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No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without either the prior written permission of the author Copyright ©2023 Bahati Innocent ©Love Ministry Ipecial Thanks te Elizabeth Bosibori, Edwin Marube, the “Love Ministry”, Joseph Oluoch, Bradley Simiyu, Zachariah Nyandusi, Omato Boaz, Christopher Nyakundi, Ombati Doris, Salome Njeri and Omore Tracy. Dedicated ta All the people in search for the message of truth from our Lord and Savior, Jesus Christ. PREFACE In this age of modern science, the harmonious intersection between the avenues of scientific disciplines, history and Bible chronology is to be studied and their interaction fully explored. Different worldviews have inevitably been seen in our interactions with people from various cultures and some endorsed by many governments worldwide. How can we fully understand the interdisciplinary connections between history, science and biblical theology and ultimately their implications on our way of life? To answer this question, we need to dive into the depths of their interconnection to unravel the mysteries of the universe through the lens of science, history and the Bible. Also, as you read this book you should ask yourself this question, “Should there be a conflict between science and the Bible?” There is much debate in our world today between science and the Bible. Others suggest that science should drive our understanding of religion. Still others argue that religion should drive our scientific understanding. There are truly deep divisions in many senses as people claim different sources of authority on these issues. But there are many contrasting ideas that are presented in the popular discussions of this topic that need to be carefully considered. Words have meanings, and we need to make sure that we are using our own words in a manner that is clear and does not hide or change the meaning of certain terms and concepts. We all recognize when a politician talks out of both sides of his mouth, but it can be a little harder to spot when we see religious leaders and scientists talking in the same manner. While we can learn from those who have studied various ideas, we need to be careful not to accept those ideas just because some scientist, religious leader, or news analyst says something is so. Everyone has a point he or she is trying to make. Many people will try to tell you that they do not have such biases, but it is impossible to stay neutral: our thinking always begins from a specific starting point. All of the arguments that we make are based on our worldview, and our worldview is based on specific assumptions we believe to be true. The goal of this book is to explore some of those underlying assumptions about science, world history and the Bible, and their implications for the arguments that are often used in the broad worldview debates such as the creation-evolution debate. Tragically, there has been much misreporting about the historical relationship between Christianity and science. Thus it is necessary to refute some powerful yet untrue myths that have caused some to wrongly see Christianity as suppressing the truth while science pursues it. As we continue to pursue scientific understanding about the universe we live in, let us do so by building on the firm foundation of what God has revealed to us in His Word. The God who has revealed Himself to us in the Bible makes science possible. Let God be true and every man a liar. INTRODUCTION Part One: The Importance of History History is the continuous, systematic narrative of past events as relating to a particular group of people, country or period. It provides a chronological, statistical, and cultural record of the events, people, and movements that have made an impact on humankind and the world at large throughout the ages. Why is the study of history important? It's the old maxim, whether it's church history or other history: those who refuse to study history are doomed to repeat it. Virtually every heresy we face today is a rehash of some heresy that the church has already had to deal with in history. God has preserved his church through all the centuries, and we hope that by now we have learned something. One of the great weaknesses of the contemporary church is its detachment from its own history. As Christians, we ought to study history as it gives us a purpose. History gives us hope. History gives us theological grounding. But as much as anything, history reminds us that we live in the shadow of those who have come before and that those who follow will, in turn, look back to us. Part Two: History and Bible Chronology The Bible provides a reliable history of the universe and the events described in the Bible, particularly in the early chapters of Genesis, providing a framework through which we can interpret science and history. The age of the earth is one of the most contentious issues in the creation/evolution debate. In today's culture, the thought of creation occurring about 6000 years ago is frequently mocked by non-Christians — and also many professing Christians. This book outlines the differences between empirical and historical science, how predictions can be helpful in the sciences, and how worldview affects our perspective about the past. Part Three: The Elements of Chronology I. INTRODUCTION The harmony of the time statements in the Scripture strengthens our confidence in the accuracy of the inspired Word, but chronology is not essential to salvation. That is evidently why God did not see fit to fill in all the details of chronology. There are some points left open for personal opinion as to the exact dating, and different writers among us have at various times used differing dates. This is not to say that historical dates do not help us sometimes in our search for deeper spiritual truth, or that those few connected with exact prophetic periods are unimportant; but prophetic landmarks are well established, and other historical dates are rarely questions of theological importance. To dogmatize on chronology, or to attempt to fix every date once and for all, would be not only presumptuous but impossible. This introductory section, and the following ones in succeeding chapters, will endeavor to provide a general outline and to explain certain basic principles. Many supposed difficulties have been cleared up by increasing knowledge of ancient chronology. Although we cannot expect all authorities to agree in their interpretation of the incomplete facts of ancient times, we can confidently expect future research to strengthen the Bible record. Wherever this record can be adequately tested, it stands revealed as trustworthy history. Its time statements are not haphazard or fanciful, but harmonious and reasonable. 3 Il. TIME MEASURED BY HEAVENLY BODIES When God set this globe spinning on its axis and sent it on its yearly course around the sun, accompanied by its smaller attendant, the moon, He decreed that these heavenly bodies should govern the earth’s day and night, and, further, that they should be “for signs, and for seasons, and for days, and years” (Genesis 1:14). Thus time is measured for the earth by these motions. The ancients watched the skies for signs and seasons, for the time of day, and for the beginning of the month. Today the astronomers in the great observatories train their telescopes on the stars to regulate the time signals that set our clocks. The Day Measured by the Earth's rotation - As this planet turns on its own axis, floodlighted by the sun, half the globe is in the light and the other half in the shadow. That is, there is day on one side and night on the other. For “God called the light Day, and the darkness he called Night” (Genesis 1:5). As we, on any given spot on this spinning globe, are carried eastward, out of the sunlight and into the shadow, we say that the sun is setting in the west. Then, following our all-night swing around the dark portion, we come again to the light. We see the sun once more at the dividing line that we call sunrise. As our local spot approaches the point directly opposite the sun, that fiery orb appears to rise higher in our sky until it is on our meridian at noon. Then it appears to decline as we move farther around the sunlit side, and we complete one circuit as we again reach the sunset line—the edge of the shadow. The ancients needed no clocks to tell them when they passed the boundary line between day and night—sunrise began the day and sunset ushered in the night. “Are there not twelve hours in the day?” asked Jesus (John 11:9). And so it was, for in His time an hour meant one twelfth of the interval—varying with the seasons—between sunrise and sunset. But “day” has another meaning also. A period marked off by five days, or any number of days, cannot disregard the intervening nights. Therefore a day in the calendar is measured by one complete rotation of the earth on its axis, including a day and a night. For the Hebrews the starting point was sunset. Each full day ran evening-morning, dark-light, night-day (Leviticus 23:32; 22:6, 7; Mark 1:21, 32). Also certain other ancient peoples, like the Babylonians, began their day at sunset, although the Egyptians counted from sunrise. Our modern midnight-to-midnight reckoning came from the Romans. The Month Governed by the Moon - Just as one complete rotation of the globe on its axis, from sunset on to sunset again, marks off one day on this earth, so the time required for the moon to go once around the earth—that is, to pass through its visible phases, as from crescent to full moon and to crescent again— constituted the original month. The ancient lunar month did not begin at the astronomical new moon, when that body stands between the earth and the sun—with its unlighted side toward us, and hence invisible—but one or more days later, with the appearance of the new crescent. Now, however, most of the world uses artificial calendar months that disregard the moon. The Year Measured by the Sun - As our spinning earth, circled continuously by the moon, traverses its vast course around the sun, it makes the circuit of the four seasonal landmarks—the summer and winter solstices and the spring and autumnal equinoxes—to complete what we call a year. These points do not mark off the year as visibly as the moon does the lunar month, yet even relatively primitive peoples can recognize them by repeated observation of the shadows cast by the sun at rising, setting, and noon throughout the year. At the summer and winter solstices occur the days of longest and shortest sunlight, when the sun is seen farthest north and farthest south in the sky; at the spring and fall equinoxes, when day and night over the whole globe are equal, the sun rises directly in the east and sets directly in the west. And despite the difficulty in determining the precise length of the year, the veriest savage can tell its passage by the cycle of the seasons, marked by unmistakable signs. The Week not Marked by Nature - Only the week, measured by divine command, has no natural landmark. The three independent celestial motions—the daily rotation of our globe on its axis, the monthly circuit of the earth by the moon, and the yearly revolution of earth and moon about the sun— mark off our time, but there is no astronomical cycle connected with the seven-day week. Yet the Sabbath, given in the beginning by the God of nature, definitely marked off by the manna, even before the law at Sinai, is identified in the New Testament (Genesis 2:1-3; Exodus 16:4, 5, 22-26; 20:8-11; Luke 23:54 to 24:1); since then we can count the weeks back into the past with certainty from known dates. I. CALENDARS RECONCILE THE THREE MOTIONS The three natural motions that measure our time are incommensurable, that is, do not “come out even.” While the earth is making one revolution around the sun, the moon revolves around the earth 12 times and about a third of a circuit over, and the earth turns on its own axis 365 times plus a little less than a fourth of a turn. Therefore calendars have had to be devised in order to count years by a whole number of days or lunar months. Lunar Calendar Based on the Moon - A lunar calendar year of 12 moon months is 10 or 11 days shorter than the true solar year, which governs the seasons. Hence in an uncorrected lunar calendar, like that of the Moslems to this day, a summer month moves gradually earlier until it comes in the spring, and so on. But the Babylonians, Assyrians, Jews, Greeks, and early Romans kept their