clear that ‘for the unfortunates only one solution remained, namely death’.”? Later in November Riegner went to see Burckhardt and was told that the Red Cross did not want to lodge a protest for the time being. It wasfeared that the information which the ırcstill received about the deportations would cease altogether in case of a protest. Furthermore, it seened advisable to protest only when there was no hope whatsoever of helping any other way. Meanwhile the IRC would continue to press the Germans constantly for information, to ask for permission to send delegates to the General Government, to Theresienstadt and Transniestria. A German Red Cross oficial named’Kundt had, in fact, tokl him that such pressure was desirable {!), even though he could not promise that it would lead to any result.” The Burckhardt revelations were not sensational. By October 1942 about two million Jews had-been killed and the information had been received frommany sources. But the very fact that he was willing to speak about a Führer order, even though unofhcially and offthe record was, ofcourse, a breach of neutrality as his colleagues, such as Professor Huber, understood it. Burckhardt’s conversation with Squire_.certainly influenced the American diplomats who had-been reluctant to believe Polish and Jewish sources. The information was still considered inconvenient in Washington, but it could no longer be ignored. *Burckhardi was a cautious man. There is an American record of this conversation, written by Consul Squire. 3 have been assurod by a director of the Inc that a search made in IRC ofices in Geneva showed that Burckhardt did not leave a report ofthis talk. THE ALLIES: ‘WILD RUMOURS INSPIRED BY JEWISH FEARS’ SHORTLY after the end ofthe war Abbe Glasberg, a courageous churchman of Russian-Jewish origin who had done much to save French Jews, wrote that he found it difficult to explain how during all these years the Allied intelligence services should have not known (or ignored) the truth about the Hitlerite extermi- nation camps which extended over many square kilometres and in which millions of people had been incarcerated.' It is a legitimate question. True, no intelligence service is omniscient, but in this specific instance there was no need for brilliant analytical skills and great penetration: letters and pöstcards told the story and sometimes it was even reported in the press. The critical period for this study is July 1941 totheend of 1942. American intelligence was then only starting its operations while the British services were already in top gear. While everything that happened in Nazi-occupied Europe was ofinterest to these services, there were, of course, priorities, and the fate ofan ethnic or religious minority did not figure high on their agenda. But on the other hand no intelligence service in Europe could possibly not help hearing about the ‘final solution’ in 1942 for the simple reason that it was common knowledge on the continent. Details were perhaps shrouded in mystery, but the picture in general was not: as Hitler had predicted, the Jews were disappearing. The Allied governments heard about this from a variety of sources. In Britain there was the sıs, Special Intelligence Service (military intelligence) which was, in prineiple, in charge of all news gathering operations,. But the Special Operations Executive (SOE), which had been founded to engage abroad under the control ofthe Ministry of Economic Warfare (MEW), did in fact also collect news in France, in Denmark and in other countries. All intelligence from Poland was passed to the sıs automatically from the Polish Second Bureau except that Stiftelsen-norsk Okkupasjonshistorie, 2014 66 The Terrible Secret concerning purely domestic affairs. Similar agreements existed between Britain and Dutch, French, Czech and Norwegian intelligence. But the SOE was also active in Poland. MI5, the security service, obtained interesting information from the interrogation centres it ran, so did MIg (CSDIC) and MIIg, dealing with British soldiers and civilians escaping from the continent respectively. Decoding and deciphering came from GC&Cs (the government code and cypher school), whereas aerial reconnaissance was in the hands of the Air Ministry. The bureaucratic complications were manifold but whatever the source, important news should always have reached the Prime Minister, the War Cabinet and the chiefs of staff‘? But what is important news? Intelligence quite often consists of small and perhaps insignificant items, which taken in isolation appear to be of no consequence. A certain pattern emerges only ifthey are interpreted in a broader context. There is, furthermore, an unlimited number of ways of getting things wrong and only one right answer. Intelligence, like writing history, is a matter ofselection and the fact that a certain event was duly observed does not per se mean that it wasıcorrectly understood. It certainly does not mean that such information always reached the higher ranks ofthe intelligenceservices, such as the Joint Intelligence Committee which acted as a liaison between the various agencies, and Certainly not the,War Cabinet whose capacity forsucceeded in fleeing and made their way to-Warsaw where theyarrived in February. Rumkowski, theheadofthe Lodz ghetto, the second largest in Poland, seems to have learned about the purpose of Chelmno independently. This’appears from a letter he hadıwritten to the rabbi ofa nearby community (Grabow) who had turned to him with the request for information. But on the whole Rumkowski keptssilent and ifthe story ofChelmno reached the Jewish public in Poland and abroad this was to the credit of a'small group in the Warsaw ghetto which was running a clandestine documen- tary centre and intelligence service-under the name of Oneg Shabbat. The gravediggers were interviewed by members of this circle who passed it on to the Jewish illegal press and also to the Polish underground.* The driving force behind this group was *Iı has been established that the ihree gravediggers arrived in the Warsaw ghetto about four weeks after ıheir escape. They had been apparently advised to direct their steps to the capital by the rabbi of Grabow (not far from Chelmno) whom they hadseen earlier on. Oneg Shabbat passed the news on to the Polish underground press, to the left- wing paper Barykada Wolnosci (see *Satanskie Zbrodnie Hitlera’, March 1942) and, a nike N ee EEE The Jews in Nazi-occupied Europe 129 Emanuel Ringelblum, a leader of the left-wing Marxist-Zionist party Poale Zion. Born in 1900 in Eastern Galicia, he had studied at Warsaw University and taught history in Warsaw high schools until in 1938 he became involved in the organization of help to refugees from Nazi Germany. From this time on he was one.of the leaders in the movement for self-help and mutual assistance. Together with A. Gutkovski and Hersh Wasser, as well asa gröup of younger people, he established an archive on the condition\of the Jews in Warsaw and the process of liquidation. Information was also collected from refugees from smaller communities all over Poland. The weekly news sheets which contained this information were distributed ‘to public men and editors of underground papers, both Jewish and Polish’. It alerted public opinion to the extent ofthe killings and their likely continuation and ‘also served as a source of news for outside.the country on the appalling things that were being done to the Jewish population’.* Ringelblum was caught by the Gestapo in March 1944, tortured and shot. Wasser, one of his close collaborators, survived the war. The materials collected by the group were hidden in three containers after the destruction ofthe ghetto. Two were found after the end ofthe war, the third has been lost. They constitute the most important single source for our knowledge about Warsaw during these tragic years. But the news about Chelmno had reached not only Ringelblum through the gravediggers; it had been transmitted to Warsaw in January in a less dramatic way- through the mail. In the archives of the Jewish Historical Institute in Warsaw there are five letters and postcards in which Jews living in the vicinity of Chelmno neighbourhood informed their friends and relations in Warsaw about what had happened and asked them to inform Jewish leaders at once about the impending danger.? They are dated g, 21, 22 and 27 January. Iffivesuch letters have been found after the total destruction of Warsaw it is not unreasonable to assume that there were many more such lastly, through the lawyer Henryk Wolinski, head of the Jewish department at the Delegatura, it was transmitted to London and the United States. Wolirski also hel; Ringelblum to get the reports about the extermination of the Jews in Lublin and other Fegions to the West (March-April 1942). They were sent bycourier, not telegraph, since these were longish reports; they reached London only with a delay ranging from four to eight weeks, See Ruta Sakowska, “Archiwum Ringelbhuma’, Biuletyn Zydowskiego Instytuts Historyeznego w Polsce, July-Decermber 1978 and chapter 4 above ("News From Poland’). EEE NERBEREE 2 a iR $ | f Ex) i Een Stiftelsen norsk Okkupasjonshistorie, 2014 130 The Terrible Secret messages. The letters about Chelmno quite apart, there were many others about massacres, deportations and gassings allover Poland. Post offices in Poland continued to function, warnings continued to arrive from all over the country; perhaps the Nazis thought that since the Jews were doomed anyway it did not greatly matter whether calls for help were transmitted from one place to another. The existence of these letters shows, in any case, that many Polish Jews did know at an early date about the “final solution’. If so, why were they so reluctant fo believe it? Perhaps they thought like the woman from Krushniewiza who wrote to her husband on 24 January 1942, one week before her deportation to Chelmno: ‘We face a great disaster, we know beforehand what will happen to us. It is better if one does not know, if it happens suddenly. ...’* Or to provide another example on a higher level of sophistication: the underground newspaper Der Vecker had been one of the first to carry the news about Chelmno. But in its next issue (15 February 1942) it attacked the “alarmists and panicmongers’ who were spreading the news that deportations would soon startıfrom the Warsaw ghetto. Such rumours, the paper said, were ‘criminally irresponsible’. The first document that has survived about the existence of the first death camp dates back even further. Thisis a postcard written by an unknown few 10a resident of Posbebice and was later forwarded to Lodz. It reads as follows: Dear Cousin Mote Altszul, 31 December 1941 As you know from Kolo, Dabie and other places Jews have been sent to Chelmno to a castle. Two wecks have'already passed and it is not known how several thousands have’perished. They are gone and you should know, there will be no addresses for them. They weresent to the forest and they were buried. So, address all Jews that theyshould pray for the Jewish people, and may God declare: so far and not further. With regard to the Jews of Zagzewo, theinaddressis the same. Do not look upon this asa small matter, they have decided to wipe out, to kill, to destroy. Pass this leiter on to learned people to read. .. > It is not known whether this postcard was read by anyone but the recipients. But there was another letter which in all probability reached a wider circle. Having been seen by the gravediggers from Chelmno, the rabbi of Grabow wrote to his brother-in-law in Lodz: - The Jews in Nazi-occupied Europe 131 My dearest, ı9 January 1942 Until now I have not replied to your letters because I did not know exactly about all the things people have been talking about. Unfortunately, for our great tragedy, now we know it all. Ihave been visited by an eyewitness who survived only by accident, he managed to escapefrorm hell... . Ifound out about everything from him. The place where all perish is called Chelmno, not far from Dabie, and all are hidden in the neighbouring forest of Lochow. Peopie are killed in two different ways: by Airing squad or by poison gas. This is what happened to the cities Dabie, Isbica, Kujawska, Klodawa and others. Lately there have been brought to that place thousands of, gypsies from the so- called gypsy camp of Lodz, and for the past several days Jews have been brought there from Lodz and the same is done to them. Do not think that I am mad. Alas, this is the tragic, cruel truth. Tear of your garments, put asheson your heads, run through the streets and dance in madness. . ‚+ Lam so.tired by the suffering of Israel and I can no longer write. I feel that my heart is bursting. And maybe the Most High will after all have mercy and will save the remnants of our nation. Ö creator ofthe world, help us! [Jakob Schulman)'® It appears from this letter that there were rumours in Lodz about Chelmno even before and that the rabbi was writing in reply to a request for more information. One of those who had few illusions was Ringelblum, whose diary became one of the most important documents on the last days of Polish Jewry. He wrote in his diary about Chelmno; in April he knew about Belzec and in May about Sobibor, the two other camps which had just started operating."! But his diary also reflects his terrible frustration. As April passed and May and there was no sign that the information he had passed on to the Polish Government-in-exile and through it to the Western world about the first death factory and also about the Lublin killings in March-April had indeed reached its destination. Then on Friday 26 June he was at last sure that his messages had reached London. He noted in his diary that there had been a transmission ofthe BBC in the morning in which there was said “all chat we knew so well - Slonim and Vilna, Lemberg and Cheimno’. For how many months had he waited, thinking that the world was deafand dumb? For a long time he had suspected the Polish resistance: perhaps they wanted to keep silent about the Jewish tragedy so as not to detract from their own tragedy. a re ae Stiftelsen norsk Okkupasjonshistorie, 2014 u en en Te Wehr 132 The Terrible Secret Ringelblum noted with satisfaction that the broadcast had not merely mentioned individual acts of cruelty, as on previous occasions. For the first time the number of victims had been mentioned — 700,000. Thus the Oneg Shabdat group had fulfilled a great historical mission and perhaps saved hundreds of thousands of Jews. Even their death would not be in vain as the death of so many other Jews for they had made known the devilish plan which the Germans wanted to keep secret to destroy Polish Jewry. If only England would take suitable counter-measures the Polish Jews could perhaps still be saved. Ringelblum’s words about the ‘great historical mission’ and his implied optimism were, of course, tragically wrong in retrospect. But it is now generally accepted that he and.his group were indeed the first to alert the West to the fact that East European Jewry was no longer facing just pogroms but that a new stage had been reached - extinction."? It was not the fault of Oneg Shabbat that suitable counter-measures were not taken - perhaps could not be taken by the British or anyone else. A few days later, on 30 June, Ringelblum returned to the same topic in his diary: These last days the Jewish population has been living in the sign of London. For long months we tormented ourselves with the question: does the world know about our suffering?And ifso, why doesit keep silent? Only now have we understood the real reason: London did not know. Now, following these revelations there is great excitemnent, joy mixed with fear. According to Ringelblum even most Germans in Poland had not known until recently about the mass killings. Some of the Germans who had heard aboutChelmno were greatly per- turbed and were reported to have said that they and their families would pay dearly for these crimes. Hence Ringelblum’s conclusion: quite possibly the Nazis were afraid of German public opinion. But a sober appraisal.showed that the Jews could not expect any mercy from the Germans. It all depended how much time Hitler had to pursue his designs. If he had sufficient time, then the Jews were lost. Even before the news from London had reached him Ringelblum had pondered in his diary the meaning of another death camp, Sobibor. On 17 June he wrote that a friend from another town who had assisted with the ‘population transfer’ to The Jews in Nazi-occupied Europe 133 Sobibor where Jews were choked with gas had asked him, ‘How much longer will we go as sheep to slaughter?’ Ringelblum commented that the deportations were carried outinsuch a way that it was not always clear to everyone that a massacre was taking place. As a result the urge to defend the whole community and the feeling of solidarity were lost, there was a spiritual breakdown, a disintegration caused by three years of terror. He continued: Nonetheless it will remain completely incomprehensible why Jews from villages around Hrubieszow were evacuated under a guard of Jewish policemen. Not one ofthem escaped, although all ofthem knew where and towards what they were going. No expert will be able to explain why 40 pioneers (kaluizim) from an agricultural kibbutz consented to beded to the slaughter though they knew what had happened inVilna, Slonim, Chelmno and other places. One gendarme;is sufhcient to slaughter a whole town. ... In Lublin four Gestapo men set up and performed the entire operation. ... They went passively to death and they did it so that the rermnants of che people would belefttolive, becauseevery Jew knew thatlifüng ahand against a German would endanger his brothers from a different town or ınaybe from a different country. That is the reason why 300 Prisoners of war let themselves be killed by the Germans on the way from Lublin to Biala, brave soldiers who had distinguished themselves in the fight for Poland’s freedom. ... But was this explanation entirely convincing? Ringelblum had said himself that the phenomenon was inexplicable in the final analysis. On some occasions he noted that it wasnot always clear to the victims what fate was in store for them, and on other occasions he wrote that they knew perfectly well. There was an inconsisteney in his comments but this inconsistency was inherent in the situation. It was an essential part of it. Yizhak Zukerman, one of the leaders ofthe Zionist-socialist underground, wrote in 1944 that the Jewish underground press had carried extensive reports about the mass murders, but Warsaw did not believe. ... Simple commonsense refused to accept the possibility of the mass destruction of tens and hundreds of thousands of.Jews... . . The press was decried for panicmongering even though the descriptions of deportation action were strictly true. The news about the German crimes was received with incredulity and mistrust - not only abroad. Even here in the immediate neighbour- FEB EG UTTE TE Zr AN Ahern ENTE | 1 ER de HF ec ET nr SE ET ln DE Re Klee etc lin line ysitesisie Stiftelsen norsk Okkupasjonshistorie, 2014 134 The Terrible Secret \ hood of Ponary and Chelmno, Belzec and Treblinka these reports found no credence. Unfounded optimism went hand in hand with ‚ ignorance.'? . If some did not believe the reports, others did. Haim Aron Kaplan, unlike Ringelblum, was not in the centre ofthe Warsaw stage, nor did he have a private information service at his disposal. He was an elderly educator, the head ofan elementary Hebrew day school. His diary was discovered after the war - Kaplan and his family died in December 1942 or January 1943 in Treblinka - and it clearly shows that there were no secrets in the ghetto. Thus on ı6 May 1942: Alfred Rosenberg has stated explicitly: “The Jews are awaiting the end of the war; but ıhe Jews will not live to see it. They will pass fromthe earth before it comes.’ Vilna, Kovno, Lublin, Slonim and Novogrudok have proved that the Nazi may be relied upon to keep his word.’* On 3 June Kaplan wrote in his diary that 40,000 Jews of Lublin had disappeared, but no one knew their burial place. Aryan messengers had searched for them but found nö trace: “Butthere is no doubt that they are no longer alive.’ On 7 June: “The English radio, whose listeners endanger their lives, strengthens our hope. We listen to Reuters with great respect.’ On 10 July 1942 Hatm Kaplan the teacher in the isolated ghetto, knew about the “final solution’. Onerefugee had escaped from Lublin and he had brought dreadful news: It has been decreed and decided in Nazi ruling circles1to bring systematic physical destruction upon the’ jJews of the General Government. There is even a special_military unit for this purpose which makes the rounds of all the Polish cities according to the needs and the requirements ofthe moment. But a total slaughter such as this can’t be put into practice in one day. ... Therefore theNazis have established a gigantic exile centre for three hundred thousand people, a concentration camp located between(Chelmrand Wlodawa.... Jewish exiles from all the conquered countries are brought to this exile camp. ... One day later: As long as there is no knowledge hope still flows in the heart, but from now on everything is clear, and all doubt for our future is removed... » In every generation they have risen up against us to destroy us. The experiences from our history are not, however, like the current The Jews in Nazi-occupied Europe 135 experience. There is no similarity between physical destruction which comes about as a result of a momentary outburst of fanatical mobs incited to murder, and this calculated governmental program for the realization of which an organized murder apparatus has been set up. On 22 July the deportations from Warsaw began. One month earlier, on 22 June, Ringelblum had asked himself: why should the Warsaw Jews be so privileged as to avoid. the curse of deportation? Brutal deportations were carried out in Cracow, the capital of the General Government under the eyes of the highest (German) authorities, Why should the waves of eviction, which had come so close, spare the Warsaw Jews? The chairman ofthe /udenrat had said that he had been given firm promises that there'would be no deportations from Warsaw.!? But then the deportations did come under way, and before the second consignment left Czerniakow committed suicide; if he did not know what the deportations meant, he certainiy guessed. The destination was Treblinka, north-cast of Warsaw, The Jews in the ghetto had heard ofChelmno, about Belzec and Sobibor. But all they knew of Treblinka was that it was a prison camp. Nor did the Home Army know any more at the time. It was decided to send a scout, Zalman Friedrich, another ‘Aryan- looking’ Jew, to collect information about this new camp. He went to Sokolov, the main railway station nearest Treblinka, where he met an acquaintance, bloody and in rags, who had just escaped from the camp. This man told him that Treblinka was another death factory which had become operative the very day the first transports from Warsaw had arrived. Friedrich returned to Warsaw the sixth day after the deportations had started (28 July) and reported to the Bund, of which he was a member. The illegal press immediately published his report. But as usual there was more than one source: another Warsaw Jew, Eli Linder, had escaped in a heap of disused clothing from the camp. Later yet more details were revealed by Abraham Krzepicki who had fled after eighteen days in Treblinka and returned to Warsaw. Railway workers who had accompanied the trains confirmed these stories. And lastly ıhe smell of the burned corpses hung over the whole neighbourhood like a ‘cloud of pestilence’ as the German commander at Ostrow But it in his report. All the residents of the nearby villages new it: ee RAT me Bayern nt FERNE Stiftelsen norsk Okkupasjonshistorie, 2014 136 The Terrible Secret Those left behind in Warsaw knew that they were under a sentence of death. But they still hoped that help would come from outside and they realized that it was of paramount importance to inform the world. The Zionists, while very active “ intheghettos, were notin a good position todo so. Many oftheir leaders and their most active members had left Poland before the war or just after its outbreak by way of Vilna. They were in contact with Slovakia, Hungary and Switzerland but their letters and postcards, included only hints which were not always understood and believed. A few ofthem succeeded in escaping to Slovakia and from there to Hungary where, for the time being, they were in relative safety. The Jewish Communists were not in a much better position. They had comrades outside the ghettos but for them like for the Home Army assistance to the Jews was not a top priority. The Polish Communists, in any case, had been “purged’ over and over again in the 19g0s. The party had in fact been dissolved by the Comintern; it was re-established in Warsaw only in 1942 and a Communist fighting organization’ came into being oniy in 1943. By the time a rudimentary Communistnetwork hadcome into existence and news could be transmitted to Moscow, most Polish Jews were no longer alive. There still was the Bund, the big, well-organized working-class party; it had always opposed emigration; some ofits leaders had escaped to the Soviet Union where they found a tragic end (the exeeution of Alter and Ehrlich). Those who remained had fairly closc relations with the Socialists (pps) and since the pps was partöfithe Polish underground they were in a position to transmit full accounts to their comrades in London and New York. In the beginning these reports took a fairly long time to reach the West, but from late 1942 the Bund also had access to the underground radio stations through which messages could be relayed to London very quickly. About the main actors in these exchanges, and the messages sent, more will be said elsewhere in this study. But among all these reports there is one which should be singled out because it provides a unique insight into the many fears and few hopes of - Polish Jewry in mid-1942. This is the report oftthe Bund written in early May 1942 which reached London later thesame month, and was broadcast (in part) over the BBC on 2 June. It was The Jews in Nazi-occupied Europe 137 published in Ämericä in August and begins with the following words: From the day the Russo-German war broke out, the Germans embarked on the physical extermination of the Jewish population on Se soil, using the Ukrainian and the Lithuanian Fascists for this job. It mentions a. great many facts and figures about the number of Jews killed in various places (including Chelmno) and the beginning of'the extermination in the General Government. It gives a figure 0f' 700,000 victims and says that this indicates that the German Government has begun to carry out Hitler’s prophecy that in the last five minutes of the war, whatever its outcome, all the Jews in Europe would be killed. The Bund therefore suggested that the Polish Government should ask the United Nations immediately to apply the policy of retaliation against the fifih column living in their midst: "Weare aware that we are requesting the Polish Government to apply unusual measures. But this is the only possibility of saving millions of Jews from inevitable destruction.’'* Dr Feiner, the representative of the Bund, made the same suggestions even more forcefully in a subsequent dispatch to the West which will be discussed later on.'’ The Polish Government-in-exile also made similar suggestions on various occasions. The idea of Allied reraliation had, in fact, crossed the minds of some German officials, and one of them, the Undersecretary in the Foreign Ministry, had written earlier in the war that Germany was in this respect in an unfavourable position (wir sitzen am kürzeren Hebel). But he was referring to a specific problem - the arrest of Us citizens of Jewish origin in France in 1941. The situation of Polish and other European Jews was, of course, quite different. The threats that could have been made by the Allies to save Polish, German or Austrian Jewry would not have been credible. And even ifthere had been such ways and means to threaten the Germans with retaliation by “unusual measures’, most Allied leaders would have argued that such measures, or even the threat of such measures, were indefensible even ifit was a matter ofsaving human lives. Others would have said, openly or in private, that there were always a great many victims in time of war and that it was hardly worth while to take such risks on behalfofthe Jews. But allthis does not Bun ou Stiftelsen norsk Okkupasjonshistorie, 2014 138 The Terrible Secret excuse the unwillingness to believe and tö publicize th& reports from Poland in 1942. And it seems certain in retrospect that at least some Jews could have been saved if greater pressure had been exerted at the time on Germany’s satellites. In June " 1942 the underground newspaper of one of the Jewish youth movements in Warsaw published a last desperate cry: “The number of the victims of total murder is daily growing. European Jewry goes up to the gallows -— German, Czech, Slovak Jews. SOS.SOS.SOS.’'? Like so many calls for help this one went unanswered. This then was the situation in Poland. But well before the death camps began to operate two events had taken place elsewhere in Eastern Europe which became known almost immediately in the West. Normally they would have caused a major outery but in the event there were hardly any repercussions at all: I refer to the Kamenets Podolsk massacre and the killing of more than 100,000 Romanian Jews in Transniestria, The Hungarian Government had entered the war against the Soviet Union on 27 June 1941. In July some leading civilianand army offcials in Budapest decided to get rid of'as many alien Jews as possible. This referred above all to people of dubious citizenship in Carpatho-Ruthenia who were to be handedhover to the Germans. The Hungarian ER RE EEE aan ae au un de nn er eng: a ee RETE N TEE Teen Stiftelsen norsk Okkupasjonshistorie, 2014 ne nut ne en Wins erbar an: 172 The Terrible Secret bureaucratic apparatus. He had never lived in Palestine for any length of time and his command of Hebrew was uncertain, to say the least. Hewasa German Jew, which is tosay that he never quite fitted into the closely knit group ofthe East European Jews who dominated Zionist politics and who belonged to a different cultural and social milieu. When he was sent to Geneva in 1939 no one realized how vitally important Geneva would be in the years to come, as a source of information. , In some ways Lichtheim was eminently suited for this assignment: ofall the Zionist leaders of his generation he had the surest grasp of world politics. He was widely read in recent European affairs and he had, of course, followed international politics for three decades from a close angle. His analytical skill was impressive. He never had any illusions about Hitler’s immoderate aims and mad ambitions, nor did he have any false hopes with regard to the firmness the Western Allies would show vis-a-vis the Fascist dictators. His predictions with regard to the course ofthe war and developments in the post-war period were remarkabiy accurate. True, his reports did not have a great impact back home in Jerusalem, but it is more than doubtful whether someone more in tune with the Zionist leadership would have been more successful in explaining the grim realities of Nazi Europe. Lichtheim was less ideally suited in some other respects. He had not much experience in conspirational work. His training had been in a different world. But such activities wereimpossible in any case in Geneva; the Swiss authofities were closely watching the Jewish emissariessand would have taken a very dim view if these had engaged in any suspect activities, Thus, as the war broke out, Lichtheim set up shop in 52 rue des Paquis, Palais Wilson - and began his correspondence with Jerusalem which concerned the fate of individualsand that of whole communities. He became more and more pessimistic as Hitler occupied country after country. But it was not a pessimism that led to passivity. He did have suggestions how to save at least some ofthe Jews of Europe and he was repeating his proposals relentlessiy and without much success.* In a letter *The following is based on the Lichtheim correspondence kept in the Central Zionist Archives in Jerusalem (CZA). Iknew Richard Lichtheim through hisson, George, and I discussed with him his work in Geneva on various occasions accompanying him on walks through Rehavia, the Jerusalem suburb where he made his home in the late 19408 World Jewry: From Geneva to Athlit 173 written after the fall of France he mentioned the existence of a. ‘specific office dealing with the solution of the Jewish Question’ - Eichmann’s department in the Main State Security Office. Others were to discover this more than two yeais later. But at that time the “final solution’ had not yet been put on the agenda; the Nazis were planning ‘radical emigration’ and settlement in Madagascar. As Berlin saw it, there was sufficient room in Madagascar. Palestine on the other hand, to quote Lichtheim, would belong in the Nazi New Order to a power which would “either liquidate the Jews there entirely or, in any event, not permit further immigration.’'? Buttorepeatonceagain, at that time the issue was emigration and economic assistance, not yet physical survival. ‘What will become ofthe JewsofEurope?’ Lichtheim asked as 1940 drew to its close: I feel thatıa word of warning to the happier Jews of England and America is necessary. Et is impossible to believe that any power on earth will be able (and willing?) to restore to the Jews of Continental Europe what they have lost or are losing today. It is one of the superficial beliefs of a certain type of American and British Jew that after Great Britain’s victory - for which, ofcourse, the Jews all over the world are praying - everything will be all right again with the Jews of Europe. But even if their civil rights can be restored - what about the property confiscated, the shops looted, the practices of doctors and lawyers gone, the schools destroyed, the commercial undertakings of every description closed or sold or stolen? Who will restore all that and how? ... And what will be left of the Jews of Europe? I am not speaking of the hundreds of thousands who during these years of Persecution have managed to escape and are now trying to build up a new life in Palestine, in USA, in South America, Australia, San Domingo or elsewhere. Then there are the refugees in Europe who wied to escape but did not go fast and far enough. ... What will become ofthem after the war??° It was cleariy a problem that could not be solved by simple formulae such as the slogan ‘Restore their rights’. As Lichtheim Saw it there would be a mass of several hundreds of thousands after the war in a ‘permanent no-man’s land drifting from one frontier to another, fröm concentration camps to labour camps, from there to some unknown country and destiny’. It was a remarkably accurate forecast. True, when Lichtheim wrote even in 1940 about ‘an ocean of blood and misery’ he did not a Stiftelsen norsk Okkupasjonshistorie, 2014 174 The Terrible Secret assume that millions would be killed. His predictions may now appear unduly optimistic; among his contemporaries these were considered examples of unwarranted despondency. The situation was rapidly changing for the worse. After the Nazi invasion of Yugoslavia and the establishment ofthe Fascist Ustasha state in Croatia the turn came of Croatian Jewry. ‘The situation of the Jews in Croatia is desperate,’ Lichtheim wrote. The Italians were behaving much more humanely in their occupied zones than Germany’s other allies, but “the Croats are certainly among the worst’. There was no reaction from Jerusalem.?' Later that year, Lichtheim reviewed the depor- tations from Germany, Austria and the Protectorate: Jews from German .cities were concentrated in Berlin, others were deported to Poland or other East European countries. Similar expulsion orders had been given in Vienna and Prague. So far no information had been received that anything untoward had happened to those deported to Eastern Europe. Those remaining behind were employed in German war industries. On the whole, everything considered, the picture seemed to be not too bad: some Jews had been arrested.but few people had been actually killed in Germany. Yet Lichtheim had! dark forebodings for he concluded his report as follows: With all these degradations added to actual starvation and. brutal treatment, the remnants of the Jewish comimunities of Germany, Austria and Czechoslovakia willprobably bedestroyed before the war ends and not too many will survive.22 In November 1941 the mass deportations had’'not yet started and the death camps did not yet existBut Lichtheim again ended a dispatch on a solemn.note; With regard to Germany, Austria and the Protectorate it must be said that the fate of the Jews is now sealed. ... Generally speaking, this whole chapter bears the title: ‘Too late’. There was a.time when the us and the other American states could have helped by granting visas. But this was obstructed by the usual inertia ofthe bureaucratic machine and by red tape. There was, of course, more to it than the ‘usual inertia of the bureaucratic machine’. Was there anything that could still be done to help? Lichtheim noted that America still had some influence with Vichy and could make use ofthis. At least some of World Jewry: From Geneva to Athlit 175 the persecuted Jews in France could be rescued in this way. He returned to this point in another letter sent to Weizmann through J. Linton in London. Again he stressed that the fate of the majority of’European Jewry was sealed: of those deported to the East only a minority of the younger and stronger would survive. The whole policy of deportation to the devastated towns ol'western Russia in the middle ofthe winter was ‘murder combined with. torture’,2* The Red Cross had been informed but what could\it do against the will of the Gestapo? He transmitted the most recent information received in Geneva and then noted that: It isa curious thing that President Roosevelt never mentioned the Jews whenever he spoke ofthe oppressed nations. The Governments of the democracies may have been led to believe that there would be still more terrible perseeutions ifthey mentioned the Jews in their speeches. Ithink.thisto be a mistake. Events have shown that the Jews could not have suffered more than they have suffered if the statesmen of the democracies would have said the word. But perhaps there was yet another motive, perhaps they wanted to avoid the impression that ihe war had anything todo with the Jews. Such hush-hush tactics would hardly silence the anti- semites: ‘Great Britain and America should say: we are neither Jews nor do we wage war for the Jews we are batıling for mankind against the enemy of mankind.’2s Where were the voices condemning the atrocities and warning the perpetrators of such deeds that they will be held responsible {underlined in the original)? Lichtheim thought that in some cases such as Romania, Hungary, Slovakia, Croatia and Vichy a warning might have had and may still have {underlined in the original) ‘a deterrent effect’. It was, ofcourse, much more difhicult in the case of Germany but even there some persons or circles might be influenced by such warnings. Why were such warnings not uttered, why were there no words of sympathy and consolation? Was it not true that the world witnessed the most terrible persecution of the Jews which ever happened in Europe, overshadowing by its cruelty and Extent even the massacres of the Armenians which at that time . Provoked a storm of protest in England and America? There was no answer to the questions asked by Lichtheim. Stiftelsen norsk Okkupasjonshistorie, 2014 RES " FAR: a ee, 176 The Terrible Secret In the winter of 1941 the Nazi war machine suffered its Arst major setback in the Soviet Union. Lichtheim noted the enormous losses suffered, perhaps the wounded beast would sopn feel that the end was near. But he had only scorn for the zumours according to which the generals would take over, forcing Hitler into the background: To those who really know Nazi Germany such talk sounds fantastic: Hitler and his party, the Gestapo, one million ofhicials and ss guards, will always be stronger than a handful of generals with nothing but their Prussian lineage behind them.” No improvement in the situation ofthe Jews could be expected, the picture was getting gloomier and gloomier. From a letter in February 1942 to Arthur Lourie, the head of the emergency committee in New York: The number of our dead after this war will have to be counted not in thousands or hundreds of thousands but in several millions and it is difficult to imagine how the surviving will ever be able to return to a normal way of life.2® If anything, Lichtheim understated the magnitude of the catastrophe.?? But such gloomy predictions were rare exceptions at the time: no one wanted to hear of millions of victims in Febuary 1942. These scemed fantastie exaggerations which were not believed among the Jewish leadership nor among the Jewish public. Even some of those who had recently escaped from Eastern Europe rejected such views as unduly pessimistic, indeed as dangerous, because they could well lead to despondency. Lichtheim frequently returned to his suggestions as to the measures that should be taken to slow down, at the very least, the tide of persecutions. He repeatedly emphasized the necessity ofgiving public expression over the radio to formal prötests and warnings by Allied leaders and urged approaches to the Catholic Church in view of its great influence in some of the countries concerned. Together with Riegner and Sally Mayer, the president ofthe Swiss Jewish community, in March 1942 he met Monsignor Bernardini, the papal nuncio in Switzerland, and handed him a detailed report about the situation of the Jews. The nuncio stated that he was aware of the unfortunate Mn 12, zz RP FRPEEEEEEEFESERE World Jewry: From Geneva to Athlit 177 situation of the Jews and that he had already reported on Previous occasions to Rome but would do so again, and recommend certain steps in favour ofthe persecuted Jews. But soon afterwards Lichtheim sadly noted that the eflorts of the Vatican in Slovakia had been of no ayail.”° While Lichtheim watched the slow destruction of European Jewry he was told of plans made by nötables in Jerusalem to re-establish their organizations in Europe after the war. For this kind of “post-war planning’ he had nothing but sarcasm. A renewal ofthe idyllic pre-war Zionism seerned to him totally unrealistic. My personal prognosis is quite sombre. Those Jews still alive after the war will be engulfed by Russia and the neighbouring countries. I do not share the optimism ofthose who expect the toleration - let alone the'support - of Zionism by Bolshevism. The remnants of European Jewrywill have to look somehow for an existence Overseas.’ The mass killings in Poland were first made public in the world press in late June 1942. At this time Lichtheim reported that Central Europe was to be made Judenrein (to be emptied of Jews) by means of deportation and direct or indirect killing ‘through starvation or even shorter methods": The Jews in almost all countries ofthis tormented continent live onlyin the fear ofdeportation which aims at their physical destruction quickly or over a longer period, or fear ofslave labour in intolerable conditions. Their only thought is towards rescue and escape but this will be possible only in a very few cases. ?2 In August 1942 an English friend sent him a copy of Hansard reporting a debate in the House of Commons earlier that month about post-war problems of resettlement. One speaker had mentioned seven, another even nine and a half million Jews who would need homes after the war. Lichtheim wrote bitterly in his reply: ‘People in England do not know what is now going on in Europe.” How could even the Jewish leaders believe that there would be five or six million Jewsafter thewar who would have to be resettled? After analyzing the figures Lichtheim stated eategorically: "We now know that deportation means death —- Sooner or later.’ Öf the former Polish, German, Austrian, Czechoslovak, Jugoslavian Jews - altogether 34m. - and of the others who have been or will be Stiftelsen norsk Okkupasjonshistorie, 2014 178 The Terrible Secret deported, very few will survive. ... This process of annihilation is going on relendessly and there is no hope left to save any considerable number. ... Therefore it is no exaggeration to say that Hitler has killed or is killing 4m. Jews in Continental Europe and that no more than 2m. have a chance ofsurviving. With every month that passes this chance becomes smaller and one year hence even these figures might appear too optimistic.” Meanwhile (on 15 August) Lichtheim had dictated a report based on the account oftwo eyewitnesses who had come directly from Poland, one of them was a non-Jew, ‘a very reliable and well known personality’. Both related stories that were, as Lichtheim wrote in an accompanying letter, ‘so terrible that I had some doubts if I should forward it or not’. (He kept the report for two weeks before mailing it and sent it out only on 30 August.} It was the report which was also sent to Stephen Wise and wasintercepted by the State Department which has already been mentioned in another context (see p. 117). It dealt with the mass killings of the Jews in Warsaw, Lithuania and elsewhere, mentioned Belzec as well as the fact that Theresien- stadt, the showplace (Musterghetto) in the Protectorate, was merely an interim station for most of the deportees. The report dwelt upon the death trains and the role of>the Lithuanian helpers of the ss; it also saidıthatrno Jews were left in the regions east of Warsaw. Among the practical suggestions contained in the report was the request by the authorfs) to bring these facts to the knowledge of American Jewry without reference to its source. He complained that cables giving.the very same information had been sent from Warsaw to London before but had been publicized in the(British) radio only with delay. American Jewry should not be kept in ignorance for so long. The report contained some incorrect staternents such as the allegation that the corpses of victims were used forfat and fertilizers or that the whole non-Jewish- population of Sebastopol had been killed. But by and large it gave an unvarnished picture of the situation as Lichtheim pointed out in his comments, Certain facts, he said, had been confirmed quite independently by other sources: All this gives a most sinister meaning to the other information contained in this report — incredible as it may seem to readers in World Jewry: From Geneva to Athlüt 179 England and America. In fact, I believe the report to be true and quite in line with Hitler’s announcement that at the end oftthis war there will be no Jews irı Continental Europe.* The report met with disbelief not on}y in England and America but also in Jerusalem. Yizhak Gruenbaum, one of the leading figuresıof Polish_Jewry and member of the Jewish Agency Executive, sent Lichtheim a cable in reply which read: Shocked your latest reports regarding Poland which despite all difhcult [to] believe stop haven’t yet published do everything possible verify cable. Gruenbaum did try to ascertain whether the report was true: he sent a cable to Rabbi Marcus Ehrenpreis in Stockholm, as he had done once before in July after Zygielbojm’s revelations in London. Had the venerable rabbi heard anything about it? Marcus Ehrenpreis'was in his middle seventies at the time. He had been born in Lemberg and had served as a rabbi in Croatia and Bulgaria. He was a prolific author and one ofthe pioneers of modern Hebrew literature. He was also one ofthe most unlikely authorities about current events in Eastern Europe, nor was he willing\to make a great eflort to find out. Lauterbach, head of the Organization Department, was somewhat more cautious in his reply to Lichtheim: Frankly, I am not inclined to accept all the statements at their face value and, without having, of course, any evidence to the contrary have great doubts as to the accuracy of all the facts contained therein. . + „One must also learn from experience to distinguish between reality, grim as it is, and figments of an imagination strained by justified fear * 30 August 1942 (letter 802) CZA. The source ofthe report was the Polish legatior in Bern which served as a base for couriers from Poland. The legation was headed by Alexander Lados among whose assistants was Julius Kuehl who had come to Bern from Poland as a student in 1929 (his dissertation was on Polish-Swiss ırade relations). From 1938 on Kuchl was employed in the Polish consular service. He was on friendly terms with the Sternbuchs, an orthodox Jewish family resident in St Gallen. He passed information on 10 them and to Silbershein in Geneva. In a letter 10 Dr Schwarzbart in London (8 October 1942 - Schwarzbart Archives) Silbershein says ıhat the above- mentioned report reached him through the Polish legation. But the Sternbuchs also received letters direcıly frorn Poland. The most famous, and the most harrowing, were two letters from 1. Domb in Warsaw, dated 4 and 12 September in which, in hardiy veiled language, the writer announced that virtually everyone around him had been kilied. He was now all alone: “Picase pray for me.’ Stiftelsen norsk Okkupasjonshistorie, 2014 u The Terrible Secret and grows to believe what is whispered without being able, in the circumstances to check its veracity. But then he added that ‘without going into gruesome details’ one could not heip but accept the main facts and interpretation as contained in Lichtheim’s letter.” What emerged from Lauterbach’s confused letter was that while Jerusalem was by now persuaded that the situation was very bad it was not quite as bad as Lichtheim had described. During the following days and weeks more evidence came to light in quick succession. On 26 September Lichtheim cabled London that the ghettos of Warsaw and Lodz were nearly empty. Some artisans were left, the majority had been deported to some unknown destination. On 29 September, in a letter to Arthur Lourie in New York: “The total destruction ofthe Jewish communities in Belgium and Holland is nearly complete.’ On 135 September in a letter to London, again reiterating his old complaint: ‘Far too little has been said and done by the Ällies to warn the Nazis and their satellites of the consequences of their crime.’ But now with the turn ofthe tide ofthe war.the prospects were better than they had ever been before. He warned that unless this was done the last still existing Jewish communities in _ Europe, the 800,000 in Hungary and the 300,000 in Romania, would also perish. On 5 October Lichtheim sent to Jerusalem»(and to London and New York) ‘a most harrowing report about the situation in Lettland’. For a long time there had been sporadic news about the slaughter in the Baltic countries, which had, infact, taken place a year earlier. But it had been very.difhicult to obtain reliable reports; there was no correspondence with Vilna and Riga and very little traffic. The harrowing report was based on the evidence of Gabriel Zivian, a young Jew from Riga, whohad witnessed the massacres on the spot, made his way to northern Germany and had worked as a hospital aide in Stettin. Miraculousiy he had received an entry visa to Switzerland through some relations in Geneva. Riegner interviewed him like an examining magistrate (Riegner’s words) for eight hours.” "This was in August 1942. A little later another young Jew of Polish origin had also reached Switzerland illegally. Since he was quite ill, he could not be sent back to Germany but was hospitalized under police supervision. A physician called World Jewry: From Geneva to Athlit 181 Riegner: they had a patient who was telling them horrible stories. Could Riegner possibly come’and find out whether there was anything to this? Lichtheim forwarded this account and said in an accompany- ing note: “We have heard from other sources of similar mass murdessin-Poland.’ Then, on 8 October, he prepared a detailed reply to Gruenbaum who had doubted the veracity ofhis earlier reports. ‘] can easily understand that you are unwilling to believe the report in question.’ But the sources were trust- worthy. How could one possibly investigate the matter on the spot? No observers were permitted to approach the regions of death, only the ss and some workers. The only available testimony was that of German officers retumming from the East. But there had also been letters and postcards from Jews in Poland. There could. no longer be any doubt as to the intentions of Hitler and the Gestapo. He ended the letter as follows: I have foreseen this development long ago. In my letters to London and New York I have constantly warned our friends of what was coming and I have submitted certain proposals. But X always knew that in the case of Hitler nothing we or others would do or say could stop him. Therefore I have asked our friends in London and New York to try to save at least the Jewish communities in the semi-independent states of Romania, Hungary, Italy and Bulgaria. .... But we have to face the fact that the large majority of the Jewish communities in Hitler-dominated Europe are doomed. There is no force which could stop Hitler or his ss who are today the absolute rulers of Germany and the occupied countries. It is my painful duty to tell you what I know. There is nothing I could add. The tragedy is too great for words.” The correspondence with Jerusalem continued. There were more facts but they hardly affected the general picture. On 16 October, in a private letter to Lauterbach: I'have the impression that my previous reports have not always found the necessary understanding. Some of our friends did not want to believe that something like this can happen, others may have been misled through different (i.e. less alarming) reports. Et is pointless to deal now with the motives which have caused this. Events speak an inexorable language and we face these events impotently, or almost so... On 26 October he transmitted one of the notes, which he had STERN, Stiftelsen norsk Okkupasjonshistorie, 2014 iin. 182 The Terrible Secret handed together with Riegner, to the American minister in Bern four days earlier, containing a general survey of the situation. On 20 October he wrote another long summary ofrecent events: the deportations to Poland and inside Poland had nothing to do with the Nazi wareffort and the need for more labour, ‘there is a plan behind these measures to exterminate immediately the largest possible number of Jews’. Previously there had been pogroms and mass executions but they had been of a local character, and it had been thought that despite everything, despite slave labour, starvation and all other deprivations at least the younger and stronger might survive and that some of the communities would not be completely destroyed: But it has become more and more evident in the course of the last three or four months (and you willhave seen that from my reports) thateven this outlook was too optimistic and the latest deportation measures have made it quite clear what is contemplated, Lichtheim then mentioned reports according to which there had been discussions in Hitler’s headquarters about theannihilation ofthe Jews within the next few months. At the end of July Hitler had signed a formal order approving the plan of total annihilation of all Jews of Europe on which the Nazis could lay their hands. Reliable witnesses had seen-the order signed by Hitler in his headquarters. And he concluded, foronce in a spirit of resignation: For the large majority ofthe Jews of Europe there seems to be no hope left. They are in the hands ofa raving madman whohas become the absolute ruler of Continental Europe by the will of his own guilty people and by the tragic blindness ofstatesmen who from 1933 t0 1939 have tried to make a deal with the devil instead of driving him out while there was still time to do so.?? Five weeks later, on 25 November, at a meeting in Tel Aviv, Elijahu Dobkin of the Jewish Agency Executive said: “Perhaps we have sinned as the first terrible news came to us two months ago via Geneva and Istanbul and as we did not believe it.’”