lunar years in step with the seasons by adding to the year periodically. The Jews, like the Babylonians, inserted an extra lunar month 7 times in each 19 years. Solar Calendar Measures the Sun’s Year - Our modern world today uses a solar calendar, that is, one based on the sun’s year and disregarding the moon entirely. We do not need to add extra months, since our ordinary 365-day year is only about a fourth of a day shorter than the true period of the earth’s journey around the sun, but we correct it every four years (with certain exceptions) by adding one day to February. Our New Year’s Day now comes about ten days after the winter solstice; but if we should drop the leap-year system, the New Year would move one day earlier every four years. Eventually the alignment of the months with the seasons would be noticeably different from what it is now. This was what happened to the ancient Egyptian year, from which our modern year was derived. This Egyptian calendar year of exactly 365 days was divided into twelve 30-day months plus 5 extra days at the end. The leap-year correction was never made until the country was conquered by the Romans less than half a century before Christ. This was soon after Julius Caesar had adapted the Roman months to the 365-day year, which he introduced from Egypt, with the addition of a day every four years. Our present calendar is essentially Caesar’s “Julian” calendar, months and all, with a further slight adjustment. NOTE: Astronomers came to realize that the insertion of an extra day in every fourth February was a little more than was needed to keep the calendar year from slipping constantly earlier in the seasons. Since too many leap-year days had been added, the calendar year was beginning noticeably later than it should. So in 1582 a correction was made in order to move the calendar year back ten days to put the spring equinox on March 21, its supposed date in A.D. 325, when the present Easter rule was adopted. Pope Gregory XIII decreed that ten days should be dropped out of the calendar, so that the day following Thursday, October 4, was called Friday, October 15, instead of Friday, October 5. Further, in order to avoid a similar error in the future, the century years not divisible by 400 (as 1700, 1800, 1900, 2100, etc.) were not to be leap years. The Catholic countries accepted the “Gregorian” calendar immediately, but other countries followed much later—England and her colonies in 1752, and eastern Europe only in the present century. In no case was the sequence of the days of the week disturbed, and no time was “lost,” for the days dropped out had already been counted erroneously in the excess leap years through the preceding centuries. Space has been given here to the explanation of the Julian calendar because modern historians date all past events (up to the A.D. [Anno Domini] 1582 revision) in Julian years. The Starting Points of Years - A year is a circle; the end of one is the beginning of the next, and there is nothing in nature to indicate any one starting point. Sometimes the year is thought of as opening with the beginning of the agricultural cycle of sowing and reaping, which itself varies in different parts of the world. But a calendar year must have a definite point of departure. Four landmarks of the solar year have been mentioned—the solstices and equinoxes. Ancient calendar years were often begun at or near one of these easily observable points. Our own year begins on January 1, near the winter solstice, because that was approximately where Julius Caesar placed the Roman New Year’s Day in his calendar, which we have inherited. Other ancient calendars began the year in the spring or in the fall. In Palestine, it was natural to think of the year as beginning in the fall, when the early rains brought new life to the country after the dry season, without rain for several months, and when winter wheat and barley were sown; the harvests came in the spring and summer, ending with grape gathering in the autumn. The Hebrews had two year reckonings. One (instituted at the Exodus) was begun in the spring, for numbering the months and reckoning the beginning of the series of sacred festivals; the other, the old civil year, started with the seventh month, in the fall. These were lunar years, reckoned from the new moon, not from the equinox. IV. DATING ANCIENT EVENTS BY YEARS Ancient Year Systems - Various methods of counting a series of years were in use in ancient times. In an earlier period, a year was designated by the name of a principal event, or sometimes by the name of an annual official. In Assyria, this was an honorary official, called a limmu; in Athens and in the Roman world, the names were those of genuine annual magistrates—in Athens an archon and in Rome the two consuls. In the Near East, calendar years were numbered in series during each king’s reign, and thus called regnal years. In the Bible (though not in the first five books) we find regnal-year dates, such as “in the seventh year of Artaxerxes.” If men had begun at creation and counted year 1, year 2, and on continuously, and if the Bible records had been dated by such a system, it would be a simple matter to know exactly how long ago any event happened. But no such information exists. Not until relatively late in ancient times, long after the period covered in this introductory section, did anyone use an era for dating, that is, a continuous series of years numbered consecutively from one starting point. For example, the Seleucid Era was a continuation of the reign of Seleucus I, one of the successors of Alexander the Great. The year 1 of this era began, according to the Macedonian calendar, in the fall of the year that we now call 312 B.C. The Seleucid Era was used in Syria and Mesopotamia for many centuries. The Greeks long employed a series of four-year periods called Olympiads, marked off by the quadrennial Olympic games, and the Romans used a system of numbering years consecutively from the supposed founding of Rome. Both these series, unlike the Seleucid Era, were devised centuries after the quite uncertain traditional dates of the events from which they were supposed to be reckoned. They were not used in everyday dating formulas—only for referring to historical events. Our System of B.C. Dating - Today the greater part of the world uses, or is familiar with, the dating of the Christian Era, by which all years are numbered from approximately the time of the birth of Christ. This book is being written in the year known as A.D. (for anno Domini) 2023. This means “in the year of (our) Lord 2023,” that is, the 2,023" year from the birth of Christ. To be more exact, it is the 2,023" from the point assigned to the nativity by Dionysius Exiguus, the 6th-century originator of this method of reckoning. The fact that the traditional starting point is now known to have been several years away from the actual date of Christ’s birth does not affect the usefulness of this scale of years for dating purposes. When it became the custom to date events by the number of years from the supposed time of the birth of Christ, it became convenient to date earlier events as so many years “before Christ” (abbreviated B.C.). Thus for historical purposes the Julian calendar years, in which dates had been reckoned in the Roman world since Julius Caesar’s day, were extended backward, as if they had existed in all past time. When we say, for example, that the first year of Ptolemy’s “Era of Nabonassar” began February 26, 747 B.C., we mean that it began on the day that would have been called February 26 if the Julian calendar had been in use at that time, and in the 747th year before the year that was later to be numbered the first of the Christian Era. It is to be remembered that historians and chronologists have given the year preceding A.D. 1 the designation of 1 B.C., and the year preceding that 2 B.C., and so on. NOTE: One point must be borne in mind: In reckoning an interval between a B.C. and an A.D. date, computation is hindered by the fact that in the chronological scale there is no year numbered zero between 1 B.C. and A.D. 1. Therefore, for convenience in calculation, astronomers use a slightly different system. Instead of B.C. and A.D. they use negative and positive numbers, with the year preceding year 1 numbered as zero. The positive numbers are the same as the A.D. numbers, but 0 corresponds to I B.C., -1 corresponds to 2 B.C., -2 to 3 B.C. etc., as the following diagram shows: Astronomical | -4 3 -2 -1 0 1 2 3 4 Chronological |5 B.C. |4B.C. |3B.C. |/2BC. |1BC. |AD.1 | AD.2 | AD.3 | A.D.4 Thus when an astronomer speaks of an eclipse that took place in the year -567, he means the year that historians and chronologists call 568 B.C. (Note that the minus number is always one less than the corresponding B.C. date. Note also that the leap years, from A.D. 4 on the present, come in years whose numbers are divisible by 4, but that before Christ the leap years run 0, -4, -8, etc., that is, 1 B.C., 5 B.C., 9 B.C., etc.) The astronomical numbering is rarely found outside of technical astronomical works. Histories and reference books use the B.C.—A.D. scale, which has no zero year—a deficiency that must be kept in mind in calculating intervals between B.C. and A.D. dates. Just as years B.C. run “backward,” that is, 1900 B.C. is followed by 1899, 1898, 1897, etc., so do the centuries—the 16th century B.C. runs from 1600 through 1599 and down through 1501; the 5th century B.C. runs from 500 through 401 B.C. The B.C. Dating of Old Testament Events - It is possible to date Old Testament events in the B.C. scale only where there is a time statement that can be equated with a known historical date. Astronomical calculation can be used to fix a date for which we have ancient eclipse records or observations of the heavenly bodies, and sometimes a date that is given in two calendars. Thus we have synchronisms between the years of the last kings of Judah and certain years of the reign of Nebuchadnezzar. Since the years of Nebuchadnezzar are known from astronomical data found by archeologists in Babylonia, also from observations recorded in Ptolemy’s astronomical work known as the Almagest, and from his canon of the kings, the years of these kings of Judah can be aligned with the B.C. dating. Also we have an indirect contact with the Assyrian limmu lists by means of a reference to Ahab in the Battle of Qarqar (mentioned, however, only in non-Biblical documents). But for the early Biblical dates we are dependent on tracing back the line of Bible time-statements from these later more certain dates, and there is room for difference of opinion in this process. Specific information is scarce, and systems of reckoning vary; hence our knowledge of ancient chronology has accumulated gradually and is still far from complete. A.M. Dating From Creation - Genesis furnishes no era dating, but older chronologists counted years from Creation as anno mundi (“in the year of the world,” abbreviated a.m.) 1, 2, etc., based on the patriarchal genealogies. These genealogies, if complete and if correctly interpreted, would give exact intervals from Adam to Abraham. But an a.m. scale requires a fixed starting point. Each writer’s B.C. date for a.m. 1 (1) varies with his choice of the Masoretic or the LXX figures (nearly 1,500 years’ difference), and (2) his interpretation of these and all other OT chronological data. For this reason an a.m. date has no basis other than the writer’s theory. Marginal Dates in Printed Bibles - A.M. dates taken from Archbishop James Ussher’s Annals (published 1650-58) were the first to appear in the margin of the KJV. The KJV carried no dates originally, and was not the first Bible to present those of Ussher, which had been printed in the margin of a French Catholic Latin Bible in 1662. Ussher’s dates (a.m. only) appeared in an Oxford Bible in 1679, with the figures revised in spots by Bishop William Lloyd; his a.m. and B.C. dates were incorporated (probably by Lloyd also) into a London edition of 1701. Thenceforth these dates, generally credited to Ussher but partly revised, and inserted without any official authorization, continued to be printed until they were almost viewed as a part of the Bible by generations of readers. In the latter part of the 19th century, many Bibles included new chronological tables based on later knowledge, while retaining the old “Ussher” dates in the margin or omitting them entirely. In the 1950’s a modernized set of marginal dates came out in a new KJV edition. Similar ones appeared as late as 1974 in a Collins edition of the KJV (although most Bibles by then had no marginal dates): Events before David are dated only by centuries, and later dates differ from Ussher’s, though not consistently. In Ezra 7, there appears a curious shift; Ezra’s journey to Jerusalem is dated 428 B.C., long after Nehemiah’s arrival. This is based on a theory that, contradicting the Bible account, puts that event in the 37th, not the 7th, year of Artaxerxes. Part Four: Chronology in the Bible Record In view of all the differing ancient systems of chronology and of the numerous theories of later interpreters of the Bible, it becomes necessary to consider the methods to be used in assigning B.C. dates to the Old Testament events, particularly down through the Exodus to the end of the 40 years’ wandering. This dating hinges on two points: (1) the text in which the source information is found, and (2) the problem of the meaning of the time statements in that text. I. TIME STATEMENTS IN GENESIS The Hebrew, Samaritan, and Septuagint Texts - The original text of our Old Testament, except a few chapters, was written in Hebrew. The translations in use today are made almost entirely from the Masoretic text, which has been handed down by the Jews through the centuries, copied from one manuscript to another with scrupulous care. In Genesis, the years of the patriarchs in the Hebrew text differ from those in the Samaritan Pentateuch, a variant form of the Hebrew text preserved by the half-Jewish, half-pagan Samaritans. Different from both of these are the figures in the Septuagint, a Greek translation begun in the 3" Century B.C. in Alexandria. It gives higher figures for several patriarchs, inserts a second Cainan after Arphaxad, and shows other differences. The totals from creation to the Flood are: Hebrew, 1,656 years; Samaritan, 1,307; Septuagint, 2,242 (or 2,262; manuscripts vary); from the Flood to Abraham: Hebrew, 352 years; Samaritan, 942; Septuagint, 1,232 (or 1,132). Since the oldest known Masoretic manuscripts of the Pentateuch are late copies, more than 1,000 years away from the originals, some scholars have thought that the figures’ for the patriarchs had become changed since the time when the Septuagint translation was made. But the age of a manuscript is not the sole deciding factor. The later of any two copies may preserve the wording of a text much nearer to the unknown original than a much older manuscript copied carelessly or from an old but already corrupted text. Thus, the work of the “lower” or textual critic involves determining, from various kinds of evidence, which form of the text has most likely been changed from the original. For the ages of the patriarchs, the Samaritan text is less trustworthy than the Hebrew, because we find in other places revisions of the wording to agree with their views. And the Septuagint translators, who elsewhere (as in Daniel) injected their own ideas, are thus more likely than the meticulous Hebrew copyists to present a revised form of the genealogy. Reasons for Preferring the Hebrew Lists - Some Septuagint manuscripts, having Methuselah 167 at his son’s birth, thus make him survive the Flood 14 years; other manuscripts, making him 187, avoid this difficulty. Also, there are other reasons why the translators of the Septuagint version were more likely to have changed the figures than the later Masoretes, who handed down the Hebrew text to us. The Greek- speaking Jews who translated the Septuagint in Alexandria wished to win for it the respect of the learned Greek world. It is known that they were much less strict about preserving the letter of the original than were the Palestinian Jews. Their version was made for Greek-speaking readers. If they wished to make the chronology of the earliest ages compare favorably with the beliefs of the current Alexandrian philosophy and seem more reasonable to the Greek mind, they would naturally lengthen the periods as much as possible, and smooth down the sudden drop, after the Flood, in the life span and the interval from father to son; and that is exactly what their figures do, repeatedly running 100 years higher. Some scholars have contended that the Septuagint was translated from the correct text, but that the Masoretes, working this side of the time of Christ, made or perpetuated changes to discredit the Septuagint because it was the version largely used by the Christians. But if this were so, why would the Jews alter such minor points as the ages of the patriarchs and leave unchanged the 70 weeks and other prophecies used by Christians to prove the Messiahship of Jesus? If the Masoretes copied their texts so conscientiously as to retain, word for word, so many evidences against themselves, their text should be preferred to that of the Alexandrian translators, who took liberties with the text to advance their own ideas. This question cannot be settled with certainty. Though the Dead Sea scrolls sometimes support a variant Septuagint wording, they have also confirmed the trustworthiness of the Masoretic Hebrew text, on which have been based the most noteworthy and widely accepted translations, both Catholic and Protestant. This book will follow that time-honored practice and base the discussion of the patriarchs on the Hebrew text. Il. SOME PRINCIPLES OF BIBLE CHRONOLOGY In converting the time statements of the Bible into chronological computation, we must consider certain general principles of the Hebrew language and mode of reckoning that apply to the Pentateuch and to other scriptures as well. It should be kept in mind that the meaning of a sentence is not necessarily what the words mean to us now, even after they are translated, but what the ancient writer meant when he used those words. In the Bible, “son” may mean a grandson (Genesis 31:55, cf. v.43); “brother” may mean a nephew or an uncle (Genesis 14:12, 16; 29:10-12). Even so simple a statement as the fact that Noah was 600 years old at the time of the Flood can be, and generally is, misunderstood. The Method of Expressing Age - Noah was “six hundred years old”—literally, “a son of 600 years”— when the Flood came (Genesis 7:6). What this phrase means is made clear in the same chapter by the first complete dating formula given in the Bible: “In the six hundredth year of Noah’s life, in the second month, the seventeenth day of the month, the same day were all the fountains of the great deep broken up” (verse 11). Therefore “‘a son of 600 years” does not mean that Noah was 600 years old as we understand it, but that he was in his 600th year, still unexpired. In our modern reckoning we say that a child is so many months old in his first year. He reaches his first birthday at the end of his first years, and he is not considered one year old until that first birthday. But when he reaches that day, his second year begins. So, he will one day be 21 years old, after he has completed his 21“ year; he will be 21 all through his 22™ year until upon its completion he is said to reach the age of 22. We would count Noah 600 years of age only at the end of his 600" year, but the Hebrews counted him “a son of 600 years” in his 600th year (see on Genesis 5:32). Consecutive Ages of the Patriarchs - Just as Noah was “600 years old” in his 600th year, so Adam must have been 130 years old in his 130th year when Seth was born (Genesis 5:3), and not what we call 130 10 years old. On this principle, Seth was born in the 130th year of the world (anno mundi or a.m. 130); thus the sum of the ages of the patriarchs at the birth of each oldest son will furnish a continuous series of years from the creation only. NOTE: One point must be decided in numbering these years of the patriarchs. Is Adam’s 130th year, or a.m. 130, also counted as Seth’s first year? Or does Seth’s count begin the following year, in a.m. 131? The first method, by counting one year twice in each generation, will give an incorrect total of the years elapsed, for there will be an overlap of one year for each name in the list. By the second method, the sum will give the equivalent of continuous reckoning by an era. The first cannot be correct in this case because it would make Methuselah survive the Flood; by the second, method the last year of his life is the year of the Flood. The second, then, must be the basis of the Genesis list. Therefore, Seth’s age at the birth of Enos is to be added to Adam’s 130 years. We have no way of knowing just how the patriarchs themselves counted their ages at the time. Presumably the years were not reckoned by birthdays, but by beginning each year of age at the beginning of the calendar year, for Noah’s 601" year seems to begin at the Ist day of the 1st month (Genesis 8:13). It has been the immemorial custom in the Far East to consider a child a year old in his first calendar year, and to count him two years old on the next New Year’s Day, even a few days after his birth. Either the patriarchs began the first year after the next New Year’s Day, or else the numbers were adjusted later, when the list was made up, in order to avoid the overlap. Inclusive Reckoning - But apparently the common usage in counting intervals of time was the inclusive reckoning, that is, counting the incomplete days, years, etc., at the beginning and end of a period as if they were whole units. The classic example is, of course, the three-day period of Christ in the tomb, from Friday afternoon to Sunday morning (see “the third day,” “in three days,” and “after three days” all used as equivalent expressions for the same period by the same writer: Matthew 17:23; 27:40, 63). The clearest Old Testament example is in 2 Kings 18:9, 10, where “at the end of three years” is what we would reckon as a two-year interval, but the usage occurs also in the books of Moses. Joseph put his brothers “into ward three days,” but not three full days, for on “the third day” he bound Simeon and sent the others home (Genesis 42:17-19); and “the second year after” the Exodus (Numbers 9:1) really means the year immediately following it, the first year being the year in which the period began. It is clear from source documents that not only the Jews but also other ancient peoples used inclusive reckoning, by counting the beginning and end of a period. We find the Greeks calling the 4-year Olympiad between Olympic Games a pentaeteris, or “5-year period,” and the Romans referring to the winter solstice (then December 25) as “the eighth day before” January 1—the 8th counting both the 25th and the Ist. Even in later times we find the looser reckoning in common speech, although in mathematical computation the time elapsed would be calculated exactly. Parts and Wholes - The Bible writers sometimes use another characteristically Oriental type of expression—they name the whole period for the part, meaning actually the latter part of a period that has already begun. For example, at Kadesh the Israelites were condemned to wander 40 years in the wilderness (Numbers 14:33), that is, the remainder of that period, counted from the departure from Egypt. Actually this was already in the 2" year and only 38 years were left from Kadesh to the final stage of the journey (Deuteronomy 2:14). The 430-year sojourning of “the children of Israel” (Exodus 12:40)— including the time from Abraham, long before there were any Israelites—can be explained as an example 11 of such reckoning. Also explained below are two cases of three sons listed for one birth year; yet they were not triplets, and neither first-named son was the eldest. The Oriental, generally less concerned with exact time than the Westerner, is more likely to use approximate time statements and round numbers, and the reader of the Bible needs to keep this in mind. But the Old Testament is far more specific in its time statements than any other ancient literary document. I. THE LINE OF THE PATRIARCHS 0 Heaven and earth and Adam and Eve created Genesis 1:1 130 Seth born, son of Adam with Eve Genesis 5:3 235 Enosh born, son of Seth Genesis 5:6 325 Kenan born, son of Enosh Genesis 5:9 395 Mahalaleel born, son of Kenan Genesis 5:12 460 Jared born, son of Mahalalel Genesis 5:15 622 Enoch born, son of Jared Genesis 5:18 687 Methuselah born, son of Enoch Genesis 5:21 874 Lamech born, son of Methusaleh Genesis 5:25 930 Adam died at 930 Genesis 5:5 987 Enoch "walks with God" Genesis 5:23-24 1042 Seth died at 912 Genesis 5:8 1056 Noah born, son of Lamech Genesis 5:28-29 1140 Enosh died at 905 Genesis 5:11 1235 Kenan died at 910 Genesis 5:14 1290 Mahalaleel died at 895 Genesis 5:17 1422 Jared died at 962 Genesis 5:20 1557 Shem, Ham and Japheth born, sons of Noah (Noah still 500 | Genesis 5:32 years old, nearly 501) 12 1651 Lamech died at 777 Genesis 5:31 1656 Methuselah died at 969 and was the oldest man that ever | Genesis 5:27 lived. 