® This sentiment was echoed by many others in the following weeks. But the information had, of course, arrived much earlier and it now remains to be asked what had prevented its acceptance in the first place and what caused the reappraisal in November. As the war broke out more than half a million Jews lived in World Jewry: From Geneva io Athlit 183 Palestine; most ofthem had been born in the countries occupied by Nazi Germany. Most had friends and family in Europe and they tried to keep in touch with them in every possible way - through postcards and letters sent by way ofneutral countriesor short ‘Red _Cross letters’. These were special forms in which messages up to twenty-five words could be transmitted. In the beginning many such»letters and postcards came, then they became fewer and fewer. Thus the public in Palestine came to depend for its information mainly on newspaper reports. Correspondents were systematically picking up news of Jewish interests from newspapers in Nazi-occupied Europe, from the Swedish and Swiss press, and of course, also from the infrequent reports in the British, American and Soviet media. But just as the Jewish Agency executive thought that Lichtheim was exaggerating, and just as the reports by Riegner and othersywere thought to be unduly pessimistic, the Palestinian Jewish press quite frequently dissociated itself editorially from the ‘alarmist information’ published in its own columns. A few examples should suffice. Moshe Prager, a Polish ‚Jewish journalist was the author (in 1941) ofthe first, and for the time being only, book on the life of Polish Jewry under Nazi occupation. In his preface Y. Gruenbaum praised the supreme ability of Polish Jewry to adjust itself to the horrors and he predicted that its spirit would triumph over degradation, tortures and destruction. Prager himselfsaw the main Nazi aim as turning the Jews into despicable beggars; the Jews, on the other hand were fighting with their last efforts to keep their honour and not be defeated.” Terms such as adjustment, triumph, honour and defeat are, of course, singularly inept expressions in connection with the ‘final solution’. But these comments were made in 1941 and at the time they seemed not altogether unreasonable. What happened in Eastern Europe in 1940 had, after all, occurred before in Jewish history: Jews were deprived of their elermentary rights, there were sporadic Pogroms and economic ruin. But there seemed to be no reason to doubt that the great majority of European Jewry would survive the war. Thus the correspondents and commentators discussed whether the Nazi plan to concentrate the Jews in the Lublin area was not all that terrible (because self-government had its advantages as some argued) or whether thisscheme was no more Stiftelsen norsk Okkupasjonshistorie, 2014 uhren a Be nn en nt 184 The Terrible Secret than a fraud which would result in one giant concentration camp, as the New York Forward reasoned. But there was to be no concentration in the Lublin region, no . Madagascar resettlement scheme. After the invasion of the Soviet Union the information received was no longer about the closing of businesses and violation of human rights, not even of hunger and disease. It was about mass murder. The perceptions which had been formed in an earlier period did not, however, change. As the press saw it, Jewish life continued in Eastern Europe albeit under very difficult conditions. There was a frantic search for rays ofhope. Thus the left-wing press would report with satisfaction that the agricultural training centres in Poland and other countries in which the halutzim (pioneers) were preparing themselves for life in the Palestinian collective settlements continued to operate. The orthodox newspapers noted with equal satisfaction that twenty- four Jewish bookshops were still open in the Warsaw ghetto, and three in Cracow.* Ha’olam, the organ of the world Zionist movement, published virtually no news about the massacres during the first halfof 1943; it did feature, however, anarticleby Apollinari Hartglass, a Polish Jewish leader who had escaped from Warsaw after the Nazi invasion and who, by tortuous logic, tried to prove that while the world’had initially ignored the Jewish catastrophe, it had now discovered that it had its propagandistic uses and was ‘actually exaggerating it twofold and more’.*! Other Hebrew newspapers reported that Amsterdam was to be the embarkation port for European Jewry to some unknown destination overseas. Another paper quoted a Polish professor who had fled to America, to the effect that while the Jews would merely be deported, the Poles would all be killed by the Nazis.” The massacres were reported in the, papers but also every possible rumour, however incredible, and unlimited scope was given to wishful thinking, and unwittingly of course, to Nazi disinformation. The news about the massacres was printed but widely doubted; it was assumed that some misfortunes had indeed happened but that the number of victims had been grossiy exaggerated. Hatzofe called correspondents to order In March 1942: they should show greater responsibility and not “inflate out of proportion every bad rumour’. Davar wrote that na anna World Jewry: From Geneva to Arhlıt 185 _ one should receive with great caution all the atrocity stories allegediy coming from ‘soldiers returning from the front’.* According to Davar it had been reported on the authority ofthe Soviet army newspaper Red Star that most ofthose killed in Kiev {Babi Yar) had been Jews. But in fact, (Davar claimed) Red Star had said that most ofthe victims had no? been Jews. Red Star had said neither the one nor the other, but the Davar editorial was quite symptomatic of. the prevailing confusion.** Both Davar and Haizofe put the blame on the unbridied sensationalism of irresponsible journalists on one hand and the competition between various news agencies on the other. Each wanted to kill more Jews than the other. The irresponsible informanıs ..... absorb every rumour, they desper- ately look for every,piece of bad news, every enormous figure and present it to the reader in a way which makes the blood curdle in one’s veins. ... DO the informants not feel that the news about tens of thousands of killed, of a quarter million victims does not stir up many emotions because it is not believed in view of the inherent exaggeration. ... We still remember the dispatches from the days of the riots [in Palestine 1936-9] which were sent out all over the globe andwhich were so much exaggerated. Hatzofe rejected the Zygielbojm report: all these accounts were repetitive. T'here had been perhaps a pogrom somewhere, but then the same news would be reported one day from London, another day from Stockholm and on the following day from yet another place. When the Chelmno story reached Davar in October 1942 it was introduced by the following editorial note: ‘We publish this horrible account on the responsibility of the source ...* Other newspapers ridiculed the astronomical figures ofvictims which could not possibly be true. When Czerniakow, the head of the Warsaw Judenrat, committed suicide, Haboker commented that the situation could not possibly be altogether desperate, for otherwise (it was argued) a revolt would surely break out. When in later years people were looking for an explanation for the misinterpretation of the news from Europe — not to put it any stronger - one coukl point, of course, to various mitigating eircumstances. The summer of 1942 saw Rommel’s advance into Egypt; the Afrika Korps was poised to strike at the Nile valley; a German invasion of Palestine seemed at hand. It was only in the {| ii }, | I: } [3 h | Stiftelsen norsk Okkupasjonshistorie, 2014 ur = 186 The Terrible Secret first week ofSeptember 1942 that Rommel was checked at Alam Halfa, and Montgomery’s counter-oflensive which broke German dreams in Africa began only on 23 October. Until that date the Jewish community in Palestine seerned in immediate danger. All other problems were bound to take second place. But this hardly explains the lack of interest and understanding before Rommel’s advance during the summer. And it certainly does not explain the lack of understanding shown by American and British Jewry’‘which did not face the danger ofinvasion and Occupation. It was not, in the final analysis, a matter of lack of information. As a labour leader put it: “The news had reached Palestine, the newspapers had published them and also, the [mandatory] radio service. The community read it and heardhit but did not absorb it; and it did not raise its voice to alarm Jewish communities elsewhere.’* There were many voices of 'self-accusation after November 1942 and they included Prager and Hartglass. How had they been so blind not to believe the news? There was much recrimination against the-leadership which had after all had more information at its disposal and yet had not sounded the tocsin.* Y. Tabenkin, the veteran kibbutz leader, wrote that it was simply not true that the Jews in-Palestine had not known about the fate of European Jewry; “We knew everything. And now we * Hamashkif, 6, 11 December 1942 and many articles through 1943 and 1944 in the Hebrew press. But Prager in later years accused not only himselfbuteven more strongly virtually everyone else {excepting only his friends ofıthe ultra-orthodox Agudat Israel) and eventually reached the conchusion that the halocaust should not "become the subject of historical research. (Bei Ya’akov, May 1974, 4-12) Prager (and others) refer mainly to the pessimism voiced by Y. Gruenbaum who in August 5942 expressed doubts whether the Jews of Potand could stil] be saved and whether any substantial help could be extended to then. (CZAS 26-1235, meeting between Gruenbaum. and Rabbi Levin.) Gruenbaum thought that only the military victory of the Allies would save the remaining Jews and he believed that protest demionstrations and similar noisy actions were ineflective and poindess. (A. Morgenstern “Va'adha’hazala’ etc. in Yalkut Moreshet June 1971, 711 eg.) Many years later when Gruenbaum wasinterviewed about whathe knew at the time he said that towards the end of 1942 'we got news from Geneva that something horrible happened in Poland - but we did not know what... .-the confused account of an eighty-year-old man.’(Eigar 29 June 1961. Gruenbaum interview with Natan Yalin Mor.) For Dr N. Goldmann’s mee culpa (written in the pluralis majestatis) set ‚Davar 14 September 1966: "Our generation did not.do itsduty, and [include myselftoo. .. „ Möostofthe people did not understand the danger ol Nazism. We did not warn of the possibility of death camps. Our imagination was too limited... When the first new& came on the murder of European Jewry American Jews did not react.’ World Jewry: From Geneva to Athlit 187 look for the guilty ones among us. This is a manifestation of horrible helplessness. We know who is guilty but it is difhcult to punish him, and therefore we look for them among us. Why should we accuse Gruenbaum?’ Tabenkin said that if anyone reread the last six months of Daxer, the daily organ ofthe left, he would find that everything had been reported, massacres, . poison gas etc, ‘But only when we met people who had come from the valley of the shadow of the death were we strongly impressed and felt'che catastrophe in all its horror. ’*” The senior ofhcials of the Jewish Agency did, of course, read with attention the news from Europe. On 17 April 1942 Moshe Shertok, the head of the Political Department, addressed Sir Claude Auchinleck (Commander of the Eighth Army in North Africa and Montgomery’s predecessor) as follows: There can beittle doubt that if Palestine were overrun by the Nazis nothing less than complete annihilation would be the lot ofthe jews of ihis country. The destrüction of the Jewish race is a fundamental tenet of the Nazi doctrine. The authoritative reports recently published show that that policy is being carried out with a ruthlessness which defies description. Hundreds of thousands of Jews have perished in Poland, the Balkan countries, Romania and the invaded provinces of Russia, as a result of mass executions, forced deportations, and the spread offamine and disease in ghettos and concentration camps. An even swifter destruction, it must be feared, would overtake the Jews of Palestine, were they to fall under Nazi sway., . „** These were strong words and they were written moreover well before the Zygielbojm report and revelations of the Polish Government-in-exile. If so why did the Jewish Agency disbelieve Lichtheim? The answer is, in brief, that everything Shertok had said could also be found in the newspapers at the time. True, the ‘institutions’ had received some more details which is not to say that the information was fully believed. *Shertok was not too successful with his plea 16 General Auchinteck. The Foreign Office was on the wholeeven more opposed to theideaofarming the Jews of Palestine. As Harry Eyes wrote commenting ona letier by Sir Lewis Namier on the very same su bject: ‘From the point ofviewoofthe Jews themselvesit seems most dangerous toarm them ifthe Germans ever do reach Palestine. Ic seems inconceivable ıhat even the Germans would set themselves in cold blood! 10 massacre 460,000 Jews. But nothing ismorelikely tomake them do ıhat ıhan the fact that the Jews were arımed and might have in certain instances ran racing advance or mopped up a party of parachutisis.” (Minute dated ı ay 1gar. ! 2 Y Stiftelsen norsk Okkupasjonshistorie, 2014 188 The Terrible Secret Shertok’s alarming words have to be read furthermore in the context in which they were written. The Jewish community of Palestine was in immediate danger, and in his letter Shertok ‚pressed for specific demands for the defence of Palestine: the ‘utmost mobilization’ - more Jewish soldiers, more arms, a large-scale programme of military training, the expansion ofthe militia. To reinforce these demands Shertok invoked not only the military threat posed by Rommel (which was quite real) but also the news about large-scale persecutions in Europe which had been reported countless times but which were nevertheless more distant and probably only half believed. Again, one example of the confusion then prevailing should suffice. When Shertok addressed his letter to Auchinleck, Meleh Neustadt (Noi} was on a mission to Istanbul. In May 1942 he returned to Palestine and in two long addresses, in closed session, he gave the most detailed and authoritative account available at the time to the Jewish leadership.* There was no one better informed at the time. Noi had established contact from Turkey with fifty Jewish communities in Poland and-with virtually every other European country. He had discovered, much to his surprise, that with certain exceptions {the Baltic countries and eastern Poland) communication could easily be established. Air letters from occupied countries took ten to iwelve days, cables were also sent’ and received, and one could even book long-distance telephone calls.f Noi noted that Jewsin Eastern Europe did not like/to use the telegraph so.as not to attract attention. On the other hand, he saidıthat inside Nazi- occupied Europe Jewish emissaries were’frequently travelling from one place to another, that illegal newspapers were published and that there were regional and even nationwid meetings. *On 25 May, at the Mapai (Ihud) World Secretariat, on 27 May at the Histadruf (Trade Union) Council. A stenogram was taken, and the speeches were, in carly July: circulated {‘restricted’) among a Iimited number of people. tt is known from various sources that Slovak Jewish leaders were in fairly frequent telephonic contact with the Jewish representatives in Switzerland. (Josef Korniansk, Besklichut Hahıtıim, Ber Lohame Hagetaot, 1979, p. 93.) Dr Silbershein in-Geneva had a phonc call in May 1942 from an unknown representative.ofıhe German Red Cross in Kolomea, Eastern Galicia, in which he was told that a great many Jews there had died a violent death and that the remnants were living in conditions of abject poverty and needed urgent hetp. (Riegner to N. Goldmann, Geneva, ı7 June 1942. World Jewish Congress, Institute of Jewish Affairs Archives, London.) en nn World Jewry: From Geneva to Aihlit 189 The bad news was the fate of’ Croatian and part of Romanian Jewry of which he was fully informed.* There had been victims in Eastern Galicia. Lodz was more or less cut off from the outside world. There was no direct contact but it had been learned that “unproductive elements’ had been deported from Lodz to Minsk, Kovno and Riga. Noi said that it was pointless to comment on the rumours concerning the fate of the Jews of eastern Poland (and the Baltic countries); one simply did not know. But he also said that nothing was more harmful than ‘exaggerated information’ which weakened and even put into doubt correct news about real atrocities. He expressed regret that neither the World Jewish Congress nor any other Jewish body had established so far an ofice in Istanbul, and that there were no journalists to sift and transmit the information from occupied Europe. For Istanbul was the best listening post. The good news wasthat aliover Europe Jewish life continued, that the Zionist youth movement was showing much activity in very difhicult conditions and that it deserved the highest praise. Nor’s information was in part amazingly detailed: he had exact figures about hospitals and orphanages in Warsaw, the price of bread in ghettos, the number of participants in sundry agrienltural courses. In part, it was also very recent: he knew about the unsuccessful intervenuon ofthe Vatican in Slovakia. His prediction was that while the Nazis wanted physically to destroy the Jews, they also wanted to employ them for the war effort: ‘And it is possible that this will save a great part of European Jewry.’ What was more striking in these reports: the measure of knowledge or of ignorance? The mass killings in the former Soviet territories had been reported in the press many months earlier and Polish sources had confirmed the destruction ofmost communities in Lithuania and Eastern Galicia. But seen from Istanbul these were still ‘rumours’; silence did not necessarily mean death but perhaps isolation. Chelmno was not taken seriously and the beginning of “evacuation’ from most Polish ghettos was not reported. It was argued in later years that certain Jewish leaders in the ®It was generally thought at the time that the fate of Croatian Jewry had been the worst. Thus Silbershein in a letter from Geneva dated 4 May 1942: "What happened in Zagreb happened nowhere.cise.... Stiftelsen norsk Okkupasjonshistorie, 2014 190 The Terrible Secret United States as well as in Palestine delayed the publication of the full truth about the European tragedy because they feared that this would have a depressing, perhaps even paralyzing ‚ effect on the morale öfthe Jewish community in Palestine at a time ofemergency. But explanations of this kind are more than doubtful. Internal evidence shows that most Jewish leaders were genuinely sceptical with regard to the extent of the catastrophe until ı8and 19 November when four ofthem went tointerviewa group of Jewish women and children of Palestinian nationality who had just arrived in Palestine from Europe. They had been exchanged against a group of German nationals who had been detained at the beginning ofthe war on Allied territory. A first such exchange had taken place in December 1941, involving some forty-six women and children. But no one had paid much attention at the time, and the new arrivals had apparently not much of interest to tell. They had not come from the Baltic countries and western Russia where most of the massacres had taken place. Then, in November 1942 there came the second group about which more-will be said presently: there was a third, much smaller contingent in February 1943 and some further exchanges in summer of 7944, mainly via Spain. The attitude ofthe ss to such-exchanges was, on the whole, negative; time and again, Eichmann and others argued that a certain person could not’be released even if this was insisted upon by friends (such asithe Italian Fascist party!) because ‘she had seen too much’ and would add.fuel to the atrocity propaganda circulating outside Germany. But on occasion they were either overruled ordid not persist in their Opposition. Thus, the group of 137 was permitted to leave Poland on 28 October and Vienna (where they were kept for a few days prior to their departure) on ıı November. On 14 November their train arrived at the Syrian border, Among them were seventy- eight Jews (ten elderly men, thirty-ninewomen and twenty-nine children) and ofthese sixty-nine were Palestinian citizens. After a cursory interrogation by British military intelligence they were taken to Athlit, which had once been a British military camp (and also a detention centre) some miles south of Haifa, near the sea. It was there that two members ofthe executive ofthe Jewish Agency and two senior ofhicials visited them (E. Dobkin, World Jewry: From Geneva to Athlit 191 M. Shapira, H. Barlas and Bahar). The new arrivals came from thirteen different cities in Poland (including Sosnowice, Kielce, Piotrkov, Cracow, Sandomir and Bialystok) from Berlin and Hamburg, from Belgium and Holland. They had also had the opportunity to meet in Vienna with the head of the Jewish community, Loewenherz, and his deputy, Gruen, who told them that 400, Jews were stili left out ofa community 0f 200,000. While most ofithe women had been held for some weeks in various prisons prior to their departure in Poland, they were able to move about more or less freely in Vienna. Thus they could provide a fairly comprehensive picture ofthe situation not only in Poland but also other parts of Europe. But were they reliable? The visitors from Jerusalem seem to have been quite sceptical in the beginning. So often before simple-minded (and even not so simple-minded people) had simply repeated rumours, often baseless in character. But the new arrivals could not be so easily dismissed: among them was a scientific researcher employed at the Hebrew University, two members of Kibbutz Degania B - members of the Palestinian elite-a Zionist leader oflong standing] from'Piotrkov and;other such witnesses. (‘People on whose judgment and discernment one could rely,’ E. Dobkin was later to say.) Dobkin summarized his findings in an address to the Histadrut Executive on 25, November 1942; similar reports were delivered to the leading bodies ofthe Jewish Agency and Mapai - the Labour Party. How to reply to the question asked by so many: was it true? Could it be believed? As I was sitting in Athlit and listened to the stories of tens of women it became clear to me, that however great the sorrow, there remained no doubt and we have to accept it. Perhaps we sinned when we did not believe the first news which came via Geneva and Istanbul two months ago. What emerged from these accounts was firstly that a German government commission had been set up earlier that summer (Sonder- or Vernichtungskommission) under ä certain commissar Feu or Foy to destroy Polish Jewry. (This information was, in fact, wrong or at the very least inaccurate. There was no ‘special Committee’, a regular department had been instituted in the Main State Security Office several years earlier.) ‘Operation Stiftelsen norsk Okkupasjonshistorie, 2014 eu em 192 The Terrible Secret Reinhard’, in honour of the late Reinhard Heydrich who had been shot in Prague, was to exterminate Polish Jewry; it was under the command of Odilo Globocnik. Paradoxically, these ‚inaccurate details had a greater impact on the Jewish leadership and public than the previous, more accurate reports. So far they had always thought in terms of pogroms rather than systematic destruction. But if a special commission had been appointed, this of course shed new light on the character and the purpose of the persecutions. Furthermore, Dobkin continued, the majority of Polish Jewry had already been deported or was about to be deported. Among those who had arrived there was no one from Warsaw, the biggest ghetto, but they had met in (Polish) Upper Silesia some Jews who had escaped from Warsaw and who told them that only 40,000 Jews remained in the capital. (There were, in fact, still 60-70,000.) Of 40,000 Jews in Czestochova only 2,000 were still there; of 20,000 in Piotrkov only 2,600; of 30,000 in Kielce, 1,500. There was a general picture of murder and ruin. They had not been able to extract from those interviewed information about the fate of those who had been deported. They had been sent in an ‘unknown direction’ and therewas no news from them, no letters, no personal regards conveyed,. What did it all mean? There were various rumours in Poland and they were apparently correct: some big concrete structures had been put up near the Russian-Polish border in which the victims were killed by poison gas and burnedi(This'referred apparently to Sobibor which was near the Russian border.) On the other hand, a woman from Oswiecim (Auschwitz) had told a story about three stoves for burning,Jews which had been put up in a camp near that city.* Abowe all, there was the systematic murder of children and elderly people. Dobkin said that he would'never forget the story ofan eight-year-old boy who had been hiding with his five-year- old sister in the house when the police came to collect them. He had warned the little gir! not to cry, but overcome by fear, she *There were no Jews in the city of Auschwitz; the witness was in facı from ncarby Sosnowiec. She said that two more chimneys were now built. From time to time Jews from che neighbourhood were brought to he camps. Tamzit Yediot eıc, Part one, 20 November ı942 The Information Department of the Jewish Agency circulated immediately after the Achfit visit fairly detailed summaries of the evidence given by individual witnesses. Other new arrivals mentioned Belzec and Treblinka. World Jewry: From Geneva to Atklüt 193 had cried, was found and taken away - one story out of hundreds of thousands. What also emerged from these accounts was that the campaign of destruction had equally affected other countries — Germany-and Austria, Slovakia, Yugoslavia and Holland. No country under Nazi rule had been spared. In all of Germany only 28,000 Jews were now left (the actual number was nearer 50,000} and there were even less in Austria. The representatives of Palestine Jewry who listened to the speech and who were reading the evidence that had been submitted to them were, ofcourse, profoundiy shocked. Cracow - no Jews left. Siedlec-no Jews left. Mislovice- a hundred Jews left. These had been major Jewish communities, how could they possibly have disappeared? They had read ali this before but so far they had regarded it as mere rumours. But it was one thing to reject the impersonal news in the newspaper or radio based perhaps on doubitful informants. It was impossible not to accept the personal evidence of witness after witness: ‘I left Palestine in June 1939 to visit my old parents in Cracow. ...’ Witness after witness appeared: the resident of Tel Aviv who had lived through the destruction of the Piotrkov community, ' the woman born in Petah Tiqva who returned from Holland. It is more than likely that the information from Geneva would have had a cumulative effect sooner or later in any case. Thhe fact that the news from Geneva was confirmed, albeit reluctantiy and with some delay, by the Allied governments was of great importance. But as far as the consciousness of Palestinian Jewry was concerned the arrival of the group of'the sixty-nine was the turning point. Those listening to the reports and reading the evidence were asking themselves, as David Remes did: “Is it possible that such authentic news did not reach America? I heard from Ben Gurion that they had heard the shocking news even before we did... Dobkin: The news reached us and America via Geneva. But from the way People reacted here I can well imagine how they reacted over there. hen we got the information many could not believe in its authenticity. Ben Gurion says that in America they thought that this was one of the methods of atrocity (Greuel) propaganda. We have now to make American Jewry understand that the information is indeed Correct.?® Stiftelsen norsk Okkupasjonshistorie, 2014 194 The Terrible Secret There was great pressure for acting immediately: As one ofthe participants (M. Erem) said: "Three days have already passed.’ Three days! On 22 November 1942 the Jewish Agency executive published an announcement according to which news had been received from ‘authoritative and reliable sources’ that the Nazis had started a systematic extermination campaign in Poland. During a two-day period from 30 November to ı December expression was to be given to the feeling ofthe community and the conscience of the world was to be alarmed. There were demonstrations, meetings, speeches, and the newspapers appeared with a black frame all over the first page. Emergency and rescue committees were set up, emissaries were,sent to Istanbul and other places trying to reach the Jews in Occhpied Europe; the idca of sending parachutists was first discussed,5' But, as the US consul general in Jerusalem wrote in a cable to Washington, the feeling was one of tragic impotence — what could Palestinian Jewry possibly do to provide effective help? From late November 1942 the subjectöftheholocaust was to preoccupy the Jewish communities in America, in Palestine and in Britain without interruption. But even now the ful] extent of the disaster had not altogether registered: Jewish organizations in America and elsewhere continued to publish declarations about Jewish life in the ghettos that was going on and about the continuing proud stand.fthe Jewish masses. Zionists, meluding leaders of the World Jewish Congress, were absorbed in *post- . war planning’ and were paying little.more than»ceremonious attention to what was happening in Europe in stark contrast to the outeries from Geneva and Istanbul demanding immediate action to save the remnants.?2 In later ycars Dr Riegner noted how much he and his colleagues in Geneva had been bewildered by theinability ofthe Jewish leadership abroad to understand both the extent and the speed ofthe destruction. They talked about two million victims when in fact four million had already died. The director ofthe Institute of Jewish Affairs in New York (J. Robinson) published a study with figures which were altogether inexact and which also appeared in the European press. The New York Rescue Committee (headed by Professor A. Tartakower) sent lists of thousands of Polish Jews to whom Parcels should be dispatched; World Jewry: From Geneva to Athlit 195 they seerned not to accept that neither the people nor the addresses any longer existed. We fin Geneva} had the impression that they no longer understood what happened. Their attitude can be explained by optimism and the incapacity to accept the worst. For us this was simply incomprehensible.*? Stiftelsen norsk Okkupasjonshistorie, 2014 PrPTEcE RpERREe RE | CONCLUSION THE evidence gathered so far shows that news of the ‘final solution’ had been received in 1942 all over Europe, even though all the details were not known. Ifso, why were the signals so frequently misunderstood and the message rejected? 1. The fact that Hitler had given an explicit order to kill all Jews was not known for along time. His decision was taken soon after he had made up his mind to invade Russia. Victor Brack, who worked at the time in Hitler’s Chancellery, said in evidence at Nuremberg that it was no secret in higher party circles by March 1941 that the Jews were to be exterminated. But ‘higher party circles’ may have meant at the time no more thannadozen people. In March 1941, even Eichmann did not know, for the preparations for the deportations and the camps had not yet been made. First instructions to this effect were given in Goering’s letter to Heydrich of gıJuly 1941. The fact thatan order had been given by Hitler became known outside Germany only in July 1942 and even then in a distorted form: Hitler (it was then claimed) had ordered that no Jew should.be left in Germany by theend of 1942. But there is noevidence thatsuch a time limit had ever been set. It would not have been difficult, for instance, to deport all Jews from Berlin in 1942, but in fact the city was declared empty of Jews by Goebbels only in August 1943. Witnesses claimed to have seen the order, but it isdoubtful whether there ever was a written order. This has given rise to endless speculation and inspired a whole “revisionist’ literature — quite needlessly, because Hitler, whatever his other vices, was not a bureaucrat. He was not in the habit of giving written orders on aH occasions: there were no written orders for the murderous ‘purge’ of June 1934, for the killing ofgypsies, the so- called euthanasia action (T4) and on other such occasions. The /| more abominable the crime, the less likely that there would ! be a written “Führer order’. If Himmler, Heydrich or even Conclusion 197 Eichmann said that there was such an order, no one would question or insist on sceing it. 2. The order had practical consequences, it affected the lives or, to be precise, the deaths of millions of people. For this reason details about the ‘final solution’ seeped out virtually as soon as the mass slaughter started. The systematic massacres of the Einsatzgruppen ın Eastern Galicia, White Russia, the Ukraine and the Baltic countries became known in Germany almost immediately. True, the‘ scene of the slaughter was distant and it took place in territories in which at the time civilians and foreigners were not freely permitted to travel. Butmany thousands of German officers and soldiers witnessed these scenes and later reported them and the same is true of-Italian, Hungarian and Romanian military personnel. The German Foreign Ministry was offlicially informed about the details ofthe massacres; there was much less secrecy about the Einsatzgruppen than later on about the extermination camps. The Soviet Government must have learned about the massacres within a few days; after several weeks the news became known in Western capitals t00, well before the Wannsee Conference. The slaughter at Kiev (Babi Yar) took place on 29-30 September 1941. Foreign journalists knew about it within a few days; within less than two months it had been reported in the Western press. The massacres in Transniestria became known almost immediately. Chelmno, the first extermination camp, was opened on 8 December 1941; the news was received in Warsaw within less than four weeks and published soon afterwards in the underground press. The existence and the function of Beizec and Treblinka were known in Warsaw among Jews and non-Jews within two wecks after the gas chambers had started operating. The news about the suicide of Czerniakow, the head ofthe Warsaw udenrat, reached the Jewish press abroad within a short time. The deportations from Warsaw were known in London after four days. There were some exceptions: the true character of Auschwitz did not become known among Jews and Poles alike for several months after the camp had been turned into an extermination centre. At the time in Poland it was believed that there were only two types ofcamps, labour camps and extermination camps, and the fact Stiftelsen norsk Okkupasjonshistorie, 2014 ar alu ehin 198 The Terrible Secret that Auschwitz was a ‘mixed camp’ seems to have bafled many. 3. Ifso much was known so quickly among the Jews of Eastern Europe and if the information was circulated through illegal newspapers and by other means — there were wireless sets in all major ghettos - why was it not believed? In the beginning Russian and Polish Jewry were genuinely unprepared, and the reasons have been stated: Soviet Jews had been kept uninformed about Nazi intentions and practices, Polish Jews believed that the massacres would be limited to the former Soviet territories. At first there was the tendency to interpret these events in the light ofthe past: persecution and pogroms. The Jewish leaders in Warsaw who learned about events in Lithuania and Latvialin early 1942 should have realized that these were not ‘pogroms’in the traditional sense, spontaneous mob actions, nor excesses committed by local commanders. There are few arbitrary actions in a totalitarian regime. The Zinsatzgruppen acted methodically and in cold blood. The majority.of Jewish leaders in Eastern Europe did not yet realize that this was the beginning of a systematic campaign ofdestruction. The whole scheme was beyond human imagination; they thought the Nazisincapable ofthe murder of millions. Communication between some of the ghettos was irregular; Lodz ghetto, the second largest, was more or less isolated, But rumours,on the other hand, still travelled fast. If the information about the ‘final solution’ had been believed it would have reached every corner of Pöland within a few days. But it was not believed and when the ‘deportations’ from Polish ghettos began in March7942 it was still generally an that the Jews would be transported to places further ast. The illegal newspapers and other sources conveyed disquiet- ing news, and the possibility that many would perish was mentioned. But the information was contradictory. Most people did not read the underground press and there were no certainties. Perhaps the Nazis did after all need a large part of the Jewish population as a labour force for the war economy; perhaps the war would soon be over; perhaps a miracie ofsome sort or another would happen. Rumours are rife in desperate situations and so is the belief in miracles. After July 1942 (the deportations from Warsaw) it is more Conclusion 199 and more difhicult to understand that there still was widespread confusion about the Nazi designs among Jews in Poland, and that the rumours were not recognized for what they were - certainties. Any rational analysis of the situation would have shown that the Nazi aim was the destruction ofall Jews. But the psychological.pressures militated against rational analysis and created an atmosphere in which wishful thinking seemed to ofler the only antidote to utter despair. 4: Ofall the other Jewish communities only the Slovaks seem to have realized at an early date some of the dangers facing them. (So did the Romanians but their position was altogether different.) Buteven they failed to understand untillate 1943 that the Nazis aimed at killing all Jews. The other communities (including German, Dutch, Danish, French, Greek Jews, etc.) seem torhave lived in near ignorance almost to the very end. These communities were isolated, the means of information at their disposal limited. But with all this, most Jews in Europe, and many non-Jews, had at the very least heard rumours about some horrible events in Eastern Europe and some had heard more than rumours. These rumours reached them in dozens of different ways. But they were either not believed or it was assumed that ‘it cannot happen here’. Only a relatively smail minority tried to hide or to escape, aware that deportation meant death. Nazi disinformation contributed to the confusion among the Jews. But the Nazi lies were usually quite threadbare and they cannot be considered the main source of the disorientation. 5. Jewish leaders and the public abroad (Britain, America and Palestine) found it exceedingly difficult in their great majority to accept the ample evidence about the “final solution’ and did so only with considerable delay. They too thought in Categories of persecution and pogroms at a time when a clear Pattern had already emerged which pointed in a different direction. It wasa failure ofintelligence and imagination caused on one hand by a misjudgment of the murderous nature of azism, and on the other hand by a false optimism. Other factors may have played a certain role: the feeling ofimpotence (‘we can do very little, so let us hope for the best’), the military: Stiftelsen norsk Okkupasjonshistorie, 2014 er ee 200 The Terrible Secret dangers facing the Jewish community in Palestine in 1942. Ifthe evidence was played down by many Jewish leaders and the Jewish press, it was not out ofthe desire to keep the community in a state ofignorance, but because there were genuine doubts. As the worst fears were confirmed, there was confusion among the leaders as to what course of action to choose. This was true especially in the US and caused further delay in making the news public. In Jerusalem the turning point came with the arrival of a group of Palestinian citizens who had been repatriated from Europe in November 1942. The leaders of the Jewish Agency, who had been unwilling to accept the written evidence gathered by experienced observers, were ready to believe the accounts delivered by chance arrivals in face-to-face meetings. 6. The Polish underground played a pivotal role in the transmission of the news to the West. It had a fairly good intelligence-gathering network and also the meanstocconvey the information abroad through short-wave radio and couriers, Most ofthe information about the Nazi policy ofextermination reached Jewish circles abroad through the Polish underground. The Poles had few illusions about the intentions ofthe Nazisand their reports gave an unvarnished picture ofthesituation. They have been accused of playing down the Jewish catastrophe in order not to distract world opinion from the suffering of the Polish ‘people, and of having temporarily discontinued the transmission to the West of news about thekilling of the Jews. The Polish underground, needless_to'say, was mainly pre- occupied with the fate of the Polish people, not with that ofa minority. But it did not, on the whole, suppress the news about the mass killings in its bulletins and the information transmitted abroad. There was one exception - the/period_in late July, August and early September 1942 {the deportations from Warsaw), when the London Government-in-exile, either on its own initiative or following the advice of the British Foreign Office, did not immediately publicize the news received from Warsaw. The evidence is conflicting: the information was certainly played down for some time but there was no total blackout. There was delay in London but no more than the delay among the Jewish leaders who also disbelieved the = $ Conclusion 201 information when they first received it. It cannot be proved whether or not the London Polish Government-in-exile did show the members of the National Council all the material received. But Zygielbojm and Schwarzbart certainly had access to allessentialinformation. The Polish Government was the first toalarm the Alliedgovernments and world public opinion but it was accused of exaggeration, as were the Jews at a later date. From this time up to theend of the war the number of victims given in the ofhcial declarations of the Allied governments was consistently too low. Even after it had been accepted in London and Washington that the information about the mass slaughter was correct, the British and Us governments showed much concern that it should not be given t00 much publicity. 7. Millions of Germans knew by late 1942 that the Jews had disappeared. Rumours about their fate reached Germany mainly through officers and soldiers returning from the eastern front but also through other channels. There were clear indications in the wartime speeches of the Nazi leaders that something more drastic than resettlement had happened. Knowledge about the exact manner in which they had been killed was restricted to a very few. It is, in fact, quite likely that while many Germans thought that the Jews were no longer alive, they did not necessarily believe that they were dead. Such belief, needless to say, is logically inconsistent, but a great many logical inconsistencies are accepted in wartime. Very few people had an interest in the fate ofthe Jews. Most individuals faced a great many more important problems. It was an unpleasant topic, speculations were unprofitable, discussions of the fate of the Jews were discouraged. Consideration of this question was pushed aside, blotted out for the duration. 8. Neutrals and international organizations such as the Vatican and the Red Cross knew the truth at an early stage. Not Perhaps the whole truth, but enough to understand that few, if any, Jews would survive the war. The Vatican had an unrivalled net of informants all over Europe. It tried to intervene on some occasions on behalf of the Jews but had no wish to give publicity to the issue. For this would have exposed it 10 German attacks on one hand and pressure to do more from Stiftelsen norsk Okkupasjonshistorie, 2014 u PERPENE ie ö nn meta ln el nn en un naar 1 202 The Terrible Secret the Jews and the Allies. Jews, after all, were not Catholics. In normal times their persecution would have evoked expressions ofgenuine regret. But these were not normal times and since the Holy See could do little- or thought it could do little - even for the faithful Poles, it thought it could do even less for the Jews. This fear ofthe consequences of helping the Jews influenced its whole policy. The position ofthe International Red Cross was, broadiy speaking, similar. It had, of course, fewer sources of information than the Catholic Church and less influence. But it also magnified its own weakness. It was less exposed, in fact, to retaliatory action than it thought, and while its protests might well have been to no avail, it could have made known directly and indirectly the facts it knew. Some of its directors did.so, The neutral governments received much informationlabout the “final solution’ through many channels. There was no censorship in Sweden (except self-censorship) and in 1942 Swiss press censorship did not prevent publication of news about the fate of the Jews. Not all Swiss newspapers showed an equal measure of understanding and compassion, andıthe Swedish press had instructions not to report ‘atrocities’, but their readers could have had few doubts about the true state ofaffairs by late 1942. 9. Neither the United States Government, nor Britain, nor Stalin showed any pronounced interest in the fate of the Jews. They were kept informed through Jewish organizations and through their own channels. From an early date the Soviet press published much generalinformationabout Nazi atrocities in the occupied areas but only rarelyırevealed that Jews were singled out for extermination. To thisday the Soviet Communist Party line has not changed in this respect: it has not admitted that any mistakes were made, that the Jewish population was quite unprepared for the Einsatzgruppen Ät isnotrconceded even now that if specific warnings had been given by the Soviet media in 1941 (which were informed about events behind the German lines} lives might have been saved. As far as the Soviet publications are concerned the Government and the Communist Party acted correctly — Soviet citizens of Jewish origin did not fare differently from the rest under Nazi rule, and if they did, it is thought inadvisable to mention this. The only Se Conelusion 203 mildly critical voices that have been heard can be found in a few literary works describing the events of 1941-2. Some Western observers have argued that the (infrequent) early Soviet news about anti-Jewish massacres committed were sometimes dismissed as ‘Communist propaganda’ in the West and that for this reason the Soviet leaders decided no longer to emphasize the specific anti- Jewish character of the extermination campaign.* This explanation is not at all convincing because Soviet policy at home was hardiy influenced by the Catholic Times, and it should bestressed thatdomestically even less publicity than abroad was given to the Jewish victims from the very beginning. In London and Washington the facts about the ‘Analsolution’ - were known from an early date and reached the chief of intelligence, thesecretaries offoreign affairs and defence. But the facts were not considered to be of great interest or importance and.atleast some ofthe ofhicials either did not believe them, or at least thought them exaggerated. There was no deliberate attempt to stop the flow of information on the mass killings {except for a while on the part of oficials in the State Department), but mainly lack of interest and disbelief. This disbelief can be explained against the background of Anglo- American lack ofknowledge of European affairs in general and Nazism in particular. Although it was generally accepted that the Nazis behaved in a less gentlemanly way than the German armies in 1914-18, the idea of genocide nevertheless seemed far fetched. Neither the Luftwaffe nor the German navy nor the Afrika Korps had committed such acts of atrocities, and these were the only sections ofthe German armed forces which Allied soldiers encountered prior to 1944. The Gestapo was known from not very credible B-grade movies. Barbaric fanaticism was unacceptable to people thinking on pragmatic lines, who believed that slave labour rather than annihilation was the fate of the Jews in Europe. The evil nature of Nazism was beyond their comprehension. But even if the realities of the “final solution’ had been accepted in London and Washington the issue would still have *Thus the (London) Catholic Times on 24 December 1942 - Christmas eve: “It is no secret that ihe recent wave of propaganda about German atrocities against the Jews was ussian inspired.’ But such comments were a fairly rareexception. The Roman Catholic Archbishop of Westminster, Cardinal Hinsiey, was one of the first public figures in Britain to broadcast to Europe in July 1942 about the suflering of the Jews. Stiftelsen norsk Okkupasjonshistorie, 2014 u: 22 bein en a nr mn an mann nn nn 204 The Terrible Secret figured very low on the scale of Allied priorities. 1942 was a critical year in the course ofthe war, strategists and bureaucrats were not to be deflected in the pursuit of victory by considera- tions not directly connected with the war eflort. Thus t00 much publicity about the mass murder seemed undesirable, for it was bound to generate demands to help the Jews and this was thought to be detrimental to the war effort.* Even in later years when victory was already assured there was little willingness to help. Churchill showed more interest in the Jewish tragedy than Roosevelt and also more compassion but even he was not willing : to devote much thought to the subject. Public opinion in Britain, the United States and elsewhere was kept informed through the press from an early date about the progress of the “final solution’. But the impact ofthe news was small or at most shortlived. The fact that millions were killed was more or less meaningless. People could identify perhaps with the fate of a single individual or a family but not with the fate of millions. The statistics of murder were either disbelievedror-dismissed from consciousness. Hence the surprise and shock at the end of the war when the reports about a ‘transit camp’ such as Bergen- Belsen came in: ‘No one had known, no one had been prepared for this.’ Thus the news about the murder of'many millions of Jews was not accepted for along time and even when it had been accepted the full implications were not understood. Among Jews this *The Office of War Information in the United Statesand the Ministry of Information in Britain were inclined to soft pedal publieity about the mass murder in 1942-3 for a variety ofreasons: because the public would not believe it, because it would stir upand- sernitsm in the West, because iı would not be unpopular in some European countrics, because it would have a devastating effect on the morale ofthe European resistance, etc. It was not the only time that atrocities were played down. Thus, though Briush authorities were welt informed about the fate of the British prisoners after the fall of Singapore, detailed information about Japanese behaviour was not provided at the time for fear that this would have a detrimental effect on morale on the British home front. It remains to be investigated in detail how much information was provided by the BBC and the American radio stations about the ‘final solution’ for listeners at home and abroad. Such quantitative analysis in conjunction wich a survey ofthe instructions given to the radio programme directors by the PwE and the Department of State will probably show that publicity was given in December 1942 and January 1943 after the United Nations deelaration about Nazi atrociues. But there was comparatively little throughout 1943: there may have been weeks, perhaps even months, during which the issue was not mentioned at all. Only in 1944 it became again a fairly frequent topic. a PURIEENERIEEPEHUREERSIFL: WERFEIEBENG, CR EHRE ERRIFREN. > v + er, CE e . N % Sa las | RAU "Ir ae Conclusion 205 frequently caused a trauma in later years which in extreme cases led to the beliefthat every danger facing Jews, individually or as a group, had to be interpreted in terms ofa new holocaust. Such a distortion of reality is psychologically understandable, which does not make it any less dangerous as a potentially disastrous politicalguideline. The impact among non-Jews has been small. There have been, after all, many intelligence failures through- out history. Optimists could still argue that one failure should not inspire pessimism and strengthen the argument for worst case analysis. As the long term (1910-50) British diplomat rightly said, his record as an inveterate optimist has been far more impressive than that of the professional Cassandras for- ever harping on the danger of war. He had been wrong only twice. ... It has been said that in wartime there are no 'strategic wärnings’; no unambiguous signals, no absolute certainties. Not only the signals have to be considered but also the background noise, the interference, the deception. If even Barbarossa and Pearl Harbor came as a surprise, despite the fact that the eyes of the whole world were scanning the horizons for such signals - and despite the fact that there was much evidence and many warnings to this effect - is it not natural that European Jewry was taken unaware?! But there was one fundamental difference: Barbarossa and Pearl Harbor were surprise attacks, whereas the “final solution’ proceeded in stages over a long period. Some have claimed in retrospect that Mein Kampf and Hitler’s speeches should have dispelled any doubts about the Nazis’ ultimate murderous intentions. But this is wrong. Tihe ‘solution ofthe Jewish question’ could equally have meant ghettoization or expulsion to some far-away place such as Madagascar. It was only after the invasion ofthe Soviet Union that there was reason to believe that large parts of European Jewry would not survive the war. At first there were only isolated rumours, then the rumours thickened and eventually they became certainties. A moderateiy well informed Jewish resident of Warsaw should have drawn the correct conclusions by May 1942 and some of them did. But the time and the place were hardly conducive to detached, objective analysis; the disintegration of rational intelligence is one of the recurrent themes of all those who have written about that period on the basis of inside knowledge. Stiftelsen norsk Okkupasjonshistorie, 2014 e FEN ar He > nalun..; er nn: 2 _. nn a na. ee en Mr u Dre 206 The Terrible Secret ; Conclusion 207 z Democratic societies demonstrated on this Occasion as on are explanations even for paralysis, but later generations can no 3 many others, before and after, that they are incapable of : longer accept them - hence the abiding mystery. Total . understanding political ‚Fegimes of a different character. Not | hopelessness (the Psychologists say) results in inaction,; when 2 every modern dictatorship is Hitlerian in character and engages there is no exit, such as in a mine or a submarine disaster, this E; in genocide but every one has the potential to. do so. Democratic leads to resignation. ; ä societies are accustomed to think in liberal, pragmatic ‚The reaction 6fDutch or Hungarian Jewscan be compared to Categories; conflicts are believed to be based on misunderstand- that of people facing)a flood and who in contradiction of all ! ings and can be solved with a minimum = will; ee i experience believe that they will not be affected but are i IS a temporary aberration, so is irrational behaviour in BIETaN, individually or as a groupiinvulnerable, Some social psycholo- such as intolerance, eruelty, etc. The effort to overcome such gists will argue that such a denial of a threat betrays a fear of : basic psychological handicaps is immense. It will be undertaken not being able to cope with it. But if such an explanation was only in the light of immediate (and painful) experience. Each ’ true forsome it certainly didnot apply toothers. They genuinely new generation faces this challenge again for experience cannot did not know what was in store for them. Danish Jews were be in ne enden perfectly able to escapeito Sweden and if they did so only at the € reaction of Bast uropean Jewry can only be understo very last moment the reason was that they genuinely believed out of their specific situation in 1942. But there are situations that they would not be deported. Equaliy, to give another which cannot be recreated, however sophisticated the tech- example, the Jews living in Rhodes could have fled without niques of simulation, however great the capacity for empathy difhculty to Turkey and would have done so had they known and Imagination. Generalizations about human behaviour in their fate in Auschwitz. But they did not know. Other Jewish the face ofdisaster are oflimited value: each disaster i$ different. commMunities were indeed trapped but their situation was still Some of those who lived through the catastrophe have tried in „not identical with that of the victims of a mine disaster, BE later years to find explanations. But while their accounts are of Comparisons are only oflimited help for understanding human $ ER interest, they a Es aprierireliable Be! ann behaviour in unique situations. In many cases the inactivity of # tions are rooted in a different situation and this is boun es . ® explana e rooted ih ereni 1 ews, individuals and groups, was not the result of aralysis but j to lead to a rationalization of irrational behaviour. The “final jew, are a solution’ proceeded in stages, chronologically and geographi- cally. This should have acted as a deterrent, but it did’not, on the whole, have this effect. There were no certäinties, only rumours, no full picture, only fragments. Was it a case of a ‘people without understanding’, which had eyes and ears but saw not and heard not? The people saw and heard but what it perceived was not always clear, and when at last the message was unambiguous it left no room for hope andwas therefore unacceptable. It is a syndrome observed by biblical prophets and modern political leaders alike, that it is natural for man to indulge in the illusions of hope and to shut his eyes against a painful truth. But it is not natural for man to submit passively to a horrible fate, nottotry to escape, however great the odds against success, not to Tesist, even if there is no Prospect of victory. True, there PR run on the contrary of unwarranted optimism. As Isaac Schneersohn observed with regard to France: ‘Les juifs &taient alors divises en deux cat&gories: les pessimistes et les optimistes. Les premiereschercherent ä gagner les Etats Unis, la Suisse ou se Camouflerent comme ils purent. Les seconds, caressant de chimeriques espoirs, devinrent par la suite les principaux Candidates aux voyages ä Auschwitz et Treblinka.’* One ofthe questions initially asked was whether it would have made any difference if the information about the mass murder had been believed right from the beginning. It seems quite likely that relatively few people might have been saved as a result and even this is not absolutely certain. But this is hardiy the right Stiftelsen norsk Okkupasjonshistorie, 2014 ee nn nn ine nl an naar Mani een ahnen 208 The Terrible Secret way of posing the question, for the misjudgment of Hitler and Nazism did not begin in June 1941 nor did it end in December 1942. The ideal time to stop Hitler was not when he was at the height of his strength. If the democracies had shown greater foresight, solidarity and resolution, Nazism could have been stopped at the beginning of its campaign of aggression. No power could have saved the majority of the Jews of the Reich and of Eastern Europe in the summer of 1942. Some more would have tried to escape their fate ifthe information had been made widely known. Some could have been saved if Hitler’s satellites had been threatened and if the peoples of Europe had been called to extend help to the Jews. After the winter of 1942 the situation rapidly changed: the satellite leaders and even some of the German officials were no longer eager to be accessories to mass murder. Some, at least, would have responded to Allied pressure, but such pressure was never exerted. Many Jews could certainly have been saved in 1944 by bombing the railway lines leading to the extermination centres, and of coursezthe centres themselves. This could have been done without deflecting any major resources from the general war eflort. It has been argued that the Jews could not have escaped in any case but thisisinot correct: the Russians were no longer far away, the German forces in Poland were concentrated insome of thebigger towns, and even there their sway ran onlyin daytime - they nolonger had the manpower to round/up escaped Jews. In short, hundreds of thousands could have been saved. Büt.this discussion belongs to a later period. The failureitoread correctly _ thesigns in 1941-2 was only onelinkin a.chain offailures. There " was not one reason for this overall failure but many different ones: paralyzing fear on one hand and, on the contrary, reckless optimism on the other; disbelief stemming from a lack of experience or imagination or genuine ignoränce or a mixture of some or all of these things. In some cases the motives were creditable, in others damnable. In some instances moral categories are simply not applicable, and there were also cases which dely understanding to this day. | APPENDICES APPENDIX 1 THE ABWEHR CONNECTION Was information about the “final solution’ passed on by German military intelligence to Allied and Jewish circles during the war? Certain claims have been made that there were such signals but memories are fallible and many relevant Abwehr (military intelligence) records have been destroyed or are not in.the West and are therefore inaccessible. If-Canaris was atall interested in the fate of the Jews, about which he was, ofcourse, kept informed and informed others, he did not do much to help them. The case ofthe second-ranking man in the organization, Hans Oster, was different. Born in 1888, the son ofa Protestant churchman, he fought in the First World War and later joined the Reichswehr. A staunch conservative, he was an early opponent of Hitler whom he regarded as the ‘destroyer of Germany’. The war was ‘madness’; on several occasions he passed on to the Allies warnıngs of impending Nazi attacks. He was head of Department 2 of the Abwehr which dealt with finance and administrative questions and kept the central list of agents. Together with a younger friend, von Dohnanyi (who also hailed from a leading Protestant family - Bonhoeffer was his cousin), Oster made it his business to deal with all kinds of operations unconnected with their immediate.tasks, Hans von Dohnanyi, it should be noted in passing, was partly of Jewish descent. He was ‘Aryanized’ according to a special order issued by Hitler but while he could serve in key positions in various ministries and eventually in the Abwehr he was not permitted to join the Nazi Party. Oster’sdepartment should not have employed outside agents, but in fact it did and helped get individual Jews out ofGermany (to Switzerland) and out ofHolland (to Spain) during the war.* "This refers to what became known as operation U7, the private rescue Operation undertaken by Admiral Canaris to get two of his personal friends, Conzen and Rennefeld, out of Berlin to Switzerland together with their families. These seven non- an Protestants (they were Jews only according 10 ihe Nuremberg laws) were joined by eight others who had been recommended by Protestant churchmen. it is not known bi Stiftels: en norsk Okkupasjonshistorie, 2014 210 The Terrible Secret They were hired ostensibly to spy for the Abwehr in some minor capacity, but were told privately that they were not expected to engage in intelligence activities. One ofthe “front organizationg’ founded under the protection of Oster by Colonel Marogna- Redwitz (another conservative opponent of Hitler) was a business enterprise called Monopol in Prague. Its main task was apparently to transfer money from frozen bank accounts in neutral countries to Germany in order to finance Abwehr activities. Several Jews were employed in this firm; they had served as officers in the German or Austrian army during the First World War and their erstwhile comrades tried to heip them. According to the son ofone ofthe employees of Monopol, Alfred Ziehrer, his father who was based in Prague used to visit Istanbul about once every three months - the last time apparently in 1943. Another Czech Jew, Dr Reimann, who joined him on his mission, did not return to Germany; Ziehrer did and met his death in Auschwitz. According to the son’s evidence, his assignment was to transmit information to the British “among other things about the fate of the Jews’.* Ziehrer, according to the son, was perlectly aware ofthe ‘final solution’. Oster and von Dohnanyi were arrested in 1944 and executed in connection with their participation in the plot against Hitler. The fact that Oster did extend help to Jewsand that he warned the Allies has been established beyond reasonable doubt. The discovery (by the ss) that Oster and von Dohnanyi had not only helped to smuggle Jews abroad but had also sent them money caused Öster’s dismissal from the Abtwehr in 1943. There is good reason to believe that these curious hostages of fate did meet Jewish emissaries in Istanbul. It cannof be demonstrated at present whether they did pass on eredible information on the fate of the Jews and whether their stories were believed. Historians, for one reason or another, have not yet dealt with this episode and the survivors have not been eager to talk. Even a bona ide German abroad trying to sound the alarm was bound to encounter at least some distrust and not without reason; for whose bora fide was certain? Again one illustration a a ee nen whether members ofihis group passed on information about the fate of. the, Jews in Nazi- occupied Europe though it can be taken for granted that they did talk to the Word Council of Churches in Geneva. An Abwehr officer in Holland also helped to save a few Jews by sending them as "agenis’ to Switzerland. u na Appendices 211 will have to suffice: Ernst Lemmer had been one ofthe founder members of the liberal German Democratic Party in 1918 and represented it in the Reichstag from 1924-33. During the Hitler era he worked for foreign newspapers in Berlin. There is no reason to believe that deep down in his heart Lemmer ever accepted the Nazi ideology. But he certainly served his Nazi masters to the best ofhis abilities. As a former democrat he was eminently suited to stress in his many articles for publication abroad the moderate character and the positive achievements of Nazism. (Lemmer worked for the German-language Hungarian daily Pester Lloyd and the Brussels Ze Soir after the occupation of Belgium, as well as temporarily for some Swiss newspapers.) His writings ofthese years make em barrassing reading and the East Germans were not slow to publish selections in the 19605.° They have not so far published the articles ofthe great Richard Sorge, whorepresented-Soviet intelligence in Japan under the cover of a German journalist. Lemmer certainly played a double game. On one hand he would glorify German victories in Russia, on the other hand I haveit on the authority ofa travelling companion that during a {our Conducted by the Ministry of Propaganda to the eastern front in late 1941, at an advanced hour and in a state of some drunkenness he would sit down at the piano and play the Internationale to the consternation of the Nazi dignitaries who were present. What matters in the presentcontext isthe fact that Lemmer was one of the first to convey information about the “final solution’ to Journalists and political acquaintances abroad. He regularly spent his summer holiday in Switzerland during the war. In July 1942 he met several Swiss Public figures in Zürich and told them about gas chambers, stationary and mobile, in which the Jews were killed. Lemmer repeatediy Stressed that he found it incomprehensible that the Allies kept silent and that no attempt was made to alarm world public Opinion. One of those whom Lemmer met that summer ae his impressions many years later for my benefit as ollows: He doubtless had the intention to inform me, but he was also probably Euided by other motives. There was an overall strategy behind these „PProaches: to provoke the Allies to become more strongly committed R behalf'of the Jews, despite the fact that they were powerless to do EEE a SR B A ü 7 FRCHEN nn. Stiftelsen norsk. Qkkupasjonshistorie, 2014 __ un Ba le Se 212 The Terrible Secret anything about it. German Propaganda would have exploited this to the maximum: British and American soldiers were fighting and dying to save the Jews! The Nazis had always believed that if onty they used the Jewish question as a bone of eontention, they would be able to undermine the fighting spirit of British and American soldiers. Some German circles wanted to keep the “final solution’ secret, others, on the contrary, were interested for a number ofdevious reasons to inform the Allies. Whether this interpretation is correct or not, it is certainly understandable that in 1942 Lemmer was received in Switzerland with suspicion. As to his real motives there can only be speculation. Perhaps he acted without ulterior motives, perhaps he knew that he was ‘used’ but assumed that the calculation of those using him was wrong, and that/t was essential to bring the “final solution’ to the notice ofneutrals and Allies alike - whatever the consequences, After the war Lemmer re-entered German politics and served as a minister in the Bonn Government, with short interruptions, from 1956 to 1965. He died in 1970. In his autobiography there is no reference to his warnings concerningithe ‘final solution’ nor to his activities on behalf of the Pester Lloyd. He does say, however, that it was Nazi policy in the media tosowdistrust and dissension among the Allies; Hitler’s enemies behaved in the same way. But Lemmer does not think that neutral cor- respondents and those from satellite countries were taken in.by such manipulations.* Among the wartime visitors to Switzerland who were sponsored by the Abwehr, Dietrich Bonhoefler and Adam Trott zu Soltz ought to be mentioned, Bönhoefler was in touch with the World Council of Churches in Geneva (Visser’t Hooft) and Trott had excellent contacts with various British and American diplomats. Bonhoeffer visited Switzerland twicein 194: and again in 1942; among the information passed on were details about the persecution of the Jews/ But it is doubtful whether they told the British and the Americans much they did not know already, and even the World Council of Churches was kept well informed by its Swedish co-director (Nils Ehrensträm who could travel more or less freely in Germany), and by Hanns Schoenfeld, the German representative on the Council who had Contacts with the German resistance, as had the German consul « ann mann Appendices 213 in Geneva, Albrecht von Kessel, If even top secret information could frequently be obtained in Switzerland it is not surprising that so much was known about a far less sensitive subject such as the fate of the Jews. Last!y the case of Artur Sommer, scholar and spy, strange but in many ways not untypical in the troubled Germany of the 19308. A largeıman with a powerful physique and a booming voice, Sommer ( 1889-1965) had served with distinction in the First World War. In the 19205 he began to study economics and was fascinated by the teachings of Friedrich List, one oftthe few original thinkers in this field in nineteenth-century Germany. List was largely ignored during his lifetime, but there was a List renaissance several decades after his death. Sommer became a leading figure in the List society, discovered some important List manuscripts in French archives and worked closely with Edgar Salin (1892-1974). Salin, who came from a Frankfurt Jewish family, had taught first in Heidelberg and in 1927 was appointed to a chair in Basel. They became close friends. One of the links in their friendship was their admiration for the poctry of Stefan George; they were members of the outer fringe Ofthe George circle. Sommer lived for years outside Germany, first in Switzerland, laterin England. He Joined the Nazi Party for reasons which are not entirely clear in 1932 while continuing his studies in London. It should be recalled that other younger members of the George circle were also initially very much attracted by Hitler — the most famous case is that of Colonel Stauffenberg who tried to kill Hitler in 1944. When, after his return to Germany, Sommer became more familiar with the rowdy character of the stormtroopers he was greatly shocked and said that much in a letter to a friend abroad, which, to his misfortune, was intercepted by thecensor. Sommer was arrested and spent some months in a concentration camp. He did not suffer too much but with this blot on hiscurriculum an academic Career was no longer possible. Sommer decided to rejoin the army, rapidly rose to lieutenant-colonel and became one ofthe »sOn officers between the general staff and the Abwehr. In view of his economic expertise he was also appointed a member of „ German delegation to review periodically trade relations with Switzerland. Beginning September 1940 this took him Stiftelsen norsk Okkupasjonshistorie, 2014 ni, 214 The Terrible Secret frequently to Switzerland and he re-estoblished contact with his old friend and mentor, Salin.° Salin reports that his friend told him in February 1941 about the growing strains in German-Soviet relations and later about the impending attack against Russia. Swiss political police seems to have been well informed about the identity of Salin’s visitor and came to interrogate him. In September or October 1941 Sommer sent Salin pictures showing Nazi atrocities in Eastern Europe with the request to pass these on to the papal nuncio in Bern, which Salin did - without any success, however. In 1942 Salin found in his post box a letter to the effect that extermination camps were prepared in Eastern Europe to kill by poison gas all European Jews and also most Soviet Prisoners of war. Sommer requested that this information should be directly transmitted to Churchill and Roosevelt and also suggested that the BBC should transmit daily warnings. Salin relates that he did not know how toreach Churchill, but he got in touch with Thomas McKittrick, the American president ofthe Bank for International Settlement in Basel, who knew Leland Harrison, the American minister in Bern who in turn was in a position to convey messages directly to the White House. The information was alleged!y passed on to Washington but again there was no response, and'to quote Salin “when the Allied troops uncovered’some of the camps in 1945 it, was pretended that no one'had any inkling. .. . Sommer also tried to help to get a few. Jewisiyacquaintances out of Germany in the middle of the war; among them was a relative of Ernst Kantorowicz,) the well-known medievalist and also a member of the George circle. After the war Sommer resumed his academie career and this time with’more success. He was offered a position at Heidelberg, his leetures were well attended, he was known as ansexcellentteacher and was requested to continue as a guest lecturer even after having reached retiring age. He died in 1963. APPENDIX 2. PRESS COMMENTS ON THE HOLOCAUST IN NAZI-OCCUPIED EUROPE How much was known in London and Geneva, in Washington and Stockholm, about thefäte of European Jewry on the basis of Apbendices 215 ncwspaper reports? Details about the technique of extermi- nation were not published in 1942-3 and there was relatively little about deportations in the German press inside the Reich, in France, Belgium and Holland.* Some of the truth would nevertheless emerge on occasion. Thus the German Official Gazette, the Reichsanzeiger announced on 12 April 1943 that Mr Kurt Teichmann of Beuthen, Bismarckstrasse 33, was divorcing his wife Ruth Sara Teichmann because she had been evacuated in June 1942 “and that she is not expected ever to return”. (‘By order of the iocal court’.) Some information eame from neutral correspondents in Germany who, incidentally, did not have to submit their cables to the censor. They knew, ofcourse, that they would be expelied if their coverage were hostile or if they dealt with ‘sensitive topics’, But there was also a steady stream of information from newspapers published in the occupied countries. Many ofthese were available in Stockholm, Zürich or Lisbon; others - this tefers mainly to small regional Papers - should not have been sent abroad, but were received anyway and were read by the Allies and the Allied Governments-in-exile. Slovak Jewry was the first to be deported to Poland in spring 1942; this was known almost immediately to the Swedish correspondents in Berlin, who noted that the Germans would continue to deport the Jews despite the fact that they badly needed the locomotives and rolling stock for the coming spring offensive. From late March 1942 hardly a day passed without some news about the deportation in the German-language Grenzbote and the Slovak Gardista, both published in Bratislava. n 2 April 1942, Gardista said that foreign intervention on behalf of the Jews would be quite useless, and it engaged for a long time in polemics against certain circles wanting to protect the Jews ‘by using false Christian arguments’, From these ®xchanges it appeared that both sides had a fairly accurate idea of the fate of the Jews in Poland. Thus Evanjelicky Posol (Bratislava) had written that what wasdone to the Jews was not ın conformance with the Principles of humanity let alone Christianity. The Catholic church papers (Katolicke Noviny and % . . * * * PERS aha editors received instructions in February 1942 not to report on ihe ‘Jewish on’ in Eastern Europe, not even to reprint official communigques frorn newspapers Published in the occupied territories (Zatschriftendienst, 27 February 1942) u . Stiftelse EA m n norsk Okkupasjonshistorie, 2014 DE iu 216 The Terrible Secret others) were ambiguous; sometimes they would argue that the ‚Jews were, after all, human beings, at other times the Impression would be created that the church was not in principle against * deportation, provided that those who had been converted were not affected.” Gardisie and other Slovak papers provided accurate figures fairly regularly about the number of Jews deported. Another important source for the fate of Jews in south-east Europe was the Donauzeitung published in Belgrade which covered Hungary, Romania, Yugoslavia and Bulgaria. Readers of the Donauzeitung, accustomed to reading between the lines, would know what had happened to the Jews. Thus, on one occasion, commenting on a report that the Yugoslav Government-in-exile in London had revoked all pre- 1941 anti- Jewish laws, Donauzeitung announced that certain faits accomplis had been created which no one could undo. The German- language paper in Prague (Neue Tag), as well as the Czech papers (such as Ceske Slove), also contained frequent and detailed information about the disappearance ofthe JewsIn West European newspapers such information was much rarer but it could also be found. Thus, a Dutch newspaper announced that the deportation was proceeding so quickly that not a single Jew would be left in Holland by June 1943.® Among the German- language papers in Eastern Europe Deutsche Zeitung in Ostland (Riga) was the most informative both with regard to its denials and its information regarding the liquidation ofcertain ghettos. In some of Germany’s client states there'were open or hardly- veiled discussions about Germany’s;Jewish policy. The ‚Finns showed their disagreement in many ways. Thus the Finnish radio would announce that according to a report from Berlin {sie} Cardinal Hinsley had made a speech in London stating that 700,000 Jews had been executed, The Pope, according to this account, believed that this was alcorrectreport, whercas the Germans emphatically denied it. But the Germans had not reported the Hinsley speech in the first place and had certainly not added that the Pope had endorsed it. There was open eriticism of the Nazi treatment of the Jews not only by Finnish Social Democrats such as Fagerholm but even by pro-Germans such as Professor Eino Kalla, a philosopher, who wrote that the Nazis could not claim that they were defending European Appendices 217 civilization if they committed actions which violated the very foundations of this assertion.? A few more examples from a short period November- December 1942 show the extent of knowledge that could be gained from reading the press. A small Swedish paper, Vestmansland-Tidningen, reported on 27 November 1942 that the whole General Government would be free of Jews by the end of the month. Dagens Nyheter on 2ı December carried the impression ofa Swedish businessman, who had been to Warsaw and Bialystok, according to whom the Jewish population had been decimated. Volk en Vaderland (Rotterdam) announced on 13 November 1942 that anti-Jewish demonstrations would soon no longer be possible because there would be no Jews. Gardista of Bratislava reported on 22 November that there had been a high level meeting in Slovakia on the ‘final solution’; on 6 December the same paper announced that a local priest had been arrested who had forged certificates in order to save Jews. Transocean announced on 7 January 1943 that 77 per cent ofall Slovak Jews had been deported. Leipziger Nachrichten of 14 November 1942 wrote that of the 60,000 Jews who had once lived in Cernauti, only 12,000 remained; the Abend (Prague) carried a news itern according to which no Jews were left in the town of Nachod. Czech-language papers had similar reports about other cities. Donauzeitung (Belgrade, 10 December 1942) reported that in the Romanian city ofBacau the Jewish school had been closed and taken over by the authorities; Kauener Zeitung (Kovno, 16 December) said that allthe former Jewish property in Lithuania was to be registered. The pattern that emerges is unmistakable - the disappear- ance of the Jews.