1656 On the 17th (Septuagint: 27th) day of the 2nd month, the | Genesis 7:4-11 fountains of the great deep were broken up and the windows of heaven opened. 1656 On the 17th day of the seventh month, Noah's Ark rested in | Genesis 8:4 "mountains of Ararat" 1657 Noah and his family left the ark (27th day of the second | Genesis 8:13-14 month) 1658 Arphaxad born, son of Shem (Shem 100 years old, nearly | Genesis 11:10 101) 1658 Arphaxad born, son of Shem Genesis 11:10 1693 Shelah born, son of Arphaxad Genesis 11:12 1723 Eber born, son of Shelah Genesis 11:14 1757 Peleg born, son of Eber Genesis 11:16 1787 Reu born, son of Peleg Genesis 11:18 1819 Serug born, son of Reu Genesis 11:20 1849 Nahor born, son of Serug Genesis 11:22 1878 Terah born, son of Nahor Genesis 11:24 1948 Abram born, son of Terah Genesis 11:26 1958 Sarai born, wife of Abram Genesis 17:17 1996 Peleg died Genesis 11:19 1997 Nahor died Genesis 11:25 2006 Noah died Genesis 9:28 2026 Reu died Genesis 11:21 2034 Ishmael born, son of Abram with Sarai's handmaiden | Genesis 16:16 13 Hagar 2047 Abram and Sarai renamed Abraham and Sarah by the | Genesis 17:5-15 LORD and Abraham circumcised 2047 Sodom and Gomorrah destroyed Genesis 19:24 2048 Isaac born, son of Abraham with Sarah Genesis 21:5 2049 Serug died Genesis 11:23 2083 Terah died Genesis 11:32 2085 Sarah died Genesis 23:1 2096 Arphaxad died Genesis 11:13 2108 Jacob and Esau born, sons of Isaac with Rebekah Genesis 25:26 2123 Abraham died Genesis 25:7 2126 Shelah died Genesis 11:15 2157 Shem died Genesis 11:11 2171 Ishmael died Genesis 25:17 2187 Eber died Genesis 11:17 2199 Joseph born, son of Jacob with Rachel Genesis 41:46 2216 Joseph sold by his brothers Genesis 37:2 2227 Joseph interprets the dreams of the butler and the baker | Genesis 41:1 while in prison 2228 Isaac died Genesis 35:28 2229 Joseph promoted to Pharaoh's second Genesis 41:46 2238 Jacob moved to Egypt at the age of 130 after 7 years of | Genesis 47:9; 45:11; plenty and 2 years of famine when Joseph was 39 41:46 2255 Jacob died Genesis 47:28 2309 Joseph died Genesis 50:26 2365 Aaron born, son of Amram with Jochebed Exodus 7:7 2368 Moses born, son of Amram with Jochebed Exodus 7:7 14 2448 The Israelites left in a mass exodus from Egypt Genesis 15:13; 1 Kings 6:1 2487 Aaron and Moses died Deuteronomy 34:7 2448 The Israelites entered Canaan Joshua 4:19 2448-2884 Period of Joshua, Judges and Saul, first King of Israel 1 Kings 6:1; 2 Samuel 5:4 2853 Jesse begat David 2 Samuel 5:4 2883-2923 David reigned as king of Israel 1 Kings 2:11 (40 year reign) 2890 David moves his capitol from Hebron to Jerusalem 1 Kings 2:11 2923-2963 Solomon son of David reigns as king of Israel 1 Kings 11:42 2927 Foundation of Temple laid in the 4th year of Solomon's | 1 Kings 6:1 reign 480th year after the Exodus The Patriarchs From Adam to the Flood - The list of the patriarchs in Genesis 5 begins with Adam, then continues with Seth, born in Adam’s 130th year (or a.m. 130, according to those who construct an a.m. scale of years), followed by Enos, born 105 years later, Cainan, 90 years after that, and so on to Noah. For the age of Noah at the birth of Shem we must look elsewhere, for Genesis 5:32 says only that “Noah was five hundred years old: and Noah begat Shem, Ham, and Japheth.” NOTE: If 500 seems an unreasonable age for even a patriarch at the birth of his first son, it may be remarked that the record does not state that he was childless that long. He could have had older children who died or who rejected their father’s message, but we cannot speculate on that. In the absence of information to the contrary (as, for example, in the case of Seth), we assume that each son named in the line was the oldest. Some have sought to reconcile the long life spans with later conditions by reckoning months or some unit shorter than a year. The use of months would make the patriarchs fathers at the tender ages of nine, seven, and even five! And what time unit between a month and a year has ever been known? This might be taken to indicate that the sons were triplets, or at least that Shem was the firstborn; but a comparison of Genesis 7:6 and 11:10 shows that Shem was not the eldest, born when his father was 500; instead, he was 100 years old two years after the Flood (which came when Noah was 600), and hence was born when Noah was 502 years old. Apparently Shem was named first because of his importance, which depended not on his age but on the fact that through him the genealogy was carried on, and possibly because through his line were descended the Israelites. The B.C. dating of this patriarchal period is not possible to determine. The first links between Biblical and B.C. dating come in the time of the kings of Israel and Judah. The Chronology of the Flood - The Deluge lasted one year and ten days, from the 17th day of the 2nd month in Noah’s 600th year to the 27th day of the 2nd month in Noah’s 601st year (see on Genesis 8:14). 15 Since it is not known what sort of calendar Noah used to calculate his month dates, opinions differ as to what kind of year this was. The 150 days of the rising and prevailing waters, ending on the 17th of the 7th month, constitute exactly 5 months. Therefore, each month had 30 days. Since this could not happen if the months were regulated by the moon, which alternates 29 and 30 days, some would conclude that the Genesis account is based on a solar calendar of 30-day months, like that of the Egyptians. In that case, the duration of the Flood was either 370 days or, if 5 extra days were reckoned at the end of the year, as in Egypt, it was 375 days. Others, however, think that a lunar year was intended, (see NOTE) and that the ten days beyond one full year would indicate the difference between a lunar year of 354 or 355 days and a solar year of 365 days. NOTE: In that case the five consecutive 30-day months may have resulted from the use of the common method of determining the lengths of the months by observation: If the new crescent was visible at the end of the 29th of the month, the next day was called the Ist of the new month; if not, it was called the 30th and the next evening became the Ist of the month, and any error was corrected at the next visible crescent. This argument is based on the supposition that the moon was obscured much of the time during the stormy 150-day period of the Flood, so that a series of five 30-day months may have accumulated before the reckoning could be adjusted. A different lunar-month scheme, placing certain Flood-year dates on the Sabbath, is unprovable. The Septuagint apparently means to imply that the original total represented a lunar year plus ten days, for it changes the duration to exactly one calendar year by translating the ending date as the 17" day of the 2™ month, the same day as the beginning, instead of the 27". This looks like replacing one lunar year and ten days with one solar year, as more understandable in Egypt. There is insufficient basis, however, for conjecturing an antediluvian calendar from these dates, or for speculating on whether the “second month” was numbered from the spring or fall. Such considerations as the rainy season or the planting season in Bible lands are hardly relevant, since later conditions cannot be compared to the climatic conditions preceding or immediately following the Deluge. The month reckoning would probably be that of Moses rather than that of Noah himself, and the spring-beginning year as a new reckoning introduced at the Exodus may or may not have been used by Moses in writing Genesis. The Patriarchs From the Flood to the Exodus - The patriarchs after the Flood are listed in Genesis 11. Arphaxad was born two years after the Flood, when Shem was 100 years old, Salah was born 35 years later, and Eber 30 years after that; and so the list goes on to Terah and Abram. However, Abram was not born when Terah was 70; this is a case similar to that of Shem, for Abram, though named first, was not the oldest son. When he was born his father was not 70, but 130 years old; for Abram was 75 when God called him to go to Canaan and made a covenant with him after Terah had died at the age of 205 (Genesis 11:32; 12:1-4). Although the list of the patriarchs with their ages ends with Abram (chapter 11:26), we are told that Isaac was born 100 years after his father (chapter 21:5), and Jacob 60 years after that (chapter 25:26). The Genesis data on the patriarchs’ ages extend to Jacob’s entry into Egypt (chapter 47:9) at the age of 130. From this, it can be computed that he was 91 when Joseph was born (see on chapter 27:1), but Joseph’s birth year offers no help in carrying the line farther; here the age data stops. The interval from Jacob’s migration to the Exodus must be derived from the 430 years of Exodus 12:40, 41. Even with that, only if one can assume that no generation is left out in the lists of the patriarchs, is any continuous count possible from Creation to the Exodus. 16 The Four Hundred and the Four Hundred Thirty Years - Abraham’s “seed” would be “a stranger in a land that is not theirs,” would serve a foreign nation, and be afflicted; and the period was to last 400 years (Genesis 15:13). That the whole duration of the sojourning, servitude, and affliction was encompassed in the 400 years is not clear in the English, but it is indicated by the inverted parallelism of the Hebrew sentence (see on Genesis 15:13). Isaac, the appointed seed of Abraham whose descendants would see the complete fulfillment of this prophecy, was a sojourner, and began early in life to be “afflicted” by his rival, Ishmael (Genesis 21:8-12; see on Genesis 15:13 for the 400 years). Ending also at the Exodus is a period of 430 years covering the “sojourning” (Exodus 12:40), not merely the phases of servitude and affliction. This is explained by a New Testament reference to the 430 years between the covenant with Abraham and the giving of the law at Mt. Sinai, soon after the Exodus (see on Exodus 12:40 and Gal. 3:17). Both these periods can be harmonized if the 430 years are counted from the call of Abraham, when he was 75 years old, and if the 400 years are reckoned from 30 years later, that is about the time when Isaac, as a small child, began to be persecuted by Ishmael after he was confirmed as the “seed” (Genesis 21:8- 12). The Hebrew people called themselves both the “seed of Abraham” and the “children of Israel,” and Paul evidently interpreted the second phrase, used in Exodus 12:40, as meaning the first. Two Hundred and Fifteen Years in Egypt - Popular and scholarly misunderstanding of these periods covering the sojourning and affliction of the descendants of Abraham has caused chronological confusion as to the time spent by Israel in Egypt. The interval between the call of Abram, at age 75, and the Exodus was 430 years, of which 215 had passed when Jacob went into Egypt (25 years to Isaac’s birth in Abraham’s century year, plus 60, Isaac’s age at Jacob’s birth, plus 130, Jacob’s age at his migration, a total of 215 years). Therefore, the remainder of the 430 years, the Egyptian sojourn, was 215 years. If this seems a rather short time in Egypt, it should be considered that Moses was the grandson (also great- grandson) of Levi (Numbers 26:57-59), who entered Egypt as an adult. This fact would not fit into an interval of 400 years, but would be quite possible for 215 years, according to Levi’s life span (see on Exodus 6:16, 20). Was it 430 full years from Abraham’s call to the Exodus, or 429 full years—430 inclusive, by the reckoning most commonly used in Bible times? The latter would seem more likely if it were not for the specific wording of the text: “At the end of the four hundred and thirty years, even the selfsame day” (Exodus 12:41). This would seem to indicate 430 elapsed years, ending on the day of the Exodus. Thus, the reckoning is considered exact rather than inclusive. A.M. Dating Not Conclusive - Because the 430-year interval between Abraham’s years and the Exodus appears to attach the latter to the patriarchal genealogies, some have concluded that a continuous a.m. reckoning from creation can be linked with the B.C. dating. An a.m. Exodus date based on the patriarchs is entirely inconclusive. It must be remembered that these genealogies do not necessarily represent a complete year scale. Reasons have been given for preferring the ages of the patriarchs as given in the Hebrew text rather than in the Septuagint version. However, in using either reckoning we cannot exclude the possibility that some generations may not have been included. We remember that Luke lists the second Cainan (Luke 3:36). The correctness of the ages of the individuals does not imply the completeness of the list, for no total is given. 