* True, there was also a certain amount of disinformation: the officially sponsored visit to Auschwitz by Fritz Fiala, a Nazi correspondent, is mentioned elsewhere in the Present study (see pages 152-3). But there was misleading information also in quasi-scholarly journals. Thus Ostland, a Periodical which came out twice monthly, featured in its 'ssues of 15 November and ı December 1942 articles on the *Reference is made only to newspapers and periodicals which actually reached the nice and were quoted in the daily Maus Digest of che Ministry of Information in adon. This Publication was made available t0 editors and Commentators on foreign cluded material not to be attributed to its source. “fasrs: it in Stiftelsen norsk Okkupasjonshistorie, 2014 ur ae wo Te 218 The Terrible Secret “conclusion of the resettlement of the Jews’ which contained many figures, all ofthern quite wrong. According to the article which appeared on 15 November there were 480,000 Jews in the Warsaw ghetto, but in fact almost go per cent ofthem had been killed in the previous four months. The figure given for Warsaw and Lublin districts (800,000) was equally untrue. On ı December there was a full list of fifty-hive ‘Jewish dwelling places’, complete with the present number of inhabitants, most of which no longer existed. Was it a genuine mistake? This is hardly likely, for Ostland had on previous occasions commented on the ‘extermination’ and ‘removal’ ofthe Polish Jews and even ofthe ‘extirpation ofthe Jewish ulcer’” (1 August 1942). Readers of the German daily press were treated to explicit statements like: “We have largely broken and destroyed the racial’core.of the Jewish power of darkness. For generations to come nö stream of parasites will pour forth from the Jewish quarters of the East into Western Europe.’!? Such a staternent was open to only one interpretation. When the joint declaration of the AlliesOn themurder ofthe Jews was published in December 1942, the German press following Goebbels’ directives immediately counterattacked without, however, denying in any way the substänce of the charges. Transocean (17 December). said that the. Allied governments depended on.the political wishes of Jewry'to an exceptionally large extent and that there had been demon- strations against the Allies in Persia. The diplomatic cor- respondent of DNB, the official news agehicy, maifitained that Eden’s declaration was nothing but a bit of typical British- Jewish atrocity propagandas ‘People who could spare no word ofpity and conderrination when in September 1939 over 60,000 Germans in Poland were slaughtered in the cruellest fashion - men, women and children — have no right 10 speak about humanity, for they are obviously strangersito it.’ The European people knew that the declaration wasa tendentious manoeuvre (18 December). Only a few months later the German press reported that the Warsaw ghetto had been destroyed. Donauzeitung of 23 March 1943 announced that the ‘dissolution’ of the Jewish quarter in Warsaw had made ‘extraordinary measures necessary in order to make the streets and houses again habitable, for their state Som Anheben m nn as ran nun aan reines are ln nn ti tina ann nenn Appendices 219 defied all description”. Meanwhile the Scandinavian Press reported the destruction of the ghettos of Riga and Minsk and the fact that they were disinfected to absorb 150,000 Germans evacuated from Germany. In Lwow, according to these SOUTCES, 7,000 Jews out of 160,000 had remained, the rest had been killed." All of which tends to show that the basic facts about the destruetion of European Jewry were reported by the press well before the end of the war nn aa: APPENDIX 3. THE BRITISH FOREIGN OFFICE AND THE NEWS FROM POLAND: JULY-DECEMBER 1942 In August 1942 Dr Riegner’s cable from Geneva was received in London reporting that Hitler had given the order to kill all European Jews. F oreign Office comment was sceptical. It was not doubted that Jews were brutally treated but the information On mass murder was on the whole disbelieved. The scepticism was particularly pronounced in the comments on the Agudat Israel cable (received in London on ı1 September 1942) according to which soap and artificial fertilizers were produced from bodies.* The Foreign Office said that this information should be ‘“treated with the greatest reserve’; it reminded the officials of horror stories about the last war. But the comparisons with 1914 were not at all helpful for whereas the Belgian babies had not been bayonetted, the Jews had still been killed even though their corpses, as it later emerged, were not used for the German wareflort. D. Allen said this much: ‘As regards the mass murders we have no precise evidence although it seems likely that they have taken place on a large scale.’'2 Foreign Office doubıs concerning the news about the ‘final solution’ had by no means vanished when it was asked in €ptember 1942 to provide information fora reply to a question which had been asked in Parliament by a Liberal member, . Mander: had the Secretary of State any statement to make with reference 10 the employment by the German Government w.Ihe Foreign Office received this dispatch on rı Scptember from Lord Halifax in ashington, who had obtained a copy from ıhe Polish ambassador. Stiftelsen norsk Okkupasjonshistorie, 2014 220 The Terrible Secret ofgas to murder a large number of.Jews in Poland in mobile gas chambers; and if steps would be taken to interview the three men forced to act as gravediggers who had escaped - with a view of collecting evidence against the perpetrators of this outrage? This referred to the three Jews who had escaped from Chelmno in early January 1942. The three gravediggers saw a rabbi in a small nearby town and told him what they had been forced to do; they then made their way to Warsaw where the Ringelblum group (Oneg Shabbat) debriefed them. A detailed account of Chelmno was passed on to both the Jewish illegal press in Warsaw and the Polish underground. The information was brought to the West by courier. It was received in London some time in June and published in American newspapers in late July. The story also appeared in a small London local newspaper, the City and East London Observer, from which Mander or one of his friends had picked it up. Following this D. Allen asked F. Savery ofthe British Embassy to Poland {i.e. the Polish Government-in-exile)-to find out whether there was any truth in this story, Savery had lived' in Poland for almost twenty years. He had been consul general in Warsaw, he was well known in Polish and Jewish circles, and his Polish was excellent. Savery reportedıback very quickiy. Hehad discussed this with the Polish Ministry of Information. The story had been included in one of the periodical reports which. the Polish Ministry of the Interior had received _from its agents inside Poland. According to Saveryrthe Polishuofficial with whom he had talked had been “frankly sceptical ofthe truth of the story although he had no real means of checking its authenticity’. In spite ofhisdoubts which, according to Savery, may not have been shared by other members of the Polish Government, the story was released to the Polish Social Information Bureau, an unofficial organization largely run by Polish Socialists. Savery thought that the release was probably “attributable to the pressure of Jewish interest in the Polish National Council’. As for the three gravediggers, Savery had ascertained that they were still in Poland and there was therefore no question of getting in touch with them. The Poles had also told Savery that any reply in the House of Commons involved risks. The Polish Government’s channel A en nn er erh ker En Appbendices 221 with Poland might be endangered; doubts might be cast on the veracity of the Polish Government’s sources of information. Lastly “undue publicity in the House might involve further suffering for the Poles, in particular for the three gravediggers and would oniy lead the Germans to be even more ruthless in order to ensure that on future occasions there should be no such survivors to tell the tale.’ Some ofthe arguments were so illogical that it must be asked whether they were not misquoted in transmission: how could ‘undue publicity’ possibly harm the three gravediggers? They were on the run, and, on the other hand, the story had already been published in the press. Ifthey had succeeded in escaping, it was not because the Germans had somehow fatilitated their flight. Savery then consulted Sir Cecil Dormer, the British am- bassador to the Polish Government-in-exile, and they both decided that the best possible course would be to ask Mr Mander to withdraw his question on ‘humanitarian grounds’. Otherwise the Government would have to give a ‘very guarded reply’: It had no means of confirming it."? The reaction of the British Government raises a number of question marks, Nine months had passed since the escape ofthe three gravediggers. There had been many other reports from Polish and Jewish sources about mass extermination in all parts of Poland. The information about the use of poison gas had figured not only in clandestine reports from Poland and Russia, but also in the press. If some Polish officials had doubts about this, others, including the Prime Minister, did not. In fact, the reasons adduced in favour of persuading Mander to withdraw his story imply that the account was basically true: the gravediggers had escaped, many Jews had been killed and if there were any doubts they concerned the manner in which they had been murdered. There was, probably for psychological reasons, particularly strong resistance against accepting that People were killed by gas, a form of murder thought more reprehensible (and therefore more unlikely) than any other. It took three more months to disperse Savery’s doubts. On 3 December 1942 he sent Frank Roberts of the Central Department of the Foreign Office translations of reports just received by Mikolajczyk, the Minister of the Interior. This included very detailed descriptions of the liquidation of the korgagz Stiftisen norsk Okkupasjonshistorie, 2014 al are Th Sn he nn Be le re naian ann zu a Zn I, gan Zu ee Er M ee... aha nern Soma in Tr rn aa. — 222 The rble Secret Warsaw ghetto, the report of a Polish policeman inside the ghetto, a report on the extermination camp at Belzec (based obvious!y on Karski’s story, on which more below) as well as the protest against the mass murder of a group in Poland called Front Odrozdenia Polski (Front for the Regeneration of Poland).* Savery drew the attention of the Foreign Oflice to one sentence in the protest ofthe ‘Front’, concerning the ‘stubborn silence of international jewry’ and the eflorts of German propaganda to put the odium for the massacre on Lithuanians and even on Poles in which they discerned the ‘outlines of an action hostile towards us’. This sentence did not appear in the Polish Fortnightly of ı December 1942 but it was included in the ofhcıal translation of the Sprawozdanie circulated as a manuscript among London editors and Members of Parliament. Savery added that he was impressed by the very sober (sachlich) tenor of the report: ‘I feel we may accept pretty well everything which is said in the report about the happenings in Warsaw and the neighbouring towns.’ But he was still uncertain exactly how to regard the three camps of Treblinka, Belzec and Sobibor (Chelmno and Auschwitz were not mentioned in the reports}: “On the whole, I think it is most likely that atleast nine-tenths of the Jews sent away from Warsaw had met their deaths in those camps.’ But he was not satisfied with the evidenceabout Belzec. He wrote that he did not put any cruelty beyond the Germans in Central Europe, and especially in Poland and towards the Jews but the evidence as evidencedid not seem quite convineing.f D. Allen, another ofthose who had not been convinced about eventsin Poland, now commented on Savery’s note: ‘A horrible and impressive document’. '* Great publicity was given to these. reports in the British press and the items were broadcastbythe BB€ in all languages. The weekly directive for the BBG Polish services 17-23 December stated that ‘it is particularly important, however,to Continue telling ihe Poles that we know about the suffering of the Jews. We do not necessarily need to inform»themof details of these * All ıhese documents were published by the Polish Government-in-exile within a few days in both Polish and English. (Polish Forinighilp, ı December 1942.) tSavery was right on this point. The account on Belzec mentioned execution by electricity but noı by means of poison gas. i + 7 ! 1 H E & h r ARE 2.2.0... eb eine LorredAnbredareru. am TEN nk rn nr eher een nn Appendices 223 sufferings. What we wish to impress on them is our knowledge.’* Then the Polish department of the Political Warfare Executive suggested that Savery should broadcast in Polish about the German treatment of the Jews which he did on ı7 December 1942 after checking with the Foreign Office, the censor and various other bodies. He had to make a number of changes. All figures had to become more vague. Not six thousand Jews were deported daily from Warsaw but ‘several thousands’..Not 350,000 Jews (as he originally wrote) had disappeared from Warsaw but ‘hundreds of thousands’. In the end Savery gotsomewhat annoyed and wrote to Frank Roberts: After reading and re-reading it several times I do not see anything which the Germans could get hold of and use to start a polemic. My own impression is that the Germans themselves probably have no very accurate stasticsofthe deportations from Warsaw and the massacres of the last few months. I doubt whether they know for certain whom they have killed and whom they have left alive. Savery was right, the Germans did not know, nor were they interested in polemics.’* APPENDIX 4. THE DEPARTMENT OF STATE AND THE UNITED NATIONS DECLARATION OF ı7 DECEMBER 1942 Randolph Paul (who was the signatory), John Pehle and Josiah E. du Bois Jr, oficials of the Department ofthe Treasury, were involved in the preparation in January 1944 ofa memorandum On the Acquiescence of This Government ofthe Murder ofthe Jews’. It read, inter alia, They [State Department officials] have not only failed to facilitate the obtaining ofinformation concerning Hitler’s plans to exterminate the 4 *These diregtives were issued by ıhe Political Warfare Executive, The directives given Pong the previous wecks were in the same vein: "The news about the conditions of olish Jewry continuesto gTOw worse.. . „while thereis no necessity to tell the Poles what they know already we should certainly show them that we know it as well. A careful tar ofthe British press and radio on this point is advised. (3-9 December 1942.) A would conuinue to seize hold of every opportunity of publicizing expression of Frog anger. Any declaration made by Great Britain and allied countries condemning Persecution will be bascd mainly on evidence produced by the Polish Government.’ (10-16 December ı 942.} Stiftelsen Du norsk Okkupasjonshistorie, 2014 224 The Terrible Secret Jews of Europe but in their official capacity have gone so far as to surreptitiously attempt to stop the obtaining of information concern- ing the murder of the Jewish population of Europe. Was this a fair statement of the facts? Wise had first written to Sumner Welles, Undersecretary of State, on 3 September 1942 concerning the Riegner cable; he received a first (telephonic) reply on g September. But even before, on 27 August, together with the leaders ofthe other major American Jewish organiza- tions, Wise had written to Welles about the deportations from France. In this letter it was said that ‘in accordance with the announced policy of the Nazis to exterminate the Jews of Europe, hundreds of thousands of these innocent men, women and children have been killed in brutal mass murders’. Ray Atherton ofthe European Division ofthe Department of State suggested to Welles that in his reply to Wise he could safely state that it had never been confirmed that the deported Jews were actually “exterminated’; ‘rather it is our understanding that they are to be put to labor on behalfoftheGerman machine as is the case with Polish, Soviet and other prisoners of war who are now working for their daily sustenance.”® It is impossible to say on what factual basis this information was provided. There was nothing in the dispatches from Europe reaching the State Department or in the newspapers from neutral countries which could have induced the beliefithat the Jews would work for the German war effort. Et is/possible that in August and early September 1942 Mr Atherton was not very well informed. It is more difhicult to explain similar attitudes three months later after much additional information-had been received and when preparations were made for the United Nations Declaration of 17 December 1942. The initiative for the UN declaration condemning the ‘bestial policy of cold-blooded extermination’»came from the British Government which had been for some time under pressure from the Jewish community, the Polish Government-in-exile, some organs of the press, church dignitaries and others. On 7 December the diplomatic correspondent of the London Times reported that the American and Soviet ambassadors had met Mr Eden to discuss the fearful plight of the Jews throughout Europe and that Count Raczynski had laid before Eden some of Bu ae a ab a a aan a 12 RIEF ‚niet ea Appendices 225 the evidence out of Poland. He also reported that each occupied country had been given a date by Hitler by which it must have cleared out its Jewish people. It was only now that the German plans, long laid and carefully prepared, could be seen in practice for what they were. The Polish Government had urged the necessity.not only ofcondemning the crimes and punishing the criminals but,also of finding means offering the hope that Germany mighübe effectively restrained from continuing to apply her methods of mass extermination. Having seen this note, Churchill asked the Foreign Office for further informa- tion.'” Ivan Maisky, the Soviet Ambassador in London, had expressed interest in a common declaration even earlier, on 2 December. The main opposition came from the United States. This refers not to John Winant, us Ambassador in London, who on several Occasions hadintervened on behalf ofthe Jews with the British Government. In a cable on 7 December, Winant said that he supported a common declaration. On the next day he transmitted without comment a note on his meeting with Eden: We discussed whether any steps could usefully be taken by the United Nations to make clear their condemnation of these horrors and Possibly to exercise a deterrent effect on their Perpetrators. We agreed that although little practical efect could be expected, it might be useful for the United States and the Soviet Government to join with His Majesty’s Government in condemning these atrocities and in reminding their perpetrators that certain retribution awaits them. The main opponent ofgiving undue publicity to the plight of the Jews wasR. B. Reams, who wasin charge of,Jewish affairs in the European Division of the State Department. He had ‘grave doubts in regard to the desirability or advisability of issuing a Statement of this nature,’ as he stated in a memorandum addressed to Hickerson and Atherton, his superiors. In the first place these reports are unconfirmed and emanate to a great extent from the Riegner letter to Rabbi Wise... . While the statement 0€s not mention the soap, glue, oil and fertilizer factories it will be taken as additional confirmation of these stories and will support Rabbi Wise’s contention of official confirmation from State Department sources. The way will then be open for further pressure tom interested groups for action which might affect the warefiort. The Stiftelsen norsk Okkupasjonshistorie, 2014 ‚226 The Terrible Secret plight of the unhappy peoples of Europe including the Jews can be alleviated only by winning the war. A statement of this kind can have no good effect and may in fact induce even harsher measures towards the population of Europe. '® On the next day in a meeting with Sir William Hayter, subsequently British Ambassador to Moscow and Principal of New College, Oxford, he complained that the statement proposed by the British Government was ‘extremely strong and definite’. Its issuance would be accepted by the Jewish communities ofthe world as complete proof of the stories which were now being spread about. These people would undoubtediy be pleased that the Governments of the United Nations were taking an active interest in the fate of their fellows in Europe but in fact their fears would be increased by such a statement. In addition the various Governments of the un would expose themselves to increased pressure from all sides to do something more specific to help these people.'* Reams then said (‘Speaking personally’ and for-Mr_Hayter’s private information’) that he (Reams) believed that Riegner’s cable t0 Wise was responsible for most of the Present anxiety with regard to the situation. In other words, there would have been no troubleifthe British had helped.to suppress the Riegner cable. Reams tried to postPone as long as possible\the confirmation ofthe ‘stories’ Thus in an answer to Congressman Hamilton Fish in December 1942, I replied that this whole matter was now under considerationand that it was difficult for me to give him any exact information. These reports to the best of ıny knowledge were as yet unconfirmed.2° This was the general line taken by the middle echelons in the State Department at the time. Thus Reams told anofheial ofthe Latin American Department, commenting-On protests from Mexico on 15 December, that the information about the mass murder oftthe Jews was unconfirmed. A cable went out to San Jose, Costa Rica, two days after the United Nations declaration again claiming that ‘there had been no confirmation of the reported order from other sources (except from a Jewish leader in Geneva)’. Answering a query by the Christian Century whether . the Department would confirm or deny Rabbi Wise’s staternent Appendices 227 mentioned by the Associated Press that Hitler had ordered the extermination ofall Jews in Nazi-ruled Europe and that thishad been confirmed by the State Department, M. J. McDermott, chiefof the Division of Current Information, replied in a letter: I today informed correspondents in confidence and am glad to give to you, not for publication, that Rabbi Wise was in the Department several months ago.and again yesterday and he had consulted with the In short, the State Department wanted to have nothing to do with the content ofthe message. The statement of 17 December was drafted in the Foreign Office in London. Maisky proposed one amendment, namely addingthesentence, "The number of vietims ofthese sanguinary punishments is taken to amount to many hundreds ofthousands Quite Innocent men, women and children.’ This was accepted and appeared in the final version as follows: “The number of European victims of these bloody eruelties is reckoned in many hundreds of thousands of entirely innocent men, women and children.’ The United States made three amendments; two were accepted, the third came too late. Mr Reams, eager to weaken the Statement, suggested the following: the original draft had said that ‘the attention of the allied governments had been drawn to reports from Europe which leave no room for doubt that the Germans were carrying out their oft repeated intention to exterminate the Jewish people in Europe.’ Reams wanted the Nalicized words deleted. Secondiy, the original statement had that, ‘From all the countries Jews are being transported ‚respective of age and sex and in conditions of appalling horror and brutality to Eastern Europe.’ Again Reams insisted that the Nalicized words be deleted. He argued that this had not been !Fue up to the present time in France and might not be true in Other occupied territories.” Reams was quite wrong: it was Precisely this fact, the separation of children from their parents, which had provoked so many protests in France and "itzerland. The official bulletin of the Swiss churches wrote Stiftelsen norsk Okkupasjonshistorie, 2014 . FRBERENEN u j DEREN ERS 228 The Terrible Secret that the fact that children were brutally taken away from their parents reminded one ofthe murder ofchildren at Bethlehem in the days of Jesus Christ. Cardinal Gerlier said in a protest declaration: Nous assistons & une dispersion cruelle des familles ou rien n'est epargne’ (“We are witnessing a cruel dispersal of families in which nothing is spared’). And Saliege, Archbishop of Toulon: ‘Les membres d’une meme famille soient separes les uns des autreset embarques pour une destination inconnue. Re ("Members ofthe same family are separated from each other and embarked for n unknown destination .. Ae) Dana The last amendment came from the Secretary of’ State, and it had nothing to do with either Hitler or the Jews. According to the original version the first sentence ofthe statement listed the various members ofthe United Nations and then added “and of the Fighting French Committee’ (or “French National Committee’). Cordell Hull sent a cable to London asking urgently for the insertion of the word ‘also’ in front of the ‘French Committee’, It was the only cable concerning the whole affair which was sent with triple priority but it came too late, Lord Halifax, the British Ambassador in Washington, explained (and Winant from London supported him) that in view of the difference in time the telegram had reached Eden only when he was about to make his declaration in the House of Commons. The British Foreign Secretary had said moreover that it was too late toconsulttheother signatories. Consequently the statement was published in Washington with ‘also’ inserted before ‘the Fighting French’ whereas there wasıno ‘also’ in the London version or elsewhere. Did Reams, McDermott, Breckinridge Long and the others genuinely doubt the available information? This is difficult to believe. It is more likely that their second line of argument was decisive: if the State Department confirmed the news it would ‘come under pressure to do something’. But was the war efort really their overriding concern? This mäkes sense only if one also assumes that the American diplomats were more single- mindedly and relentlessiy devoted to the war efort than Churchill, Stalin and all the others, a supposition which stretches the powers of even a vivid imagination. | Appendices 229 APPENDIX 5. THE MISSIONS OF JAN KARSKI, JAN NOWAK, AND TADEUSZ CHCIUK The mission from Warsaw to London of Jan Karski (Kozielewski) has been repeatediy mentioned. Karski was neither thefirst nor the last Courier to arrive from Warsaw, but as far asthe information about the fate ofthe Jews in Poland was concerned, hewascertainty the most important. Karski wrote a book about his mission which appeared in the United States in 1944 and became a bestseller; it was also published in Britain, Switzerland, and Norway. But the war was not yet over when the book was published and the author had to exert self- censorship.?* Who was Jan/Karski, and what was the purpose of his mission? He was born in Lodz in 1914, studied at the Jan Kazimierz University in Lwow for a degree in law, served in the Polish army in 1935-6 and then for two years travelled in Central and Western Europe. In 1938 he entered the Polish Foreign Ministry asa trainee and graduated in January 1939 at the top of his class. When the war broke out he served as a lieutenant in themounted artillery. With his unit he retreated to the East and was then taken prisoner by the advancing Soviet army. He disguised himselfas a private. Polish officers were kept back by the Russians and most ofthem never returned. He was Tepatriated to Poland where the Germans puthimona traintoa labour camp. He jumped from the train and made his way to Warsaw where he became an early member of the Under- ground. He acted as a courier between Angers (in France - where the exiled Polish National Council was located before the fall of France) and Warsaw. The usual route was Warsaw to Zakopane, by skis over the Carpathian mountains to udapest-Italy-France. Professor Stanislaw Kot, the Polish finister of the Interior at the time, asked him to return to oland cartying with him the first blueprint for the creation of the various institutions which were to constitute the under- 8Tound state. On another such mission in June 1940 he was “aught by the Gestapo in Presov, Slovakia. Having undergone !örture he tried to commit suicide by cutting his wrists, but alled. He was sent back to prison hospital where an under- STound cell succeeded in whisking him out. This operation was Stiftelsen norsk Okkupasjonshistorie, 2014 gen 230 The Terrible Secret undertaken by a unit commanded by Jozef Cyrankiewicz, the future Prime Minister in Communist Poland, but at that time still a leading member of the pps - the Socialists. Karski lived underground in Warsaw in 1941-2, engaged in ‘black propa- ganda’ among German soldiers, printing and distributing leaflets in German. In 1942 he was again asked to go to London as a courier on behalf of the Delegat. Various techniques were used at the time to get such couriers to Western Europe. The one chosen by those who arranged Karski’s trip was simple, Thousands of Frerich ‘guest’ workers were employed in Poland at the time. They had the right to go back to France twice yearly for their home leave. The Polish Underground offered them a two-week very well paid holiday on a Polish country estate in what were for wartime exceedingly luxurious conditions, French workers surrendered their passports; the pictures were removed and those of the couriers afıixed. If the courier did not return in time they would have to report the passport’s loss and had to pay a fine - which wonld be covered, needless to say, by the Underground. Karski travelled through Germany in November 1942 to Paris where he stayed fortwelve daysin an apartment belonging to a priest. He spent his evenings in the cafes, restaurants, and gambling places in Montmartre andıwas struck by the spirit of fraternization between Frenchmen and Germans and theservile attitude frequently displayed. Equipped with new papers he made his way to Toulon where a Polish underground network took over. He was taken to Perpignan and.crossed the,Pyrenees “ with a Spanish Communist acting as a’guide. In Barcelona he was fetched with a diplomaticlimousine which seems to have belonged to the 0S$ rather than British intelligence. From there he went first to Algeciras and then to Gibraltar where he had dinner with the Governor. The following day he flewto London. Karski’s mission concerned, of coufsejpredöminantly Polish affairs. But prior to his departure he had several meetings with Jewish leaders, and he solemniy promised them to convey their message to the West. Hedid not know at the time the identity of those he met. Later he learned that one ofthem had been Leon Feiner; the identity of the other is not clear to this day. Et was apparently Menahem Kirschenbaum or Adolf Berman. The two saw him by special permission ofthe Delegatura. Karski also Appendices 231 visited the Warsaw ghetto in October 1942. This did not, in his words, present any special dificulty: the area oftthe ghetto had very much shrunk after the deportations of July-September 1942; the tramways crossed the ghetto to reach the streets which had been taken over by the ‘Aryans’. Elsewhere one could enter or leaveithe,ghetto through the cellars of houses which served as the ghetto wall. Karski relates that he was taken to Belzec by a Jewish, but Aryan-looking, contact (who had told him that this was a transition rather than extermination camp) to a nearby shop. There he was approached by a man in civilian clothes who said he would provide both a uniform (of'an Estonian guard) and a permit. Karski does not know whether this contact {who spoke perfect Polish) was a smuggler or a ‘Racial German’, perhaps even a low-level Gestapo agent who was in the pay ofthe Jewish underground. The two entered the camp through a side gate without attracting suspicion. There he saw ‘bedlam’ - the ground littered with weakened bodies, hundreds of Jews packed into railway cars covered with a layer of quicklime. The cärs were closed and moved outside the camp; after some time they were opened, the corpses were burned and the cars returned to the camp to fetch new cargo. After watching the scene for some time he felt sick and began to lose his nerve. He wanted to escape and walked quickly towards the nearest gate. His companion who had kept some distance from him realized that something was amiss. He approached Karski and harshly shouted, ‘Follow me at once!’ They went through the same side gate they had entered and were not stopped. Karski says that he learned only in later years that Belzec was not a transit but a death camp and that most ofthe victims were killed in gas chambers. He had not actually seen the gas chambers during his visit, apparentiy because these were walled in and could be approached only with a special permit. ‚Karski arrived in London in November 1942. General Sikorski was in America at the time but he met him later; he Participated however in two meetings of the Polish Overnment-in-exile. In the following weeks he met many British, American, and Jewish leaders and briefed them about the situation in Poland and the fate ofthe Jews. Among thosc he saw in London were Anthony Eden, the Foreign Secretary, ee 232 The Terrible Secret Lord Cranborne, Hugh Dalton, and Arthur Greenwood, members of the War Cabinet, Richard Law, Parliamentary Undersecretary for Foreign Affairs, Lord Selborne, who as Minister of Economic Warfare was in charge of SOE, Anthony D. Biddle and Owen O’Malley, the US and British Am- bassadors to the Polish Government-in-exile, as well as various ıinembers of the House of Commons. Among those he saw in the United States were President Roosevelt, Herbert Hoover, Cordell Hull, Henry Stimson, Francis Biddle, Adolph Berle, Archbishops Spelman, Mooney and Strich, Felix Frankfurter, Bill Donovan and John Wiley (both of the oss), and the Apostolic Delegate. Among Jewish leaders: Stephen Wise, N. Waldman, S. Margoshes, and M. Fertig. He also talked to many writersand newspapermen, among them: H.G. Wells, Victor Gollancz, Arthur Koestler, Kingsley Martin, Allen Lane, Walter Lippmann, Eugene Lyons, Dorothy Thompson, George Sokolsky, William Prescott, and Mrs Ogden Reed. The message Karski transmitted to the West in November 1942 on behalf of the Polish Jewish leaders could not be published during the war. He wrote it down at my request in 1979:* I. My mission to the Polish and Allied Governmenks The unprecedented destruction.of the entire Jewish population is net motivated by Germany’s mälttery requirements. Hitler and his subordinates aim at the total destruction ofthe Jewsbeforethe war ends and regardless ofits outcome. The Allied governments cannot disregard this reality. The Jews in Poland are helpiess. They have no country of their own. They have no independent voice in the Allied councils. They cannot rely on the Polish underground or population-at-large. They might save some individuals - they are unable to stop the extermination. Only the powerful Allied governments can help effectively. The Polish Jews- solemnly appeal“to the Polish and Allied governments to undertake extraordinary measures in an atiernpt to stop the extermination, They solemnly place historical responsibility on the Allied governmenss if they fail to undertake those extraordinary measures. *] am grateful t0 Professor Jan Karski for having patiently submitted to detailed questioning. (Washington, 3 September 3979.) Stiftelsen norsk Okkupasjonshistorie,-2014- seh Aus ak Arc ven. 1ER VPOSEUSERNE Bee WE ns ET ET ne. 2 f fi 1 3 Appendices 233 This is what the Jews demand: I) A public announcement that Prevention of the physical extermi- nation of the Jews became a part ofthe over-all Allied war sirategy, 2) Informing the German nation through radio, air-dropped leaflets and other means about their government’s crimes committed against the Jews. All names of the German officials directly involved in the crimes; statistics; facts; methods used shouid be spelled out. 3) Public and formal appeals (radio, leaflets, etc.) to the German people to exereise Pressure on their government as to make it stop the extermination. 4) Public and formal demand for evidence that such a Pressure had been exercised and Nazi Practices directed against the Jews stopped. 6) Public and formal announcement that in view ofthe unprecedented Nazi erımes againstthe Jews and in hope that those crimes would stop, a) certain areas and objects in Germany would be bombed in retaliation. German people would be informed before and after each action that the Nazi continued extermination of the Jews Pprompted the bombing. b) certain German war prisoners who, having been informed about their government’s crimes, still profess solidarity with and allegiance to the Nazis would be held responsible for the crimes committed against the Jews as long as those crimes continue. €) certain German nationals living in the Allied countries who, having been informed about the crimes committed against the Jews, still profess solidarity with the Nazi government would be held responsible for those crimes. d) Jewish leaders in London, particularly Szmul gielbejm (sunn) and Dr Ignace Szwarchard (Zionists), are solemnly charged to make all efforts so as to make the Folish government formally forward these demands at the Allied councils. Spiritual grounds to expect protection of the Vatican. Religious $anctions, excommunication included, are within the Pope’s jurisdic- ton. Such sanctions, publicly proclaimed, might have an impact on the German people. They might even make Hitler, a baptized Cause ofthe nature ofthis message and the source it came from as al de 12,5 522 al nd en Stiftelsenngrsk Okkupasjonshistorie, 2014 _ SEHR RTL. AHPERIREHER II PURCHLET ER 234 The Terrible Secrei well as because ofdiplomatie protocol’s requirements, I was instrücted to deliver the message to the President ofthe Republic oriy. Let him use his conscience and wisdom in approaching the Pope. I was explicitly forbidden to discuss that subject with the Jewish leaders. Their possible maladroit intervention might be counter-productive, TEE. For the Prime Minister and Commander-in-Chief (General Wladyslaw Sikorski), Minister of Interior (Stanislaw Mikolajezyk), Zygielbojm and Dr Szwarchard. Although the Polish people-at-large sympathize with or try to help the Jews, many Polish criminals blackmail, denounce or even murder the Jews in hiding. The Underground authorities must apply punitive sanctions against them, executions included. In the last case, the identity of the guilty ones and the nature of their crimes should be publicized in the Underground press. Zygielbojm and Szwarcbard must use all their Pressure, so that pertinent orders would be issued. In order to avoid any risk ofanti-Polish propaganda, I wasexplicitdiy forbidden to discuss that subject with any non-Polish Jewish leaders. I was to inform Zygielbojm and Dr Szwarcbard about that part of my instructions. IV. For the Commander-in-Chief of ihe Polish Armed Forces (General Sikorski) and Zygielbojm and Dr Szwarchard only. A Jewish military organization emerged. Its leaders as well as younger elements of the Jewish ghetios, the Warsaw ghetto in particular, contemplate some armed fesistance against the Germans. They speak about a “Jewish war’ against the Third Reich. They asked the Home Army for weapons./Those weapons had been denied. - The Jews are Polish citizens. They are entitled to-have weapons if these weapons are in the possession of the Polish Underground. The Jews cannot be denied the right to die fighting, whatever the outcome of their fighting may be. Only General Sikorski, as commander-in- chief, can change the attitude oftthe Commander ofthe Home Army (General Stefan Rowecki). The Jewish leaders demand Gen. Sikorski’s intervention. 1 refused to carry that message unless I Was authorized t0 see Gen. Rowecki in person, to inform him about the complaint and to ask for his comments. Both Jewish leaders heartily agreed. I did see General Rowecki. I did obtain his comments and I did refer the matter in London as instructed. In order not to feed any anti-Polish propaganda, I was explicitly forbidden to discuss this subject with any non-Polish Jewish leaders. I was to inform Zygielbojm and Dr Szwarcbard about this part ofmy instructions, Lara nn N nn Damian €) Some Jews.of not Semitic appearance could leave the ghettos, r Poles under Money to bribe the ghetto’s guards, various officials (Arbeitsamt) as well as subsistence funds is needed. d) Many Christian families would agree to hide the Jews in their homes, But they risk instant executions if discovered by the Germans. AU of them are in dire needs, themselves, Money is needed, at least for subsistence. j e) Money, medicines, food, clothing is most urgently needed by the SUrvivors in the ghettos. Subsidies obtained from the Delegate of the olish government-in-exile as well as other funds sent through various channels by the Jewish international Organizations are tolally insuficient. More hard Currency, sent without delay, is a question oflife or death for thousands of Jews. VI, Arousing the public opinion in the West on behalf of ihe Jews. In addition to all the messages I was to carry, both Jewish leaders solemnly committed me to do My utmost in arousing the public OPinion in the free world on behalfof the Polish Jews. I solemniy swore that, should I arrive safely in London, I would not fail them. Karski, it will be recalled, reached London in November 1942. = following month (on 7 December) the Polish National} Duncil passed a resolution committing the Government to act Without delay in connection with the extermination of the Jews. N 10 December, accordingly, the Polish Government issued a °rmal appeal to the Allied governments and on 17 December Stiftelsen norsk Okkupasjonshistorie, 2014 236 The Terrible Secret Appendices 237 the Allied Council passed the resolution which has been quoted at least a Paper of some verisimilitude, even if jt was not elsewhere. On 18 December the President ofthe Polish Republic ne ber Senuine ... Rabbi Wise was fascinated by this scheme. sent a note to Pope Pius x11 asking for his intervention. On ı8 i \ January 1943 Count Raczynski, the Polish Foreign Minister, Jemand wpJstice Frankfurter eything he knew about the nn ; il ew: en Nie nished the Justice said so j presented the following demands at the Allied Council things and then. Tearı Kali Ju - ;.SoMe Complimentary a) The bombing of Germany as a reprisal for the continued again with him, told F rankfurter that Karski h extermination of the Polish Jews. the. äuth ority ofthe Polish Covermment and anche b) To press Berlin to let the Jews out of the German-dominated possibility in the world that’'he was not tellin coumtries, partieularly Poland. c} To.demand action so as to make the Allied as well as the neutral Countries accept the Jews, who had succeeded or would succeed in leaving German-occupied countries. ! the news from Eastern Europe was not believed for so long. In Raczynski did not advance demands for reprisals against England, H. G, Wells was actively hostile and Lord Selborne German war prisoners and German nationals living in the (the administrative chief of underground resistance) said that Allied countries, considering them contrary to the accepted Kaıski was doing a magnificent job, But he also said that in the practices of international law. Anthony Eden, acting on behalf First World War there had been atrocity stories about Belgian of the British Government, rejected the Polish demands and babies; His Majesty’s Gövernment knew, of course, that they offered instead some vague promises to intervene in certain were false but had done nothing to Stop them. The comparison neutral countries. The various diplomatic initiativesvand-the between the Beigian babies who had not been killed and the proclamations of December 1942 came as the result of the Jewish who were dead was not reassuring. Selborne also said evidence which had accumulated over many months, but the that the proposals to buy out some Jewish women and children Karski mission still played an important part in this respect. by paying with gold and/or goods were totally unacceptable, What does Karski remember-of his many meetings after his Such a transaction could perhaps be kept secret in wartime, but arrival in Britain? He assessed, quite accurately, the two Jewish \t would haye to be revealed after victory, and no prime minister members ofthe Polish National Council-* Zygielbojm met with Or cabinet would accept this responsibility. It would surely be him with suspicion and reacted \rrationally’(‘Why did they blamed for the killing of British soldiers as the result of send you? Who are you? You are not a Jew. Let mesee yaur Prolonging the war. Eden’s main Concern was with the difhcult wrists. .. ”) and Schwarzbart (“A pröfessional politician and a question of where the Jews, ifliberated, would g0. Britain had bitofamanipulator’). President Roosevelt listened tohim for an alrcady a hundred thousand refugees and could not accept hour and asked many questions; in the end he dismissed him more. * with “Tell your nation we shall win the war’ and some more such Finging messages. There were no words ofcomfort for the Jews. Jan Nowak (Zdzislaw Jezioranski) also acted as an emissary to Stephen Wise was the Jewish leader. most interested in practical London in 1943 and 1944. His story has been told in fascinating details: what kind of passports were needed? Any Latin detail but belongs to a later Period.?* It is of indirect interest, American would do. . .. But would not the Gestapo see through Owever, because Nowak fully confirms certain aspects of this scheme? It probably would but low- and even middle-level Karski’s evidence, especially with regard to the reception in Gestapo ofhicials could be bribed. But those to be bribed needed *Eden sent two notes to the War Council affer his meeting with Karski, but they .: co . . 5: *There was a third, Leon Grossfeld {member of the PPs} who does not, however, u. Be Polish afairs. The Polcs would nor be willing to accede to the Scvier demands Ägure prominenly in this story. "ltorial change, and ıhis was bad news. Stiftelsen norsk Giiaipasjonchistorig, 2014... u... wu nn ren. e. 238 The Terrible Secret London. He was the first emissary to arrive from Poland after the battle ofthe Warsaw ghetto. Nowak was .debriefed by Frank Roberts, head ofthe Central Department ofthe Foreign Offce, Brigadier Harvey Watt, Parliamentary Private Secretary to Churchill, Major Morton, Churchill’s intelligence adviser, Osborn and Moray McLaren of PWI, Tepresentatives of MIgand others. He dwelt at length on the fate of the Jews but there was no interest whatsoever in this topic, with the exception of one counter-intelligence officer who was personally deeply moved. The various minutes (by Frank Roberts, Lawford, Morton) which have been preserved, bear this out. Nowak also reports that in his meetings with Schwarzbart (‘a tragic figure’) and other Jewish leadershe was advised not to dwell too much on ther number ofthe victims, for this would not be believed, But to refer instead to individual cases,?7 Tadeusz Cheiuk-Celt was sent twice by parachute from London to Poland during the war. The first time he stayed in capacity’. He also mentiöned the first signs ofthe liquidation of the Warsaw ghetto (the ‘small ghetto’) as well as the extermination of the Jewish communities- in Radom, Lida, Minsk, Rovnoetc.%# a re A NOTE ON SOURCES I HAVE had access to most collections in which the material needed for the present study can be found. Three major exceptions were the Soviet and Vatican archives, and, less well known but ofconsiderable importance, the collection of Nathan Schwalb, kept in the archives of the Histadrut in Tel Aviv, I would like to record my gratitude to the directors and staflofthe following: National Archives, Washington DC; Yad Vashem, Jerusalem; ıhe archives of the Hagana, the Labour Movement Wiener Library, World Jewish Congress, Sikorski I nstitute and Studium Polski Podziemnej, all in London; the yıvo Institute, the Franz Kurski Archives of the Jewish Labour Bund and the Leo Baeck Institute, allin New York; the Archives ofthe Royal Swedish Foreign Ministry in Stockholm; the Berlin Document Centre; the Swiss Federal Archives in Bern; the archives of the International Red Cross in Geneva; the German Federal Archives in Koblenz; the Institute für Zeitgeschichte in Munich and the military-historical archives in Freiburg. Unfortu nately, I cannot say with any assurance that I had access to all the relevant material in all of these collections. Special thanks go to those who have helped me with my research: Josef Algasy (who helped me greatly with research in Israeli archives), Mrs N.Pain and Mr Z.Ben Shlomo in London, Sophia Miskiewicz and Joseph Pilat in Washington, and Dr Svante Hansson in Stockholm. The list of those whom I have consulted on specific aspects is Ong and this is also true with regard to others who have heiped Me to obtain material otherwise dificult to receive. I would like to thank in particular: in Britain — Peter Calvocoressi, Dr E. Eppler, Mrs Eilna Ernest, Professor M.R.D.Foot, Dr J-Garlinski, Dr F.Hajek, Professor F.Hinsley, Baroness ornsby-Smith DBE, Professor L.Labedz, Ronald Lewin, = Ba = 120 vi Stiftelseri fiorsk Okkupasjonshistorie, 2014. BET RR EE en el en u. rn an. 2 240 The Terrible Secret Professor M. Marrus, Sir Cecil Parrott, DrS.Roth, Professor Sir Hugh Trevor-Roper, MrsS. Wichmann, Professor Z.Zeman; in Israel - Dr Y. Arad, Professor Y.Bauer, Dr W.Eitan, Dr I. Fleischauer, Dr M.Gilbert, Dr I.Gutman, Dr M.Heiman, Dr $.Krakowski, Dr O.Kulka, Shlomit Laqueur, Mr Philip, CHAPTER NOTES Ambassador Gideon Rafael, Professor Y. Reinharz, Dr L.Rotkirchen, Dr M.Sompolinski, Professor B, Vago, Dr INTRODUCTION ; Reuben Hecht; in Switzerland - Dr H.Boeschenstein, Kurt 1. Supplement to British i 2 Emmenegger, Dr O.Gauye, Dr Graf, Dr W. Guggenheim, 2. D.Singten, Bel Uneyred (Lencn 0 ober Bi 3 M.J.Moreillon, A,Müller, Dr G.Riegner, Madame C,Rey MR ne enormous literature on (he subject is reviewed and analyzed in Jamcs 7 Schirr, Dr E.Streiff, Dr L.Stucki; in Sweden - Professor „Reed, Atrocity Propaganda 9741919 (New Haven, 1941); see also most 4 W.Carlgren, Ambassador M.R.Kidron, Dr Jozef Lewandowski, Pas we Wilson, Lord Bryce’s Investigations into Alleged German 4 Dr H.Lindberg, Baron G. von Otter, Professor M. Peterson, N 369-83 “en Peigium 1914/58), Journal of Contemporary History (July 1979), pp. 2 Ake Thulstrup; in Germany - Dr H.Abs, Dr Auerbach, Dr 4. Details in Ino Arndt-Wolfgang S s 2 2 H.Boberach, T.Cheiuk-Celt, Professor J-Rohwer; in“the > "in Pierteljahrshefte für erckiche, ee which Bere : Netherlands - Dr Louis de Jong; in the United States — 2 detailed bibliography, a 4 Ambassador J.Beam, Professor H.Deutsch, Dr L. Dobroszycki, 5. For instance, “Eine Stätte des Grauens — Bericht aus dem K.Z. Lager 3 Howard Eltng Jr, A.Gellert, Ambassador A. Goldberg, Dr Oswieeim [Auschwitz], Neue Volkszeitung, New York, 14 March 1992. hr R.Graham sj, Professor Feliks Gross, Dr F.Grubel, David ; e Kahn, Professor J.Karski, Hillel Kempirtiski,— Professor ; a WALLOF SILENCE» = G.Kennan, S.Korbonski, Dr David Kranzler, Dr J.Kuhl, Dr 1. Ihe many bureaucratic Tamifications are described in great detail ; F.Lessing, Professor G.Lerski, Jan Nowak, A,Pomian, De Verwaliste Mensch (Tübingen, 1974). a: Ambassador H.Probst, Dr B.Rubin, A.Szegedi Maszak, John men “ oem, Longden and Davison afidavits, Nuremberg }; - : > 0121693, NI-11703, Ni-1 7694. ; E. Taylor, Dr H.Tütsch, Dr Robert Wolfe, Norbert Wollheim. 3. Nurembe /f i : ud a . "8 wär crimes trial, 20 October 1947, Ni-1 1984, e I shall be forgiven for not providing a bibliography. All the 4. Nuremberg Documents, NI-6645. 4 major books on the final solution include bibliographies and ö 5. Dr L.de Jong, Has Koninkrijk der Nederlanden in de teede Wereldoorlog (5 : there are, furthermore, specialized guides on unpublished en EL Part ı, p. 333. F materials prepared by Yad Vashem. savit Schulhof,‘21 June 1947, NL-7967. ed i üben Er Pa