17 The Bible does not claim to be a complete record of all past history, and Bible genealogies do not always include every link in the chain; the Hebrew often uses the word “son” to mean grandson or descendant. This is evident in Ezra’s genealogy, which omits several links (Ezra 7:1-5; cf.1 Chronicles 6:7-9; Ezra 3:2); Matthew lists 14 generations from David to Christ, thus leaving out 4, for what reason he does not tell us (Matthew 1:8, 11; cf.1 Chronicles 3:10-12, 15, 16). The fact that sometimes one Bible writer omits what another includes does not invalidate the authority of either, but it should warn us against dogmatism on the date of creation, the Flood, or the Exodus, or on any chronology based on genealogical tables alone. Exact chronology is better reserved for the later centuries, where the Bible gives many exact time statements and synchronisms that enable us to locate the B.C. dating of key events with certainty. If we accept Luke’s second Cainan as indicating a link not mentioned in the Genesis list, we must lengthen the period from creation to the Exodus by at least one life span—how much more we cannot know since Luke gives no data for Cainan, and one omission implies the possibility of others. It is not necessary to suppose that gaps of that kind would be either extensive or important, but we should refrain from dogmatizing on the exact number of years between the creation and the Exodus, and from setting up any creation date based thereon. (The date of creation cannot be derived from the Biblical data.) With caution, then, as to attempting any a.m. dating, we may proceed to the Biblical reckoning of the years of the wilderness wandering before taking up the theories by which various B.C. dates are assigned to the Exodus. The Reckoning of the Years From the Exodus - We find evidence of what approaches a reckoning by an era during the time of the 40 years’ wandering. Shortly before the children of Israel left Egypt, the Lord instructed Moses that “this month shall be unto you the beginning of months: it shall be the first month of the year to you” (Exodus 12:2), and then proceeded with directions for holding the Passover on the 14th. The Israelites left Egypt immediately after the Passover, on the 15th (Numbers 33:3) of the spring month then called Abib (Exodus 23:15; 34:18; Deuteronomy 16:1), but later named Nisan (Esther 3:7), and still so called by the Jews. Other dates are mentioned in this year, which was evidently counted as the first of the series, for the next year is called the second. The list of dated events shows this in tabulation: Passover observed (Exodus 12:2, 6)........cc:ccccccceees 1 13 * Departure from Egypt (Numbers 33:3)... 1 15 Manna given in Wilderness of Sin (Exodus 16:1)... 2 15 Arrival at Sinai (Exodus 19:1)... cece eeeeeeee 3 ---- eg (Moses’ two 40-day periods on the mountain—Exodus 24:18; (Making of the tabernacle and equipment) 18 Tabernacle erected (Exodus 40:1, 2, 17)... 1 1 oe Passover enjoined (Numbers 9:1, 2).......ceeeeeeeees 1 ---- pi Passover observed (Numbers 9:5), evidently first time since Exodus (cf. | 1 14 ---- VS. 6-14). eeeeeees Numbering of men directed (Numbers 1:1)........... 2 1 oe Departure from Sinai (Numbers 10:11), nearly a year after arrival..... 2 20 on (Spies sent out in time of first ripe grapes, i.e. late summer—Numbers 13:17-20) (Return of spies to Kadesh 40 days later; Israel sentenced to 40 years’ wandering—Numbers 13:25, 26; 14:33, 34) From Kadesh to crossing of Zared, 38 years (Deuteronomy 2:14) Death of Aaron on Mt. Hor (Numbers 33:38)...... 5 1 40" Israel at Zared (Numbers 21:12) after Aaron’s death (cf.Numbers 20:27- | 6 n--- 40" 295 21:4-11) ee eeeeeetteeneees (Moses’ death; 30-day mourning—Deuteronomy 34:7,8)............+ 12 n--- 40" Crossing of Jordan and encampment before Jericho (Joshua | 1 10 41“ ANDY cseiscauis ances Passover kept in the Promised Land (Joshua 5:10) ---- 14 a Manna ceases (Joshua 5:11, 12), on 40th anniversary of the | ---- 15 aq EXOGUS i325, Aieiedss vere ss geceaseeereseeees Note that the “second year,” on the first day of which the tabernacle was erected, had already begun before the first anniversary of the Exodus, for the Israelites did not leave Egypt until the 15th of the Ist month, after half the month was past. This day of the erection of the sanctuary was the Ist of the divinely appointed 1st month, for it is the month of the Passover. It is evidently the first Abib since the departure from Egypt (see on Exodus 40:2 and Numbers 9:1, 2), for no one would argue for a stay of nearly two years at Sinai (see on Numbers 10:11). So “the second year after they were come out of the land of Egypt” (Numbers 9:1) meant the year immediately following the one in which the Exodus took place. It has been pointed out that in the commonly used inclusive reckoning, expressions translated “after” often mean “within.” Indeed, the preposition used in this phrase “after they were come out”—literally “for them to come out,” or “of their coming out”—is elsewhere rendered “within” a given time, as in Ezra 10:8. The years as reckoned from the Exodus, then, were spring-beginning years, and the first of the series was the one in which the Hebrews left Egypt. If this series of years from the Exodus had been continued as an 19 era for dating subsequent events, it would have greatly simplified the problem of Old Testament chronology. Unfortunately it was not so used, although the record of the sequence must have been kept, for we seem to find one more reference to it, in connection with the date of Solomon’s Temple. IV. THE B.C. DATE OF THE EXODUS The Problems in Dating the Exodus - It has been made clear why any A.M. dating, reckoned forward from creation and based on the assumption that the genealogies are complete, is only conjectural. We are in a better position to reckon backward to the patriarchs from later and better known periods, though not with complete certainty. The 430-year span from the Exodus back to Abraham locates that patriarch in the B.C. scale with the same degree of certainty as can be assigned to the year of the Exodus, depending on which of several methods one uses to arrive at a B.C. date for that event. From the Exodus, the forty years of wandering are numbered continuously, as in an era; then in the conquest of Canaan and the time of the judges there are various periods, some of which obviously overlap. If the information were complete and precise down through the kingdoms of Judah and Israel, to the time when the line of Bible dating joins the fixed dates of ancient history, the B.C. date of the Exodus and many other events would be unquestioned. But even among those who accept the Bible data as correct, there are differences of opinion as to the period of the judges, for example, and the rather complicated interrelations of the reigns of the two kingdoms. This book, incorporating what seems a reasonably workable chronology built on Bible time statements, does not set forth a dogmatic statement of the case. The last word has not been said on this subject, because future discoveries may add to our exact knowledge of those ancient times. But if any dates at all are to be included for the reader’s convenience, one system must be followed consistently. The B.C. date of the Exodus presented in this book has been chosen out of many advocated by different scholars because it seems, at present, to be the best explanation of the Bible data in relation to the available information, and it harmonizes with the chronology adopted for chapters covering the period of Israel and Judah. In order to evaluate this Exodus dating, a brief outline of the historical background of Egypt must be sketched here introductory to a survey of the principal theories of the Exodus, with a summary of the difficulties of each and the reasons why the 15th-century date is chosen. The Historical Background in Egypt - The Middle Kingdom in Egypt began during the Eleventh Dynasty. The first 150 years of the Twelfth Dynasty, which began in 1991 B.C., were the peak years, the classical period of Egyptian culture. At its end, Egyptian power declined. The Thirteenth Dynasty was restricted largely to southern Egypt, and the contemporary Fourteenth Dynasty in the north was weak. After a period of preliminary infiltration, the country was overrun in the latter half of the 18th century by the Hyksos, whose rulers, the “Shepherd Kings”—a title more properly translated as “rulers of foreign countries”—formed the Fifteenth and Sixteenth Dynasties. These conquerors, predominantly Semites from the eastern Mediterranean lands, probably included also non-Semitic Hurrians. Little is known of the Hyksos from the few records they left. They were not barbarous, for they probably introduced the horse and chariot, which the Egyptians afterward used to advantage in building their Asiatic empire. The Hyksos became Egyptianized, adopting Egyptian titles. They ruled as Pharaohs from a capital, called Avaris, in the Delta. 20 During the first half of the 16th century, the first king of the Eighteenth Dynasty drove the hated Hyksos—at least the ruling class—into Palestine. Egypt, again powerful, extended her sway over Palestine and Syria to the Euphrates. Great wealth went into vast building operations. A notable ruler of this dynasty was Queen Hatshepsut, who was associated on the throne with her husband Thutmose II (C. 1508-1504 B.C.), and her nephew Thutmose III. She was herself the real ruler from about 1500 until she finally disappeared from history about 1482, probably disposed of by her co-ruler, Thutmose II, whom she had kept so long in the background. After her death, her name was obliterated from many of her monuments and inscriptions. Thutmose III (C. 1482-1450) expanded the empire of Egypt to an extent never exceeded. The empire prospered through the reigns of Amenhotep IT (C. 1450-1425), and Thutmose IV (C. 1425-1412) and well into the reign of Amenhotep III (C. 1412-1375). But in the latter’s declining years, the expanding Hittite empire menaced Egypt’s northern holdings in Asia, the Habiru or the sa-gaz plagued parts of Syria and Palestine, and many of the Egyptian-held cities fought among themselves. Then came Amenhotep IV (C. 1387-1366), a visionary, unfit or unwilling to wield the strong scepter that was needed to stave off decline. Taking the name Ikhnaton, he turned all his energies to religious reform. Abandoning Thebes for a new capital dedicated to Aton (Aten), the sun disk, he suppressed all other cults. Meanwhile his Asiatic empire melted away. He ignored the frantic appeals for help from his loyal vassals in Palestine and Syria who were struggling against treachery and defection in the face of the menace of the sa-gaz or the Habiru. Many of these letters were unearthed among the royal archives in the ruins of Ikhnaton’s capital (archeologists refer to them as the Amarna Letters, from Tell el ‘Amarna, the modern place name of the ruins). After Ikhnaton, whose religious reform died soon after him, the dynasty ended with several minor Pharaohs. One of these was the boy-king Tutankhamen, who has achieved latter-day fame through the mere accident that his last resting place—probably modest in comparison with those of the great rulers— escaped the depredations of tomb robbers. Early in the Nineteenth Dynasty, under Seti I (1318-1299), Egypt began to regain a measure of control in Palestine. The long and energetic reign of Ramses II (1299-1232) left a great impression on his age. From the fifth year of his son Merneptah, we have an inscription on a commemorative pillar, or stele, indicating that the Israelites were then already in Palestine—the first mention of the name Israel outside the Bible, and the only one so far found in Egyptian records. The Various Theories of the Exodus - The numerous Exodus theories differ in the placement of the narrative in relation to the Egyptian dynasties as well as in respect to the reckoning of the 400 and the 430 years (whether including the time from Abraham or only the sojourn in Egypt). Aside from theories held by few or now no longer considered seriously in scholarly circles, there are three principal classes of these interpretations of the Exodus. These date the event respectively in: (1) the 15th century B.C., under the Eighteenth Dynasty; (2) the 13th century, during the Nineteenth Dynasty; (3) two migrations, under the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Dynasties. 21 There are plausible arguments both for and against all these datings. The last, however, which puts Joshua two centuries before Moses, does such violence to the Biblical record that it is out of the question for anyone who is seeking to build a chronology consistent with the Biblical data as we have them. Outmoded and Minority Views - The wide range of Exodus dating is illustrated by several theories placing it as early as the 17th century and as late as the 12th. One theory dated the Exodus in 1612, during the Hyksos rule in Egypt. This was based on a long reckoning of the period of the judges, assuming that the alternating judgeships and intervals of oppression were successive, totaling nearly 600 years; it fitted that into the 480-year period between the Exodus and Solomon by counting only the judgeships, not the interludes. Since Solomon cannot be shifted far, the longer the preceding period of the judges, the earlier the Exodus must be dated. Another early-Exodus theory had the Hebrews leaving Egypt as part of, or along with, the defeated Hyksos in the 16th century (reminiscent of Josephus’ identification of the Hebrews as the Hyksos). This required not 40 but 200 years of desert wandering in order to equate the Hebrews with the Habiru. It cannot be made to harmonize with either the Bible or the historical background, neither can the dating at the other extreme, a theory of a late 12th-century Exodus, in the Twentieth Dynasty. These three types of Exodus datings will suffice as examples of the range of variation; they need not be examined since they receive little or no notice today. The three principal theories will be discussed next. The Nineteenth-Dynasty Exodus - The “traditional” theory, long commonly accepted, was that Israel was oppressed by Rameses II and left in his reign or that of his son Merneptah. This theory is still held by many writers, both in its original form and as the second phase of a double Exodus. The choice of Rameses as the Pharaoh of the oppression is based on the names of the cities of Pithom and Rameses, built by Hebrew slaves; on Rameses’ capital being at Tanis, near Goshen; on the destruction of many Palestinian cities dated by archeologists in the 13th century; on a 430-year stay in Egypt; and on various elements of the archeological theories concerning that time, such as the late arrival of the Philistines, the absence of earlier pottery in certain regions, and conclusions drawn from certain Egyptian military campaigns. The unanswerable objection to this dating—if the Bible chronology is not to be ignored—is Merneptah’s stele of the fifth year of his reign, referring to the Israelites as a people along with Palestinian places conquered. The Israelites could hardly have been already in Palestine in the fifth year of the Pharaoh of the Exodus even if they had migrated directly to Canaan. A desert wandering of 40 years (even if the vague meaning of “many years” is allowed) puts it completely out of the picture, to say nothing of other objections to the theory, such as the genealogical impossibility of 400 years from Joseph to Moses. The Theory of a Double Exodus - A Nineteenth-Dynasty Exodus, along with a 15th-century invasion of Canaan, is held today by many scholars who reconstruct the Biblical story completely, or rather separate it into two waves of migration. There are various views as to which tribes went into Egypt and when they left; as to which tribes never left Canaan or who may have remained in Egypt; or by what routes and in what order they invaded Canaan. The mere impossibility of harmonizing such an Exodus with the 40 years or the 480 years is a minor objection indeed compared with the placing of Joshua 2 centuries before Moses, and compared with the uninhibited reinterpretation of the Bible account in regard to the patriarchs, the tribes, the geography, and the religion of the Hebrews. 22 This is not to belittle the scholarship that has been employed in this attempt to reconcile the Habiru invasion and other evidence pointing to a 15th century Exodus with the building of store cities for Ramses II and the late sacking of certain Palestinian towns. But the complexities of the various double-Exodus theories need not be discussed here, for a conservative commentary is written to throw light on the Bible account, not to revamp the story by conjecture to fit the selected historical setting. The Eighteenth Dynasty Exodus Adopted in This Book - There remains the theory that places the Exodus in the mid-fifteenth century (1445 B.C. or thereabouts). It has been adopted in this book chiefly because of the intervals between this and later Biblical dates. It can be explained in terms of the Bible narrative and the historical and archeological setting. The date is based on a statement synchronizing the 480" year from the Exodus with the 4" year of Solomon, in which the foundation of the Temple was laid in the month of Zif (1 Kings 6:1). This year was, according to the chronology accepted for this book, 967/66 B.C., that is, the Jewish regnal year beginning in the fall of 967 and ending in the fall of 966. Thus, the laying of the foundation in the month of Zif (approximately our May) would have occurred in the spring of 966 B.C. Then Zif in the 1“ year, in which the Israelites left Egypt, was 479 years earlier than 966, which is 1445 B.C. This can be computed easily by the equation: If Zif in the 480" yr. = 966 B.C., then, going back 479 yrs. (479) Zif in the 1“ yr. = 1445 B.C. And Zif in the 1“ year, beginning the 2" month, is the month immediately following Abib (or Nisan), in which the Israelites left Egypt. So the Exodus, derived thus from the dating of Solomon’s 4th year as 967/66 B.C., would have occurred in the spring of 1445 B.C., if the 480th year is meant as an era date, and not as a round number. NOTE: If it is insisted that the 480 years are not to be counted inclusively, then the date would be 1446 B.C.—and some make it 1447 by counting 480 full years from 967 B.C.—but that would seem to disregard the original reckoning of the years from the Exodus. For the Temple was begun “in the four hundred and eightieth year after the children of Israel were come out of the land of Egypt,” literally, in the 480th year of their coming out of Egypt, and the Ist year reckoned from the Exodus was the one in which the departure from Egypt took place; compare “the second year after” the Exodus (explained on pp. 186-188). This 15th-century theory of the Exodus can be harmonized with the 400 and 430 years as reckoned from Abraham. A 1445 Exodus would put Abraham’s migration to Canaan in 1875 B.C., and his journey into Egypt soon after, at the very period from which we have an ancient record of a Semitic sheik traveling in Egypt with his family and a large retinue as traders. Joseph and Jacob, then, would be in Egypt 215 years before the Exodus, in the time of the Hyksos. The high honors bestowed upon Joseph have been regarded as most likely under a regime in which the Asiatic element predominated. Other details also fit into the picture. The statement that “Potiphar, an officer of Pharaoh, captain of the guard, an Egyptian,” bought Joseph (Genesis 39:1) indicates a non-Egyptian dynasty; why else should it be noted particularly that the Pharaoh’s captain of the guard was “an Egyptian”? Furthermore, the mention of horses and chariots (Genesis 41:43; 46:29) is regarded as harmonizing better with the Hyksos period than an earlier one, for it is generally accepted that there is no record of horses in Egypt before that time. Yet they were not imported rarities in Joseph’s day, for the Egyptians sold their livestock, including horses, to the Pharaoh in exchange for food during the famine (Genesis 47:17). For other points see on chapter 39:1. 23 The story of Moses and the Exodus can be fitted into the historical setting of the reigns of Thutmose I through Amenhotep II. Thutmose I and Thutmose III carried on building operations by means of Asiatic slave labor. Hatshepsut as Moses’ foster mother, Thutmose III as the king from whom Moses fled to Midian, and Amenhotep II as the Pharaoh of the Exodus seem to fit the possibilities of the Bible story. We have even the fact that the successor of Amenhotep II was an unforeseen heir to the throne—a circumstance that would be expected if the eldest son had died in the tenth plague. If the 40 years’ wandering ended and the invasion of Canaan began about 1400, the inroads of the Hebrews were contemporary with the Amarna Letters. Although controversy has raged over the historical connection between the names, it is not unlikely that the Hebrews were a part of the Habiru mentioned in this correspondence as a menace to Syria and Palestine, for it was in this weak period of Amenhotep III and of Ikhnaton’s indifference in regard to the affairs of the great Egyptian Empire that control of Palestine was slipping out of the hands of the Pharaohs. Objections to This Dating Considered - There are also objections against this 15th-century theory. It is pointed out that the date does not fit the total of the periods mentioned in the book of Judges, or the 450 years of Acts 13:19, 20 (KJV), for it is keyed to the 480 years of 1 Kings 6:1. It is true that if all the year totals in Judges are considered successive periods, the sum is far beyond 480 years, but there is nothing in the book to rule out the conclusion that some of the judgeships were quite possibly contemporary, in different parts of the country. Since the theories of an earlier or a later Exodus dating must either squeeze the judges period into an impossibly small compass, or reconcile the 480 years with approximately 600 years by eliminating certain portions from the whole period, as has been explained, it seems reasonable to accept as literal the definite statement that Solomon began the building of the Temple in the 480th year from the Exodus, especially since the date thus arrived at, can be harmonized with the other data. A 1445 Exodus admittedly makes it difficult to account for the 300 years mentioned by Jephthah (see Judges 11:26), but it can be done by assuming a rapid disintegration after Jephthah, with short contemporary judgeships. As for the 450 years of Acts 13:20, there is a disagreement as to the original text of the statement, and there are differing translations of it in various versions. One reading makes the 450 years the period of the judges; the other, from different manuscripts, makes it the period preceding the judges. The second reading, regarded as better by modern scholars, is certainly more ambiguous. A literal 450-year interval between Joshua and Samuel cannot be fitted into the chronological scheme that puts the Exodus in the 15th century, for it is obviously incompatible with an interval of 480 years between the Exodus and Solomon. Those who take the long chronology (with the 480 years exclusive of the periods between the judgeships) use the 450 years similarly as the sum of only the actual administrations of the successive judges. On the other hand, those who hold the view of overlapping judges, with a much shorter total duration, can employ the 450 years, according to the other reading, as the period from the time of the seed—the beginning of the 400 years reckoned from the time when Isaac was 5 years of age. They account for the extra 50 years by the 40 years of wandering plus a hypothetical 10 years more before the judges. Both theories have difficulties and elements of personal opinion. Therefore, it has been considered that the best course is to leave this ambiguous and controversial period out of the discussion as not positive enough to be used either for or against the theory of the 15th-century Exodus. 