15. 23 November 1942. National Archives 740,0016 Ew 1939/726. 16. Wasserstein, Britain and the Jews, p. 169. 17. See, for instance, Hilberg, The Destruttion, p. 470 (Slovakia), pP: 331 (Poland). 18. PRO FO 9371/34551. Mr Cavendish-Bentinck jater explained that his pre- war experience ofGermany had been limited and that he therefore disbelieved the atrocity stories in 1942-3. He added that when he visited Auschwitz in late 1945 and reported to ıhe Foreign Office that millions of people had been killed there, it was still not believed. . 19. D. Allen, PRO FO 5371/30917, dated 14 August 1942. 20. Kelly to Roberts, pro Fo 371 [265 15. 21. Hinsley, British Intelligence, PP- 357-8. Documents pertaining to Ultra tailway intelligence are not yet accessible at the Public Record Office, 22. Lahusen report on trip to Russia, NOkw 3147, 23 October 1941. 23. Neue Zürcher Zeitung, 5 May 1979. Stiftelsen norsk Okkupasjonshistorie, 2014 A La FR I me nr ern nn nam 246 The Terrible Secret 24. PRO FO 371/30898. Censorship reports will not be declassified in Britain for another filty years. The one 1 i » 24, 31 December) and there was only sporadic London, 1979), passim. 26. Moı memorandum, R.F; fazer, 10 February 1942, ınr 1/a51. 27. Ian MeLaine, Ministry af Morale (London, 1979), PP. 164-6, 29. New York Herald Tribune, 25 November 1942. 30. Henry L.Feingold, The Politics 0 Rescue (New Brunswick, 1970), p. 180, of oss, 26896. This report is identical with the information received by Lichtheim in Geneva and forwarded by him to 32. Stephen S.Wise papers, Frankfurter to Wise, 16 September 1942. 33- Sikorski’s letter is dated 22 June 1942, the Roosevelt answer. 3 July. These documents, as well as the cables emanating from Biddle, can be found in the National Archives, record group 84. Warsaw 1942, file 711 - Jewish 34- RG 220, 055 272735. 35. 0$s, Research and Analysis, No. 605; Nav York Herald. Tribune, 29 October 1941 (Oechsner dispatch). Richard Helms had worked for Oechsner at ıhe Berlin ur bureau; when Oechsner joined the oss he enlisted Helms for the organization. 36. 0ss 882354. The Research and Analysis department ofthe o8s.conchuded as early as March 1942 that 'the Pattern ol German violence includes the systematic liquidation of Jews”. (Report 605, 14 March 1942.) 37. 05 24736. 38. 055 24728. 39. H.Johnson to Secretary ofState, Stockholm, 5 Apfil 1943. 40. Werner Rings, Advokaten des Feindes (Düsseldorf, 1966). 4). New York Times, 4 December 1942. Two days earlier it had been said in an editorial in the same paper that ‘to sum up this horrible story, itis believed that two million European Jews have perished and that five millions are in danger of extermination.’ 42. W.A.Visser’t Hooft, Memoirs (London, 1973), PP- 165-6, 4 THE NEWS FROM POLAND 1. On the ax see Polskie Sily ’ ’ 2 ’ Passim; Burton Whaley, Codeword Barbarossa (Cambridge Mass, 1973), a APPENDICES !. Letter signed by Martin Bormann, dated ı anuary ı in Nazi Central Archives (Berlin Document Centre). 7Jammnıy 10s9, es üpäsjenshisterie,-2014........_... Stiftelsen norsk ORküpäsjönshisterie,-20 FR 252 The Terrible Secret 2. Yaakov Zur, in Peulat Hazalah be’ Kushta (Jerusalem, 1969), PP- 54. 3. Ernst Lemmer, Goebbels Jeurmalist, Nazi Spitzel, Revanche Minister (East Berlin, 1969). 4. Ernst Lemmer, Manches war doch anders (F rankfurt, 1968}, P- 208. 5. The following is based on Edgar Salin, ‘Über Artur h relations by marriage (jüdisch versippt). Er idem, 2 April 1942; Stockkolm Tidningen, 7. Grenzbote, quoting Gardista, ı1 April 1942; Gardista, 29 April; National ertung, Essen, Quoting Gardista, 30 April. = D Storm, 17 July 1942; this was the organ of the Dutch ss, 9. Lahti, ı0 July 1933; Fagerholm in Arbeterbladet, 6 Odto Hufvudstadsbladet, 5 October 1943; Radio Mo: 10. Das Hakenkreuzbanner, Mannheim, 11. Aflentidningen, Stockholm, 12. FO 371/31097, x/ro 3703. 13. Ibid. It is only fair to add that when the Chelmno Story was first i estinian press it also met with some disbelief. ber \1943; tala, 5 October 1943. 24 December 1943. 24 August and 5 December 1943. 14. FO 311/31093, ; 15. FO 371/31 » X/PO 3709. . n 3 Eon Be 3 September 1942, National Archives, Washington. 17. Wasserstein, Britain and the Jews, p. 172. 18. 740.00 116 European War 1939/6894 #s/pa 5 December. 19. Zbid. 10 December, 20. Ibid. 674 10 December, 21, Ibid. 656 25 November 1942. 22. Ibid, 664. 23. Schweizerische Kirchenzeitung, 27 August 1942; Trbund de Genie, 26 September 1942. 26. Kurier z Warszamy (London, 1978). 27. Conversation with Jan N. owak, Washington, 7 September 19799 28. Personal communication, October 1979. T.Chciuk-Gelt described his INDEX Abend, 217 Abwehr, 84, 209-14 AEG, 22 Agudat Israsl, 219 AK, see Home Army Allen, D., 79, 219, 220, 222 Almguist, Counsellor, 88 Alter, Victor, 136 American Jewish Congress, 161 Amsterdam, 89, 184 Anıhoni, Arno, 36-7 Antonescu, Marshal Ion, The Apocalypse, 67 Argentina, 86 Armenians, 9, 61, 69, 175 ASEA, 104 Associated Press, 50, 227 Atherton, Ray, 94, 224, 225 Athlit, 190-1 Auchinleck, Sir Claude, 187-8 Auschwitz, gı, 7%, 192; establishment of, 12-19, 14; public knowledge of, 20, 22-5, 29; gas chambers, 42; Red Cross knowledge 08, 61-2; British knowledge of, 86; escapes and releases from, 98; 168-9; Polish information on, 111; Stovakian Jews sent 10, 144-6; reporıs from, 159, 154, 197-8 Auschwitz 11 {Birkenau}, 13 Austria, g, 15, 146, 152, 174 38, 140 Babi Yar Massacre, 45, 197 cau, 217 Backe, Herbert, 82 71, 89, ıto, 185, Baeck, Leo, 14B har, ıgr Battic States, 125, 142, 180, 197; see also Individual countries Tbarossa’, 79:96 Barbey, sg argen, Werner von, 27 arlas, H., ıgı tou, Noah, ı 59, 160, 162 rıelmas, Adolf, 23 arpkada Wolnosci, 109 Basler Natiomalzeitung, 47 BBG, 92, 134, 147, 204N, 214; German listeners, 28; Thomas Mann broadcasıs On, 445 Feporis of Jewish Massacres, 7% 131-2, ı 36-7, 222-3; ignores Korbonski's reports, 133 Beauchamp, Sir Brograve, 79 Becker, Juri, ı 54n Beckerle, Adolf Heinz, 38 Belev, Alexander, 38 gium, 27; First World War, 8,9, 3an, Jews deported from, 14, 15,74, 146 Beigrade, 72, 165 Belzec, 31, 72%, 110, 135, 178; establish- ment of, 12, 14; von Otter’s report on, 49-9; Karski visits, 120; Ringelblum hears of, 131; escapes from, 168; news of, 197 Ben Gurion, David, 137, ,93 Benes, Edward, 162-4 Bergen-Belsen, 1-2, 204 Berle, Adolph, 232 Berlin, 86, 174; razzias, 21; knowledge of Massacres, 32-3, 46; Jews scek refuge in Swedish Embassy, 50; Jews deporied from, 61; American Embassy, 67; an communication networks, 84: Jewish suicides in, 148; Goebbets de- elares free of.Jews, 196 Berman, Adolf. 230 Bermuda, 90 Bern, 41 Bernardini, Monsignor, 55, 56n, 176-7 rabia, 125, 142 Bialystok, 12, 14, 67-8, 109, 126 Biddle, Arıhony J. Drexel Jn, 81, 95, 232 Biddle, Francis, 232 Biltmore Tamme, ı Bircher, ge = Bismarck, 35 Binletyn, 126 Biuietyn Informacyjny, 111,114 Blaeziler, F; Franz, 43 Bletchley, 84-5 Bluecher, Wipert von, 36-7 Bock, Fedor von, 9 Stiftelsen MOGSkES SEE DEE OhENIEIONS EOTT nn I PERS AERO m 254 Index Boegner, Pastor Marc, 40 Cheneviere, J acques, 59, 61, 62 Boehme, Karl, 88 Chile, 86 Boheman, Eric, 49, 104 “Christiän‘, Private, 72 Bonhoeßer, Dietrich, 212 Christian Century, 226-7 Bordier, Mme, 62 Churchill, Sir Winston, 31, 86, 98, 119, Borisov, 69 204, 214, 225, 228, 238 z Bormann, Martin, 29-30 Brack, Victor, 196 Bracken, Brendan, 90-1 Braham, Randolph, 138 Brand, Joel, 142, 143 Bratislava, 72, 165 Brazil, 55 Brenner, Karl, 72u British Anti-Tank Regimeng, ı British Red Cross, 60-1 Broad, Pery, 23-4 Bruce Lockhart, Sir Robert, 9, 164 Buchan, John, 8 Bucharest, 67, 94 Bucher, Dr Rudolf, 42-3 Budapest, 38, 41,67,94, 138-9, 142 Bukovina, r25, 142 Bulgaria, 9, 38-9 Bund, 73-5, 104-5, 108, 110, 118, 119-20, 126, 135-7 Burckhardt, Carl, 59, 61, 63-4, 80-1 Burzio, N uncio, 56, 141 Busch, General, zon Bussche, Axel von dem, z0n Cadogan, Alexander, ı 17n Calvocoressi, Peter, d5n Campbell, Sir Ronald, 55 Campion, Miss, 60-1 Canaris, Wilhelm, 209 Carpatho-Ruthenia, ı 38 Casaroli, Cardinal, 57 Catholic Church, see Vatican Catholic Times, 203 Caucasus, zt, 72 Cavendish-Bentinck, 83, 1ı7n censorship, Sweden, 52; Switzerland, 45 Ceske Siovo, 216 i Chamberlain, Austen, 9 Charkov, 85 Cheiuk-Celt, Tadeusz, 238 Cheimno, Id 22, 72, 135, 185, 189; establishment of, 6, 12, 20; reported in Daily Telegrapk, 74; Schwarzbart Fep- orts on, 75; Ringelblum’s account of, 104, 105, 108, 110, 128-9, 13T, 220-1; newsof, 127-32, 197; escapesfrom, 168, 169 Ciano, Count Galeazzo', 35 Ciechanowski, Jan, 237 City and East London Observer, 220 code-breaking, 84-6 Cohen, Professor David, 149-50 Comintern, 102, ı 36 Commission Mixte de Secours, 61, 63n Communist International, 102 Commanisıs, Poland, 102, 126, 196 Congress Weekly, Ban Consistoire, 149 Conzen, 2091 Cossacks, 8 Costa Rica, 226 Coward, Charles Joseph, 23 Cracow, 135, 165, 184, 193 Cranborne, Lord, 232 Crimea, rt, 14,88 Croatia, 14, 15, 35,38, 54, 59, 166, 174, 189 “Croustillon', 166 Culbertson, Paul, 80, 139 Cyrankiewicz, Jozef, 290 Czechostovakia, t4, 15,66, 146, 162-4 Czerniakow, Adam, 314, 117-178, 135, 185, 197 Czestochowa, 170, 192 Dagens Nyheter, 51, 53,88, 217 Deily Bulletin, 126 Daily Telegrapk, 9, 73-4, 92n Dalıon; Hugh, 232 Davar, 184-5, 187 Davis, Eimer, gı de Gaulle, Charles, 93 de Jong, Louis, 150, 153, 155-6, 169 Denmark, 50,65, 86, ı 50-1, 166 Deutsche Zeitung in Ostländ, 69, 216 Dibelius, Bishop Otto, 49-50, 57 Dienst aus Deutschland, 164 Dimitrov, Georgi, 102 diplomass, 86-8, 89-90 DNB, 29n, 218 Dnepropetrovsk, 69, 139 Dobkin, Elijahu, 182, 190-3 Doertenbach, Dr, 25-6 Dohnanyi, Hans von, 209, 210 Domb, I., ı79n Ann mr tan. Donauzeitung, 72, 216, 217, 218-9 Donovan, Colonel William, 94, g6n, 232 r, Sir Cecil, 927 Doyle, Arthur Conan, 8 Dr. ancy, 149 Dubno airport, 20n du.Bois, Josiah E. Jr, 223-4 ufour, General, 58 Dulles, Allen, 98-9 Dunant, Henry, 58 Durbrow, Elbridge, 80 Dvorzhetski, Dr M., 125 Dzankoi, ı9 Easternan, Alex, 15, Eck, Naıhan, Fe i Economic Warfare, Ministry of (MEw; Great Britain), 65,86 Eden, Anthony, 76, 119, 120, 218, 224-5, 228, 231-2, 256, 237 Egypt, 185-6 Ehrenpreis, Rabbi Marcus, 179 Ehrenström, Nils, 2ı2 Ehrlich, Henryk, 136 Eichmann, Adolf, 11, 18, 35, 36, 54, 67, 173, 196-3; Wannsee Conference, 6; Spreads misinformation, ı 52-3; OPpo- sition to Jewish exchanges, 190 k Einsatzgruppen, 6, 56, 109, 147; establish- ment of, 11-12, 18-20; Operations in Soviei Union, 14, 67, 71-2, 124, 139, 197; reports of, 26; Romanian collabor- ation, 38; Western knowledge of, 83-4; kombi interceptionof wireless Feports, 5 Elting, Howard, 80 Engzelt, Gösta, 49 igma, 86 Erem, M., 194 Eskitstuna Ki unren, 51 Essen, 24 tonia, 19, 36, 116 Etter, Philip, 63 njelicky Posol, 21 5 Evangelische Flüchtlingshilfe, 457 Evening Standard, 72-3, 76 Exchaguet, Dr,6: Eyes, Harry, 187n Fagerholm, KA.,97,216 alconi, Carlo, 57-8 Feiner, Leon, 108, 118-1 9, 197,230 Ferricre, Mme, 60-1 Fertig, M., 292 Index 255 Finland, 35, 35-7, 86, 87, 139, 216-17 » 8-9, 58, 91, 124, 157, r 170, 237 Fish, Hamilton, 226 Flawil, 46 Fleischmann, Gisi, 144-5, 146n Foreign Ministry (Germany), 26-7 Foreign Nationalities Intelligence Branch (FNIB), 168 Foreign Office (Great Britain), 5, Bo, 81-2, 92, 116, 121, 219-23 foreign radio stations, 28 Forward, 184 France, 174-5; propaganda in First World War, 8; Jews deported from, ı5, 62, 74, 146; Tazzias, 39, 44-5; know. ledge of massacres in, 39-40, 149, 152; Vichy Bovernmene’s artirude, 43; Vatican Intervention, 54; intelligence networks, 66; Jews escape from, 166 Frank, Dr Hans, r7, 31,82 Frankfurter, Felix, 3,94-5, 162, 232, 237 Free France Committee, 93 Freudenberg, Rev. Dr, 48 Friedrich, Zalman, ı 35 Frischer, Ernst, 75, 8ı Fron! Odrogdenia Polski, 222 Galicia, 14, 74, 97, 110, 127, 138, 162, 189,197 Gardiste, 215, 216, 217 Garrett, Garteiser, Colonel, 61 Gebhardt, Professor Karl, 59 Geltert, Andor, 33, 34 Geneva, 55, 58, 59-60, 67, 165, 170, 173 George, Stefan, 213, 214 Gerlier, Cardinat, 228 an Red Cross, 59, 60, 62, 630, t88n Gersdorf, Rudolf von, 19n Gerstein, Kurt, 48-30, 87, 168 Gestapo, 110, 148, 150, 275, 176, 203; arrests Swedes, 105; captures Ringelblum, 125 Lublin massacre, 133; bribery of, 141, 145, 235, 237; discovers Czech underground, 363-4; Capture Jan Karski, 229 Glasberg, Abbe, 65 Globochik, Odilo, 192 Gmelin, Hans, 56 Stiftelsen norsk Okkupasjonshistorie, 2014 air Goldmann, Nahum, 1858-62, 167, 1860 Gollancz, Victor, 232 Gömbös, Julius, 34 Göteborgs Handelsoch Sjofartstidning, 50-1 Grabow, 128 Grawitz, Dr Ernst, 59 Great Britain, propaganda in First World War, 89; German propaganda against, 27-8; intelligence services, 65-6, 84-6, 92, 167-8; unwillingness to believe truth about Jewish situation, 72-6; reaction to Riegner cable, 79-80, 81-3; controls release of informatien, 90-3; anti-semitism in, 92; Jewish community, 1598-60; reaction to news of massacres, 160, 162; reaction to Lichtheirm’s reports, 179, 180; Foreign Office reaction to Ringelblum report, 21923; United Nations Declaration (1942), 224-6 Greece, 54, 151,167 Greenberg, Chaim, ı 5758, 161 Greenwood, Arthur, 74 Grenzbole, 72, 152, 215 Grodno, 126 Grossfeld, Leon, 236n Gruen, ı9ı -Gruenbaum, Yizhak, ı7ın, 179, 181,183, 186n, 187 Gruenberg, 148 Gruenhut, Aron, 140-1 Gubbins, Colonel Colin, 67n Guenther, Christian, 52 Guggenheim, Paul, 63 Gunther, Franklin M., 94 Gustaßsson, Carl Gösta, 103 Gustav, v, Kingof Sweden, 104 Gutkovski, A,, 129 Gutterer, Leopold, 29 Haas, 30-1 Haboker, 185 Hagana, 107 Haguc convention, 5 Hahn, Fritz Gebhard von, 26,27 Hal, Dr Van der, ı 53-4 Halifax, Lord, 219n, 228 a: ni a cn ai a En DEN PEENEEREEN TE nn 256 Index Goebbels, Joseph, 27-9, 32, 87, 88, 152, Haller, General Jozef, 101 196, 218 Hamburg, 87 Goering, Hermann, 12, 18, 196 Ha'elam, 184 Golda, Karl, 290 Harrison, Leland, 64, 78, 80, 81, 214 Goldberg, Major Arthur, 6 Hartglass, Apollinari, 184, 186 Goldfarb, Zvi, 142 Hashomer Hatzair, 108, 126 Hatzafe, 184, 185 Hayter, Sir William, 226 Hekalutz, 144, 171 Held, Adolph, 96n Henik, 126 Herbst, Stanistaw, 109 Herslow, Carl Wilhelm, 103-4, 105 Heydrich, Reinhard, rı, 12, 18, 20, 30, 192, 196-7 Hickerson, 225 Himmler, Heinrich, ı8, 30, 117n, 196-7; sccrecy, 11, 17-18, 152; Korherr report, ı5n; informs Musolini of massacres, 35; and Finnish Jews, 35-6, 87; misinformation about, 82; arresıs Swedes, 105; visits Auschwitz, 169 Hinsley, Cardinal, 74, 203n, 216 Hisiadrut, 191 Hitler, Adolf, 18, 172, 208;-orders ex- termination of,Jews, 11, 63, 64, 77-83, 95 101, 223-4, 197,.152, 196; con- spiracies against, 2on, 55, 210, 213; reduces Seehaus reports, 29; 3ecrecy, 30; inform Mussolini of massacres, 35; spceches, 44;,orders menzal patients to be killed, 49; relations with Vatican, 54-5; invades Soviet Union, 79; ignores Allies’ protests, 119; Lichtheim on, 196, 178, 179, 181, 182 Hocss, Rudolf, 169 Hoherhörn, Ss, 37 Home Army (AK), 101-12, 135, 136, 234; Bureau of Information and Propa- ganda, 109, sı1 ‘Home Intelligence Weckly Report’ {Great Britain), 92 Hoover, Herbert, 232 Horelli, Toivo; 36,97 Hornsby-Smith, Barones, 116 Hrubicszow, 133 Huber, Max, 58, 59-60, 62-3, 64 ‘Hubert’, 108 Hull, Cordell, 228, 232 L’Humariti, 40 Hungary, 32, 88, 105, 136, 151; ans mission of news of massacres Br 33-4; knowledge of massacres in, $ Red Cross in, s8, 60, 61; Kamenels mm IG Farben, 22, 29,245 Information, Ministry of (Great Britain), 90-3, 204n, 217n Inter Service Liaison Department (1sıp), 107, 167-8 International Red Cross (IRC), 27, 48, 58-64, 90, 144, 175, 201-2 Ireland, 86 Istanbul, 39, 41, 53m, 105, 142, 165, 170-1, 189, 210 Italy, 32, 34-*, 88, 199, 159, 166, 174 Jabotinski, Vladimir, ı71 Jacobson, Bertrand, 199 Japan, 204n Jasto, 109 Jassy, 90-1 Jerusalem, 170, 177 Jewish Agency, reports, 2gn, 42, 142, 160, 164, 187; Swiss Fepresentatives, 77-8, 170; and ISLD, 107, 167-8; financial restrietions, 1710; interviews Polish Jews, 1904 Jewirh Chroniele, 68, 50, 117-18 Jewish Congress, 80 Jewish Historical Institute, Warsaw, 129 Jewish Telegraphic Agency (JTA), 68, 93, 15,118, 199 Johnson, Hershel, 98 Jeint Distribution Committee, ı 39, 157 Joint Intelligence Committee (Great Britain), 66 n Journalists, in Germany, Judenrat, 135 = Jitrzuia, 126 Kaduk, 23-4 Kalla, Eino, 216-1 7 Kallai, Nikolaus, 34, 38 Kamenew-Kasirki, 42 menets Podolsk, 61, > 94, 1 Kantorowicz, Ernst, ie m... Kaplan, Elieser, 171n Kaplan, Haim Aron, 134-8 Kaplan, Jacob, 149 ki, Jan, 3, 105, 108, 1179-20, 222, 229-38 Kastner, Ludwig, 140-1 Kastner, R., 141-2 Ädtolicke Nociny, 215-16 257 Katowitz, 23 Katyn, 30 Kauener Zeitung, 21 7 Kaunas, 67 Kelly, David, 79,8 Kerch, 69 3 Kersten, Felix, 33, 96n, 87 Kessel, Albrecht von, 69, 213 Kherson, 96 Kielce, 192 Kiepura, Jan, 154n Kiev, 68,69, 71,85, 89, 96, 105, 110, 185, 197 Kirschenbaum, Menahem, 230 Kishinev, 72, 140, 165 Kiwimaeki, Professor, 360,87 Klepper, Jochen, 88 Knochen, Helmut, 39 Koch, Erich, 71,89 Komoly, Otto, 142 Komorowski, General Bor, 12-14 Korbonski, Stefan, ı 13-14 Korherr report, 15n, 17-18 Kornianski, Josef, 142 Koseiwanow, Georgi, 39 ‚110 Kor, Stanislaw, 229 Kovno, 109, 125, 189 Kowel, 126 Krakouskie.Vesti, 68 Kremenchug, 19 Kreuger, Ivar, 104 Labour Party (Great Britain), 76 ‘Lacaze, Pierre’, 166 Lades, Alexander, 89-4, 1 Lagerfelt, Viscount, 49 RR Lane, Allen, 232 Lange, Herbert, 127 Laptos, Leo, ı 53-4 g; Latvia, 14, 69, 71, 111,176 Lauterbach, Leo, 179-80, 181 Laval, Pierre, 39-40, 43, 149 Law, Richard, 232 Lawford, 238 Stiftelsen-rorsk-Okkupasjonshistorie,.201 Bi E: 2 = he} » Lithuania, 14, 68, 71, 74, 97, 309, s13, 125-7, 178 z, 11, 12, 14, 127, 128, °%90-1, 146, 180, 189 Loebe, Paul, 147 Loewenherz, Josef, 193 Lomza, 68 London, 40, 41, 67, 101 Long, Breckinridge, 93, 228 Lothammer, Private, 30-1 Lourie, Arthur, 176, 180 Lowry, Donald, 40 Lublin, ı2, ı3, 35, 103; Nazis plan to establish Jewish zone in, 11, 183-4; Cvacuation of ghetto, 14, 72, 75 110, 111, 827,151, 133, 334, 218 Lubrodz woods, 128 Ludwig, Professor, 41, 42,47 Latat, Erich, 24 Lwow, 12, 15, 69, 97, 109, 118, 219 Lyons, Eugene, 232 McDermott, M. J., 227,228 Macedonia, 39 McKittrick, Thomas, 21 4 McLaren, Moray, 66n, 238 Madagascar, 11, 173, 184,205 Madrid, 84 Main State Security Office {RSHA), 27, 29, 85, 173, 192 Maisky, Ivan, 225, 227 Majdanek, 12-13, 14, 143 Manchester Guardian, 75, gan, 115 Mander, G., 219-20, 221 Mann, Thomas, 44 Mapai, 192 Margoshes, 5., 232 Mariupo!l, 69 Marogna-Redwitz, Colonel, zı0 Marseilies, 43 Marti, Dr, 61-2 Martin, Kingsiey, 232 Masaryk, Jan, 76 Mauthausen, 51 A nie zus: nn en a a aaa 258 Index Leipziger Nachrichten, 217 Mayer, Sally, 176 Lemmer, Ernst, 34, 2117-12 Mazor, Michel, 1491. Ley, Robert, 32 Meldungen aus dem Reich, 28 Lichtheim, Richard, 7778, 81, 117, 159, Mercier, Charles, 97 160, 165, 171-83, 187 Mexico, 226 ‚ Lida, 238 MIS, 66 Linder, Eli, 135 Miß, 85 Linton, J., 175 Mig, 66, 167, 238 Lippmann, Walter, 232 M119, 66, 117n List, Friedrich, 21 3 Miedzytzec, 109 Mikolajezyk, Stanislaw, 112, ı 14-13, 221-2, 234 Minsk, 67, 75,95, 105, 109, 146, 189, 219, 238 Mislovice, 193 Moldavia, 70 Molodeezno, 109 Molotov, 69, 70 Moltke, Count Helmuth, 320 Monopol, 210 Montgomery, Field Marshal, 186 Mooney, Archbishop, 232 Morgen Frai, 126 Morrison, Herbert, 76 Morse, Arthur, 78n Morton, Major, 238 Moses, Dr Julius,(147 Motel, 109 Müller, Albert, 89 Mussert, Anton, 150 Mussolini, Benito, 35 Nachod, 217 Namier, Sir Lewis, 1870 Nation, 45 Neave, Airey, 83 Netherlands, Jews deported from).14, 13, 74 146, 149-50, 152, 153; government- in-exile; 48; asks Sweden to help save Dutch Jews, 51; intelligence services, 66; Jews escape from, 166 Neu Tag, 216 Neue Zürcher Zeitung, 46, 89 Neugeboren, Ernst, 33 Neumann, Oskar, 146 Neustadt, Meleh (Noi), 188-9 New York, 13, 2on, 51,76 Nau York Herald Tribune, 93, 117n New York Post, 139 New York Rescue Committee, 194-5 New York Times, 74-5, 99, 199 i News Chronicke, 76 Nicolson, Harold, g Nikolaev, 85 rue NKVD, 70, zı Norrman, Sven, ı » 164, 10 North Africa, 52 el Norway, 15, 50, 51, 52-3,.66 Nova-Wilejka, 109 Nowak, Jan, 237-8 NU, 51 Nuremberg trials, 17,24 Aya Doglight Allehand:, 88 Odessa, 61,69, zu ier, Mme, 62 Oechsner, Fred, 96 umenical Committee for Assistance! 10 Refagees, 48 Office of War Information (usa), gr, 204n Oblendorf, Dr Otto, 90 O’Malley, Owen, 232 Oneg Shabbat, 128, 132/220 Operation Reinhard, 191-2 Organization Todt, 166 messon, Wladimir d’,55 Orsenigo, Nuncio, 50n, 56 Ortmann, Paul, 24 Osborn, 66n, 238 055, 13, 6gn, 89, 96-7, 98, 230 ter, Hans, 209-10 Ostland, 26 Ostland, 217-18 Östryna, 109 Otter, Baron von, 48-50, 87, 88 Oulik, György, 33-4 Palestine, 107, 123, 143, 154, 157, 16 Fe eo 54 157, 167-8, Papte, Casimir, 56n Paris, 39, 84 Parrot, Cecil, 104n Patek, Wiestaw, 116 Paul, Randolph, 223-4 Peasanıs Party (sr; Poland), 101 Pehle, John, gı, 223-, Pelczyaski, General Tadeusz, 114n Perkins, Colonel, 67n Perlzweig, Maurice, 1539-63 Pernow, Birger, 50n Pester Lloyd, 33-4 211,212 Petschuk, 140 Picche, General Gi h Pickalkiewicz, Jan, 101 7% Ei Pilar, Andre de, 63n Pincas, Dr Herman, 147 Pinsk, 103, 109 Index 259 Piotrkov, 191-3 Pius xı1, Pope, 54-5, 216, 236 Plomienie, 126 Poale Zion, 129 Poland, ghettos established, 11; extermi- nauon Camps, 12-19; destruction of ghettos, 14, 15» 72-4, 76-7, Bı, 105, 106, 112-18; prisoner-of-war camps, 59; intelligence networks, 65-6; mawacres, 81, 83-4, 94; 97, 101, 151-2, 177; underground movement, 102-14, 119, 121, 331, 136, 170, 200, 234; FEPOFtS, 104; reaction to news of massacres, 212, 114-186, 195, 200-1, 235-6 Polish Second Bureau, 85n Polish Sixth Bureau, 102 Polish Social Information Bureau, 220 Polish Socialist Party (PPs), 101, 108, 136 Political Warfare Executive {PWE; Great Britain), 92-3, 164, 204n, 223 Ponary, 73, 123 Ponsonby, Colonel, 79 Portugal, 86 Postal services, interception, [) Prager, Moshe, 183, 186 Prague, 74, 87,274 cott, William, 232 ‚Jacob, 153 Prey, Dr Guenther, 24 Prolelarisher Stimme, 126 Propaganda, Ministry of (Germany), 28-9, 88, 211 Quisling, Vidkun, 52 Raczkiewicz, Wladyslaw, 233-4 Raczynski, Count Edward, 120, 121, 224-5, 236 Radio Oranje, 150 radio stations, foreign, 28 Radom, 238 Railway Research Service, 85-6 railways, 21,29,8 Ratajski, er > Stiftelsen norsk Okkupasjönstiistofie 2014 mei. £ h: 260 Index : Rawa Russka, 62,97 Savery, F., 220-3 = Reading, Eva, Marchioness of, 139 Schaffhaurer Zeitung, 46 = Reams, R. B., 225-8 Schindier, Oskar, 169 B Red Army, 70 Schmeling, Max, 13 Red Star, 185 Schneersohn, Isaac, 207 \ Reed, Mrs Ogden, 232 Schoenfeld, Hanns, 212 E "Rehwald, Dr Erwin, 147 Schuerch, Charles, 44 =. Das Reich, 32 Schulman, Rabbi Jakob, 190-1 Reichenau, Fietd Marshal von, 19 Schwalb, Nathan, 144, 165, 171 Reichsanzeiger, 215, Reichivereinigung, 148 Reimann, Dr, 210 Rejewski, Marian, d5n Remes, David, 195 Rennefeld, zogn 5 Reuters, 134 3 Rhodes, 207 E: Richer:, Ambassador, 51 Fi Riegner, Dr Gerhard, 63n, 64,:77-9. 165, F: 267, 172, 176, 180-1, 183, 194 B Riegner telegram, 77, 79-83, 93, 118, bi: 160-1, 13, 219, 224, 225-6 E Riga, 62, 67, 68-9, 81, 116, 146, 165, 189, ; 21 Ringelblum, Emanuel, 104, 107, 308, 110, 129, 131-3, 135, 220 3 Roatta, General Mario, 35 > Roberts, Frank, 79, 82, 83, 221, 223, 238 Rt Robinson, ]., 194 E Rohner, W., 61 x Romania, and Einsatzgrußpen Operations, > 12; massacresin, 26, 72, 74, 189; refuses to hand over Jews, 38, 39; Vatican Intervention, 54; Red Cross in, 59, 60, £ 61; Transniestrian massacres, 140; Jews 4 escape from, 143, 166 Rommel, Erwin, 52, 285-6, 188 Roncalli, Angelo, 55 Roosevelt, Franklin D.,i75, 78,194-5, 98, 120, 158, 160-2, 175, 204,214, 232,236 Rosenberg, Alfred, 134 Rostov-on-Don, 68, 72 Rothmund, Dr, 41-2, 47 Rovno, 71, 75 Rowecki, General Stefan, 101, 104, tı2, 113,234 Rowne, 238 Royal Air Force, 104 Rufer, Gideon, 168 Rumkowski, Haim, 128 Sagalowitz, Dr Benjamin, 78-9 Saliöge, Arch bishop of Toulon, 228 Salin, Edgar, 213, 214 Schwarzbart, Dr Ignacy, 75, 81, 1214-15, 1790, 201, 233-6, 238 Schweizerische Kirchenzeitung, 45 Seotsman, 76 Scott, Major Malcolm, 66n SD, 30, 32, 85n Sebastopol, 178 Sebba, Leonidas, 116, 1670 Seehaus, 28-9 Segerstedt, Torgny, 50-1 Selborne, Lord, 116, 292, 237 Serbs, 9, 26,38 Sethe, Dr, 62 Shanghai, ıı Shapira, M., 191 Shavli, 68 Shertok, Moshe, 1719, 187-8 Siam, 87 Siedlec, 199 Sikorski, General Wladyslaw, 73, 95, 101, 112, 291,234 Sitbershein, Dr Abraham, 144, 165, 170, 71,4791;188n, ı89n Silesia, 22-3 Silverman, Sidney, 75, 79-80, 8t, ı60 Simferopol, 85 Simmonds, Lieutenant-Colonel Tony, 167 Simon, Joachim; 166 Sington, Derrick, ı,2 Skotnicky, 61 Slovakia, 32, 136; Jews deported from, 14, 15 61, 72, 140, 153; knowledge of massacres in, 34-5, 38, 140-6; Vatican Intervention in, 34-5, 54, 177, 189; Red Cross and,.38, 60; Jews escape from, 167 Slovenia, 35 Slowo Mlodych, 126 Smolensk, 42, 43 sap manufacture, 82 Sobibor, 12, 14, 20, 22, 131, 132-3, 195: 1680, 192 ? alten, 67, 68-9, 88 Soederblom, 48-9, 50 Ai raum nun Ei Le Soir, zıı Sokolsky, George, 232 Sommer, Artur, 78n, 213-14 Sompolinsky, David, 151 Sonderkommando Lange, 127 Sorge, Richard, 11 Sosnkowski, K., 101, 212, 213 South America, ıı Soviet, Foreiga Ministry Information Burcau, 70 Soviet Union, Eins in, 11-12, 19, 197; ews deported 15; Red Cross N Irom, Br Massacres in, 67-73, 12455; Germany invades, 79, 124; attitude to “final sohrtion’, 121; koowledge of Massacres in, 202-3 Soviet War Bulletin, 68 Spain, 41, 53-4,.86, 89-90, 166, 190 De Intelligence Service (S18), 65, 79, Special Operations Executive (SOE), &, 65-6, 102-3, 105, 116 Spelman, Archbishop, 232 Sportpalast, 44 Springman, Sarnuel, 143 Squire, Paul C., 63-4 SS, 17, 18, 84-5, 138, 139, 152, 198, ı Stalin, Joseph, 202, Fe de Stalingrad, 52, 72 Stanislawow, 110 Staro-Konstantinow, 110 j State Department {USA}, 94, 160, 161-2, 178, 204n, 223-8 Stauffenberg, Colonel Claus Schenk von, 213 Steiger, Eduard von, 47,48 Siernbuch family, 8:, 82, 165, Stimson, Henry, 26-7, 232 Stockholm, 41, 51-2, 81,92 Stockhalm Tidningen, 88 Storch, Hillel, ı 16, 167n Strich, Archbishop, 232 Strong, Tracy, 40 Stronski, Professor, 76n Struma, 166 Stucki, 43 ürmer, 30-1 Sudetenland, 14 Sunday Times, 72 Svenska Dagbladet, 53, 88 Sweden, 36n, 37, 41, 48-53, 68, 86, 87-8, 103-5, 151, 166-7 Swedish Israel Mission, son 171, ı79n Index 261 Switzerland, 41-8, 59-60, 72, 86-7, ı 136, 143, 166-7, 170-3 : 7 Sztojay, Doene, 33-4 Tabenkin, Y., 186-7 Tanner, Väins, 37 Tartakower, A,, 194 Taylor, Myron, 1, 55, 1 17, 162 Teague, Colonel, 167 Teichmann, Kurt, o1 5 Teichmann, Ruth Sara, 215 Teleki, Pal, 33 Thadden, Eberhard von, 54 Theresienstadt, 64, 148, 178 Thompson, Dorothy, 232 38-9 Thugutt, Micezyslaw, 10 Thümmel, Paul, 163-4 i Thurgauer Zeitung, 44 Times, 2, 76, gan, 224-5 Tiso, Dr Joseph, 34-5, 141 Tittmann, Harold, 55 Toyabee, Arnold, 8 Transniestria, 14, 64,94, 198, 140, 197 Transocean, 217, 218 Treblinka, 18, 20, 2a, tablishment of, 12, 14; reports on, 97, 118, 197; escapes from, 168, 169 ” Trevor-Roper, Sir Hugh, Bsn Tribune de Genöoe, 46 Troki, 126 Trots Allt, 51 Trott zu Soltz, Adam, 212 Tuka, Vojtech, 56 Turkey, 39, 41, 53n, 86, 87, 105, 148 112-158, 135; Ükraine, 69, 70, 87; massacres in, + 1,14, 30-1, 61, 97, 1209, 140, 142, 162, 197; collaboration in Massacres, 62, 7r, 96, 116, 111; German invasion, 101; Sog in, 105 Ullmann, ı65, 171 “Vitea', 84-5 United Nations, 6, 118, ı1g, 2040, 2248 United Press, 46 United States of America, Jewish immj- gration, 11; knowledge of 62, 64, 93-9, 160-2, 1634; intelligence services, 65; European embaxies, 67; Jewish Protest meetings, 76; reaction to Ricgner cable, Bo-ı, 82-3, 93; control release of information, 91; informed of ei Podolsk massacre, 139; 137, 201-2, © http://ww w.telegraph.co.uk/history/world-war-two/l: & = © || (U Holocaust Memorial Day: T... % The Telegraph Home Video News World Sport Business Money Comment Culture Travel Life Holocaust Memorial Day: Telegraph revealed Nazi gas chambers three years before liberation of Auschwitz The Telegraph disclosed the existence of Nazi gas chambers and the “mass killing” of Jews almost three Years before the liberation of Auschwitz on Jan DECADES 27,1945 By David Blair 8:52PM GMT 26 Jan 2015 RR » RREER 5773 1010vers It was under the headline “Germans murder 700,000 Jews in Poland”, that this newspaper reported the “greatest massacre in the world’s history” on June 25, 1942. THEWEEK. „.RIVERINE HERALD, FRIDAY, [JUNE 26, 1942] Terrible Atrocities.| GERMAN SAvAcERY url 1 700,000 Jews Slaughtered erbians Massacred. men y En LONDON, March 21. The Rome correspondent of the “Daily M LONDON. Juns 3; '’ says that the Allies shortly ore than 700/000 Polish Jews will be publishing documentary evidence, have been slaughtered by the proving that Austria and Bulgaria have Germans in the greatest massacre been guilty of massacres in Serbia, ex- In the world's history, states a ceeding tliose practised by Turkey in report smuggled from Poland to Armenia, The Premier of Serbia (M. Polish National Councıl, and Pasitch) bas communicated to Italy and printed in the Pope, testimony showing that there were 700,000" vietims, whol» districts thus In Chelmno from November to being depopulated. Austriuns t00% prisoners || Yarch 5000 people from four towns women, cuıldren, and old men in churches, end 35,00 from the shetto Jewish dis- ud Grabe Aheen. wii bayonets or suflo- triet were killedin vans fitted up as \ . Three guae“chambers into each of which 4u thousand were sufloeated in on» church in || PFOrle were crowded at a time. Belsrade, Serbian relugees report seeing The Daily Telegraph understands Germans and Austrians distribute among |||tbat the Polish Government is com- the Bulgarians ‚Nmunicating these facts and figure, to and instructing them in the use of the ||thc Allied Governments. ® apparatus. The Bulgarians sufloeated many people in Nish, Pirot, Prizrend, and|| SAME CRIME, SAME DEATH TOLL, Nezotin, The Austrians employed similar ||SAME PERPETRATOR, SAME MURDER WEAPON, means in Montenegro, | SAME SOURCE, SAME CIRCUMSTANCES