24 The Eighteenth Dynasty capital was at Thebes, several hundred miles from the land of Goshen. Yet the Hebrews were living near the royal palace, according to the story of the birth of Moses and to the account of the communication between Moses, the Israelites, and Pharaoh during the extended period of the plagues (possibly as much as a year). However, there was nothing to prevent the use of a second royal residence in or near the Delta at certain times, although there is no evidence for such a capital in the period assigned to Moses. The 13" Century advocates point out the Nineteenth Dynasty names of the cities of Pithom and Rameses. However, the proponents of an earlier Exodus regard them as later forms substituted by scribes for the earlier names of the same cities (for example, Rameses had previously been called Zoan, Avaris, and Tanis). We might similarly speak of New York as having been founded by the Dutch, deeming it unnecessary to use the old name, New Amsterdam. Indeed, those who take the name “Raamses” (Exodus 1:11) as evidence of the Exodus under Ramses II must also explain away “the land of Rameses” in Joseph’s day (see on Genesis 47:11) by a similar method. Then, if the name of the land need not be derived from the Pharaoh’s name, neither does the name of the city. Some argue that the story of Joseph and his family’s migration to Egypt does not portray a Hyksos ruler favoring fellow-Asiatics, but rather an Egyptian rewarding a Semitic benefactor for services rendered, showing consideration to Egyptian prejudices by segregating the Hebrew shepherds in Goshen. The 15th- century advocates reply, in favor of the Hyksos dating of Joseph, that a later Egyptian Pharaoh would be too strongly anti-Semitic to bestow such high favors, and that the motive for the segregation may well have been less to spare Egyptian sensibilities than to protect the Hebrew shepherds from the ill will of their Egyptian neighbors. Similarly, Joseph’s treatment of his brethren, although cited as an objection, illustrates the Egyptianized customs of Joseph himself, paralleling what might be expected from an Egyptianized Asiatic king. It may seem illogical to portray the nationalistic Egyptians as expelling the hated Asiatic Hyksos, yet leaving in Goshen a community of Semites who had been favorites of the foreign regime. A possible explanation would be that the Hyksos who were expelled were the oppressive ruling class, and that many of their common people may have been left behind, regarded as harmless and possibly as a source of forced labor. We know too little to dogmatize on the subject. The absence of Biblical allusions to Egyptian overlordship or military activities in Palestine has been considered out of harmony with the Israelite occupation of the land in the 15th century and onward. Actually, the Israelites remained mostly nomadic hill dwellers until long after this period. They failed to drive out the town dwellers, and settled down outside many of the fortified cities, the centers of Egyptian control; and in the hills, they would hardly have been touched by Egypt’s coastal campaigns. Some of Israel’s neighboring enemies mentioned in the Bible were possibly acting as vassals for Egypt. The presence of late pottery in the cemetery of Jericho has been explained as belonging to later sporadic settlements while the city lay in ruins. Another argument of 13th-century advocates against an earlier entry of Israel is the view (based on pottery bits found only on the surface, and not universally accepted) that Edom and Moab were not then settled nations. If the Edomites and Moabites were nomads in the 13th century, the absence of pottery from that period was to be expected. 25 It is not to be contended that all the Exodus problems (See NOTE) can be solved at the present time, but the hindrances to arriving at a reasonable theory are not insuperable. NOTE: Modern books that utilize the most reliable technical materials rarely deal with the pre-Exodus chronology because of the lack of adequate data for the early period, and the differing theories of the Exodus date are of limited value to most readers. H. H. Rowley, From Joseph to Joshua (London: Oxford University Press, 1950; 200 pp.), advocates a double Exodus, but is valuable for its many footnotes to sources on various theories. On the 15-century Exodus and invasion of Canaan, see J. W. Jack, The Date of the Exodus (Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark, 1925; 282 pp.), too early for much of the archeological evidence, but useful; Millar Burrows, What Mean These Stones? (New Haven, Conn.: American Schools of Oriental Research, 1941; 306 pp.), includes a brief survey of the 15th-century theory, but prefers the 13th-century dating. John Garstang and J. B. E. Garstang, The Story of Jericho (2d ed., rev.; London: Marshall, Morgan, & Scott, 1948; 200 pp.), offered evidence from their excavations for the fall of a strongly fortified city on that site about 1400 B.C., but that dating has now been revised by the more recent findings of Dr. Kathleen M. Kenyon. According to her preliminary report, Digging Up Jericho (New York: Frederick A. Praeger, 1957), the walls of that city must be dated much earlier. Because of erosion and destruction of the top levels, nothing seems to be left except a part of one house and pottery from the cemetery, to indicate that Jericho had a population in the 14th century B.C. The evidences examined seem to leave a 15th-century Exodus as a usable hypothesis for the purposes of this book—within the possibilities of the Bible narrative, and reasonably workable for the present in the framework of historical and archeological findings. V. EARLIER CHRONOLOGIES PIVOT ON EXODUS DATE Date of Creation Not Known - Those who attempt to trace Bible chronology from the creation to the Exodus by the patriarchal lists, the Genesis narratives, and the 430 years extending from the call of Abraham to the Exodus must assume that the patriarchal lists are complete. If the second Cainan (Luke 3:36) is added to the Hebrew list, if the possibility of gaps in the generations is allowed, or if the Septuagint enumeration is used, the patriarchal period must be longer than according to the Hebrew text (and the creation consequently earlier). Any B.C. dating of the patriarchs, by whichever method computed, would depend on the B.C. date of the Exodus. The Exodus has been placed on the basis of two premises, both to be discussed in this book: (1) the 480-year era from the Exodus to and including the 4th year of Solomon (1 Kings 6:1), and (2) the location of Solomon’s 4" year by computation of the reigns of the Hebrew kings down to the time of Nebuchadnezzar. The result, as has been explained, is an Exodus date of 1445 B.C. Since final conclusions cannot be reached, even by consistent computation from the Bible data, because of the possible undetermined variations, this book does not attempt a complete chronology. Uncertainty is better than mere conjecture or the blind acceptance of a theoretical scheme such as Ussher’s. Ussher arbitrarily placed creation, and began his a.m. 1, on the evening before October 23 (the Sunday nearest the autumnal equinox) in 4,004 B.C., that is, 4,000 years before Christ’s birth, which he dated at 4 B.C. This was in harmony with the old 6,000-year theory that puts 4,000 years before Christ and 2,000 years after Christ. This “6,000-year theory” should be defined to avoid confusion: It is not to be equated with the phrase “6,000 years” that has been used by many religious writers as a rough estimate of the time elapsed since Adam. It is, rather, a prophetic theory: namely, the view that the six days of creation week followed by 26 the Sabbath, taken together with the statement that with God one day is as a thousand years and a thousand years as a day (2 Peter 3:8), constitute a prediction that will world will last 6,000 years of sin, with the seventh thousand as the millennial Sabbath of rest. To say that the six days of creation week give no clue to the duration of this world is not to deny their reality or to allow interpreting them as long ages. Acceptance of a literal creation does not require assigning it to an exact year. The date of creation is not known, for the chronological data in the Bible is not continuous or complete nor can it be computed from astronomical cycles. NOTE: Unfortunately, some apologists seeking confirmation of the Bible have cited supposed astronomical cycles for proof of a precise date for creation and the first Sabbath, overlooking the fact that cycles, like circles, have no beginning or end, and that one can reckon back the regularly recurring intervals indefinitely into the unknown past without arriving at a clue to the actual beginning. One such attempt at astronomical proof, occasionally cited even as late as around 1950, was the system of a supposed astronomer, J. B. Dimbleby (1879), who set “a.m. 0” on Sept. 20, 4,000 B.C., allegedly established by cycles of planetary motions. It is true that astronomical cycles enable us to date certain ancient events (including some in the Bible) if those events can be connected with contemporary astronomical records, especially of eclipses. The first direct, contemporary links between Biblical years and the B.C. scale occur near the end of the kingdom of Judah, about 600 B.C., in the reign of Nebuchadnezzar, whose regnal years are astronomically fixed. Some cite an earlier date, 853 B.C., as the death year of Ahab of Israel, but the astronomical fix is not in that year; the synchronism depends on dead reckoning from an eclipse that occurred nearly a century later. In any case, from the kings of Israel and Judah back to creation, the path crosses too many areas where differences of opinion exist. Approximate Early Dates Sufficient - Since we have a definite chronology for the later Old Testament times, especially from the time of the great prophetic periods, we should be satisfied with approximate dates for the earlier ages, where there is no fixed chronology that will pinpoint Biblical events. Estimates around the time of the Exodus and on are probably not far wrong. Even the various datings of the Exodus are not more than two centuries off in either direction from the dating adopted for this book. Earlier than that a leeway of much more would be little enough. We may watch with interest the changes in historical chronology for the more ancient periods, yet there seems little chance so far of harmonizing the early dynasties of Egypt and Babylonia, for example, with the Bible chronology—if we take the Flood into consideration. Also, the A.M. dating used in this book is approximate and not exact. All Scripture is given by inspiration of God, even though Scripture does not profess to record all history. It is heartening to see how, wherever valid tests can be brought to bear, the Scripture record stands vindicated as accurate history. Chronology, the framework of history, is given to us in the Old Testament in a form that must be translated into our mode of reckoning before we can learn its meaning; the brevity and also sometimes the obscurity of the statements regarding it prevent us from claiming to have complete knowledge, but it is certain enough in the later period—especially by the time of Daniel and Ezra—to assure us that apparent difficulties are due to our lack of understanding. Research based on archeology has solved many problems of chronology. We may hopefully anticipate the solution of most of the remaining problems as research continues. 27 TABLE OF CONTENTS PREFA CB vies ccsietils davon charset ees ened ogee hae eave dhe eee ad eee eevee ee eae 2 TIN TRODU CTION 8. sce ceccacsd suet eind canesen saad gesal ectetute ibaded enkedich vane qndadvehe date nhadetandnnean thant asunductstvm eine ducdeusees 3 Part One: The Importance of History ........0....0.cccecccccececeesceeeeceaeceaeceaeceaeceaeceaeeeeeeeeeseaeseaeeeaeeeaeesaaeeaaes 3 Part Two: History and Bible Chronology ..................:cccccccessesseceseceeeceseceseceseceeeeeeeeeeneeeeeeeaeeeaeeeaeeeaeeaaes 3 Part Three: The Elements of Chronology.................:ccccccceesceeseesseceseceaeceaeceseceaeeeeeeeeeeseeeeeaeeeaeesaeeeaaeeaaes 3 Part Four: Chronology in the Bible Record ................ccccccccceceseeeseceseceseceseceseeeeeeeeeeeeneseeeeeaeeeaeeeaeeeaeeaaee 9 SECTION ONE: HISTORY AND BIBLE CHRONOLOGY ...000000.cccceccccccceeeceteceeceeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeneteas 40 CHAPTER ONE figs iit ii en kee hited ag Aviad awed tava daa Mada a Godda dam doth amis dae eae 41 ADAM, FATHER: OF ALL RACES 0. o:cccissecicsduise cea cidecadeouitesntdecastanvek caten cyanate setdeheng scuiatar ce eieesndetadaeeg 41 Introd uCti OM ies. i: cies Seboevcis cng fotis deasd ek ade aca teod ade oeliastv dd wlim Wan aa deen sislich anesv ce adetades 41 The. Beginning of Time :is.2.32.s::cne i hebseedenchd ae eee an aA iat hk Me eke ap eee 41 Chart of the Chronology of the Early Patriarch .0...0...0....0cccceccccceeeceeeceeececeaeceeeceaeeeaeceeeeeeeneeeseneeses 41 History: Of Che W 6K 205 sees ccc ca deeseiesedeed sssise A caseeed cgdtepntiastvdl alin een tee a dadetsislech nies v ceeded ade 43 Adam Created by God in year 1 0.........ccecceeccceecceseceeeeeeeeeeeeeeaeeeaeecaaecaaeceaeceaecaeceseeeseeeeneseaeeeaeeeaeeenaeeaaes 43 Whe Paradise in Eed My. 3:2 cice.. 05 sss veces eeastens suas evn inne saoa eda s one danse ya cvs cen ht hotadeaa tee eh de salina dhagnes beaded eddy ands 44 God’s First Judgment On Earth ow... cee cese cess ceseeeeeeeseeseeeeeaeeeaeeeaeecaaecaaecsaecsaeeeaeseeeeeeeeeeseeeeeeas 45 The First 130 Years in World History ...0...........cccccccecccceseceeceseceseceeeeeseeeeeeeeeeeeaeeeaeeeaeesaaecsaeeeaeeeeeeaeens 46 Chart of the Patriarchs' Longevity... ecescsseesceeeceseeseeeecesecaeeeeeeaecnaeeaeeaeenaecaeeeeeeaecaeeeeeeaeenaeeaees 47 Adam ’s: Funeral tni:93 0A. Meco ccacds secs can sh asasis ccenesaedng owed auteead dando dunciuet the jetanandsseebiauasnandeacdesrvau deb evedsaee 48 Chart of the Years Adam Knew his Descendant ..00.......... cc cecesesceeeeeececeeeeeeeeeaeeaeeeeeeaeeaeeeeeeaeenaeeates 48 Enoch. Walked ‘With God jissiece.ccsscectscccecascetuseed teh cekccupee halichvas taaueee tens canes uisovs tu dhevencsenti snl edhdevaedevkeveasava 49 Enoch’s Way Home to Heaven in 987 A.M. uuu... cece ceseceseceseceneceeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeseaeeeaeeeaeesaaecaaessaeeeaeeeaeens 50 Chart of the Age of First Patriarchs at Enoch’s Translation in 987 A.M.......... ce ceeceeeeeeeeereeeneeees 50 120 Years of Judgment for Antediluvians in 1536 A.M. 00.0.0... cceccecceseceseceeeceeeeeeeeeeeeeeaeeeaeeeeeeaaeeaaee 51 Methuselah Dies in the Year of the Flood in 1656 A.M. oo... cece ecceseeeeeeeeesecneeeeeesecaeeaeeeeeeaeeaeteeeaee 52 The Worldwide Flood in 1656 A.M. ..0......cccccccceccceeeceescecececeseceaeceseceaeeeeeeseeeeeneeeaeeeaeeeaaesaaecsaeeeaeeeaeeeaeens 53 Baby Arphaxad Born inside Noah’s Ark in 1656 A.M. ooo... ee ceeceeceeeeeeeeeeeeeaeeeaeesaaecnaessaeseaeeeaeens 53 The Tower of Babel s...ciiion. ccs... cqeceesacilectascaciiseacibin sebstedencnaicuntascncivneasaddvuabedatevsackissvategnivonnealuvsabsaukenvbenss 54 Chart of the Number of Years that Noah Knew his Ancestors............ccccceeceeseeseeeeeeeeeneeeeeeeeneeeaees 54 Chart of the Number of Years that Noah Knew his Descendants ....0..0.....cceeceseeceeseereeeeeeneeneeeeees 55 Noah’s Funeral im 2006 A.M ss. icgecus sigectacencteses Sida sab cae ees ehaethccaedetea ellie pa lidede an eee tensive atee oben aad 56 28 First Hand Knowledge of God ...0...........cccccccecsceesceeeceececececeaeceaeceaeceaeceeeeeeneseneeeaeeeaeeeaeesaaecsaeeeaeeeaeeeaeees 57 Chart of the Number of Years that Abraham Knew his Ancestors ................ccccccccscessssssesseseeeeeesees 57 Chart of the Age of Abraham’s Ancestors when Abraham Emigrated from Haran to Canaan...58 Abraham Migrates Towards Hebron in 2021 A.M........eccecccccececeeseeceeeceseceaeeeeeeeeeseeeeeeeeeaeeeaeeeaeeaaes 59 Abraham’s Prophecy of the Nation of Israel in 2021 A.M. .0......c ccc cece ceseceeeceeeeeeeeeeeeeeaeeeaeesaneeaaes 60 How God Protected the Prophecies .................:cccccccsceceseeeseceseceseeeseceseeeseeeeeeeeneeeaeeeaeeeaeesaaeeaeceaeeeaeeeaeees 60 Destruction of Sodom and Gomorrah in 2045 A.M... ec eececeesceeeceeeeeeeeesecaeeeeeeaeceaeeaeeeeeeaeeaeeeeeeaes 61 Abraham’s Funeral in Ephron in the year 2121 A.M... cesecsseceneceneceeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeaeesaeeeaaeeaaes 62 CHAPTER E WO) ied icici teed Bhi cincstes otc totdan lelede sas ev Rc daae tn ficcod aan tecat vaseeee aaavlea ducientabestaasaettiees 64 EGYPT: AN EXODUS TO FREEDOM 000... ccececcecceeccesetaeeeeceaecaeeeeeeaecnaeeaeeeeesaecaeeeeesaecaeseneeaeenaeeates 64 Shem Dies at Age 600 in the Year 2156 A.M. ........cccccecccecceeeeceeeeeeeeeaceeaeecaaecaaeesaeceaeeeaeeeaeeeeeeseeeseneeaas 64 Chart of the Number of Years that Jacob Knew his Ancestors.............ccccceeceesesseeeeeseeneeeeeeeeneeeaees 64 The Semitic Route ic.5: cic. citsicetcdece seach lec den cacti sea ible ebecedonbanidantas cacWioea end susebsdcdiunacidevsategsWonnedldasebsdelentactes 64 Israel Settles Down in Egypt in 2236 A.M. .0....cccceccccccececeeceseeeseceeeeeseeeeeeeeeeceaeeeaeeeaaesaaecaeeeaeeeaeenaeees 65 Exponential Hebrew Population Growth 000.0... ececceseecessececeeseeeeceaecaeeeeeeaecaeeeaeeaeenaeeaeeeeeeaeeaeeeneaes 66 The Prophet Moses Born in 2586 A.M... ee ceccesecesecnceseeesececeeseeeeceaecaeeeeeeaecaeeeaesaeenaeeaeeeeeaeeaeeeneease 66 Moses Becomes a Fugitive im 2626 A.M. .........ccccccccceescecsseceseceseceseeeeeeeseeeeeeseneeeaeeeaeeeaeesaaecsaeeeaeeeaeeeaeees 67 Moses’ Disappointment by Prophecy’s Postponement ...........0.... ee eeceeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeaeeeeeeaeseaeseeeeaeees 68 Israel’s 430 Years Sojourn in Egypt... ccs eesecsecseeceseceaeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeseaeeeaeeeaeesaaecsaessaeeeaeeeaeees 71 The Exodus: God’s Liberation of Israel from Egypt in 2666 A.M. ..00..... ees eeceesseesecsseceeeeneeeaeens 72 God’s Retribution at: Midmight 50.05.55 ccic cei siee case etic cusceadecusdecaneastosdacssscadasiecbadocsabcetucsdeesdacdessesesteest tests 73 God Executes Judgment on All the Egyptian gods ...0..........ccccccecceesceeeceeececeaeceaeceaeeeaeeeeeeeeeeeeneteneeees 74 CHAPTER THREE 1. iii siccscssiiseves cineca igloo hana sete a dando lae evel Goren else dee eda law 76 A. SANCTUARY. IN THE. DESERT }.5. 464000 ea ba ae a a eis an we 76 Sinai’s Shaking Prefigures the Heavenly Sanctuary. .............. ccc cccesseesessecsceceeeceaeeeaeeeaeeeseeeeeeeeneeeas 76 The Code of God’s Judgment .0..... ce ceeceseceseceseceseceseeeeeeseeeseaeseaeeeaeecaaecsaecaeceaeseaeeeaeseeeeeeeaseneeeas 77 Idolatry in the Foothills of Mount Sinai in 2666 A.M... ec eeccceceeeeeeeeeeeeeeeaeeeacesaaecsaeceaeeeaeeeaeens 79 The Day of Atonement Prefigured the Judgment Day ...........0.....cccccccceceeeeeeneeeeeeeeeaeeaeeeaeeeeeeaeees 79 The Heavenly Sanctuary Shown to MOSS ...........:ccccccccssseceseceeceseeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeseaeeeaeeeaaecaaecaeeeaeeeaeeeaeees 80 The Day when Moses Smote the Rock ..0.........::cccccscessseeseceseceseceseeeseeeeeeeeeeseneeeaeeeaeeeaeesaaecaeeeaeenaeeeaeees 81 Moses” Last: Message:in 2706 AsMi vice ccev.cccunserssoccectetenecoentdencaechuscnseetesdedatecsteedhseuihaadinsersestensedeleaydiects 82 Moses*:Burtal im: 2706 Asoc cc ccied ace cas vaeetencdiceuas dos onteds ante cha chdonteae dues sis setenheds auth cousedeevacduva saves vusdeaen 83 CHAPTER POURS cncetde teak eet w het heen eee eet a eae eases ae ae weeded eee eee 84 ISRAEL: GOVERNANCE OF THE JUDGES 0.00.0... .cccccccccecccecescesececeseeeeeceaecaeseeceaeeaeeeeeeaesaeeeeesaeenaeeaees 84 Chart of the Chronology of the Judges’ Period .................ccccccecceeeceeeceeececcecaecaeceaeeeaeeeaeeeeeeseneeeneeaes 84 Joshua? Israel’s First. JUV cca cscc idee ccsecieesticeds coseissesidesesyctdesciesiacedecssnascesicessseesansdicesiaesiscobeiieesadeets 84 The Gilgal Passover in 2707 A.M. o0.....ccccceccceeceenceesceececeaeceaeceaecaeceaeeeeeseeeseneeeaeeeaeeeaeesaaecsaeseaeeeaeeeaeees 85 Joshua’s Last Speech in Shechem................:cccccssscssssesecscesoeesseessseeseessnessnessscseecsseesenssseaseeeeseeesseeseeeees 85 Samuel: Israel’s ast. Judge oi iiiciccccicceviccitcckestcessiecsteatscetdacsigestnenssosicassecaseiasesidocsioestusenceadacsescededisessdeats 86 Israel Requests to Have a King in 3116 A.M... cece cececesecee cee eeeeeeeeeeeeeeeaeeeaeeeaeesaaecsaeeeaeeeaeeeaeees 86 Thunderstorm: a Sign of God’s Displeasure oo... cece cee ceseceeeceeeeeeeeeeeeeeaeeeaeeeaeesaaesaessaeeeaeenaeees 87 David: A King After God’s Own Heart .0...... ec eececccssecsseceseceeceeeeeeeeeeeeeneseaeeeaeeeaeesaaecaaecsaeenaeeeaeens 88 Samuel Ends Period of the Judges in 3156 A.M....0......ccccccccceeceeeneeeeceececaaecaecaeceaeeeaeeeaeeeeeeeeeeteneeaas 89 CHA PVER: BDV Bi coceseisde casket cic hedetascecd eee teduaidat degtvecteuin nec sdinacen suse csdeae iatatens tucccehanadt sh etaveemaateees 90 THE ANCIENT WORLD FROM 1400 to 586 B.C. oo... ceeceeeceeeeeeeeeeeeeeaeesaeeeaeesaaecsaeenaeeeaeeeaeee 90 Urn trOGuiCti Onn si, scesivee ceed es cagetvarevsdedresnes vas ase esanse a tencdtstets deen venta becvenebuns eaten pondede aes ea bananas aeevelndetea eva 90 Egypt From the Amarna Age to the End of the Twentieth Dynasty (1400 B.C.-1085 B.C.) ......... 91 The Kingdom of Mitanni (1600 B.C.—1350 B.C.) ..0....c ccc cccccccssccssssecseeeecseeesaeessaeeceeeessaeessaeesenees 101 The Hittite Empire From 1400 B.C.-1200 B.C, oo... ceteceseceaeceeeceseceeeeeeeeseneeeaeeeaeeeaeeenaeeaaes 102 The Rise and Growth of the Sea Peoples (1400 B.C.-1200 B.C.) .........c cc ccccccsscsesseceeeeessseeesseeeeenees 105 Israel Under the Judges (1350—1050 B.C.) ..........cccccssccssssecssecessscesaecseeeecseessaeeseseecseeessaeeessaeesenees 106 Egypt in Decline—Dynasties Twenty-one to Twenty-five (1085—663 B.C.) .........ceccesseeeeeeeeeeee 121 The Assyrian Empire (933—612 B.C.) .........ccccceccceesceeeeeececcecsaecsaeceaecaeceaeeeeeeeeeeseneseneseaeeeaeeeaeesaeeaaes 125 Phoenicia From the Earliest Times to Nebuchadnezzar U0 ooo... ee ceeeceenecnceeeeeeeeeaetaeeeeeeaeens 138 "The Syrian States cic. cseccsntseeivent caseciks haves acaee senda vel aged eda ghebvebidaue seh aad iv sau ane gaa dadevvine lneeuagenventeanebeass 139 The United Kingdom of Israel (1050-931 B.C.)..........cccccccccccsssesssscesssecseneecseeesaeeseaeecseeeessaeeessaeessnees 141 The Kingdom of Judah 931—609 B.C. and of Israel 931—722 B.C...0.....cccccccccsseceseeesseeeesseeeenees 146 Egypt in the Saite Period, Twenty-sixth Dynasty (663-525 B.C.) ..0.....cccceeceeceeeeeeeneeeeeeeeeneeeneeeaaes 160 The Neo-Babylonian Empire From 626 to 586 B.C. oo... ec ececeecceseeneeeeceseeeeeeeeaecsaeeaeeeeeaeeaeeeeeeaeeas 163 The Kingdom of Judah From 609 to 586 B.C... cecceccccceceseceseceseceaeceseeeeeceeeeeeeeeneeeaeeeaeeseeeaeeaaes 165 CHAPTER SEX aissstecitsiecetieet eh aierincted eae en eule Glin eel eieec alas ethene lode ae utente: 170 THE HEBREW CALENDAR IN OLD TESTAMENT TIMES........00..0..0.cccccceccescceeeseeeeeeeeneeeeeeaeens 170 Origin of the Hebrew Calendar ..........0.....ccccccccceceeeceeeeeeeeeeeeeeaeecacecaaeceaeceaeceaeceaeceeeseeeeeaeeeaeeeaeeeaeeaaes 170 The Elements of the Hebrew Calendar .................cccccccccscessecececeseceseceaeceaeceseeeeeseeeseneeeaeeeaeeeaeeeaeeaaes 171 The Religious: Festivals s..:.0jiccssscessccete essence dundckscoes toes od entcdentestevcndondcuschvenavinbsunees atte sineuinedegedhveusteensiante’ 175 Year Reckonings: 2203 csdicuscstensi ate esl scdtee acts ese ee ats ena reas aaa eens 180 New Calendar Problems After the Exile .............0.cccccccccccescecseeceseceseceseceeeceseeeeeeeeeeeneeeaeeeaeeeaeeeaeeaaes 183 Archeology and the Postexilic Calendar ..........0.....cccceecceesceeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeacecacecaaecaeceaeeeaeeeaeeeeeeseneseneeeas 188 Different From Later Rabbinical Calendar ................ccccceccceececeseceseceseceseeeseceeeeeeeeeeneeeaeeeaeeeaeeeaeeaaes 192 CHAPTER SEVEN 65 sic.csicsostieseck ai casvendstntieatacieseala tite fal igs wesn cde dead ete es banbda rau cad verse See etiaeeu aetneemeativoeass 194 BIBLE CHRONOLOGY FROM EXODUS TO EXILE...000..00ccccccecccecceeeceeeeeeeeseeeeeeeseaeeeaeesaeeeaeeaaes 194 The Conquest of Cama ain ss cit.cise.caeceiesvi a tecsccckteas ohachaas cdactdoncd etvenn cantina vdeviansoceinsteed oa tiecacgiaid dlevtageemeeanes 194 The Period Of the Jud 26S ici cicie Bs scecsscsascesssastecvscsancesstdaatesh ev ovaesananave va ssivaedvagavash viasivsosiaeiceottyonceeetes 196 The United Hebrew Monarchy ..................ccccccccesceeceesceesceesceceaecsaecuaeceaecaeceseceaeeseeeseeeeeaeeeaeeseeeaeeaaes 201 Methods and Principles of Reckoming.................ccccceccececeeeceeseecseceaeceaeceaeceseeeeeeseeeeeneeeaeeeaeeeaeeeaeeaaes 204 Relationships of Reigns in Divided Kingdom .................c.ccccccsceeseceseceeceseeeseceeeeeeeeseneeeaeeeaeeeaeeeaeeaaes 214 The Basis for the B.C. Dating of the Kimgs .........0.....ccceccccccssceceseceseceaeceseceseceseeeeeeseneeeaeeeaeeeaeeeaeeaaes 222 The B.C. Dating of the Hebrew Kings....0...0......ccceccccceesceeeeeececeeeceaeceaeceaeceseceeeeeeeseneeeaeeeaeeeaeeeaeeaaes 230 CHAPTER HYG TD secs oe ccecccsnteasngeh netsh ve eas ap und vd suse bing obacdoud sh oe tavanbontv besa de navinhestecvandeaventoaede shdetingenardetes 235 ISRAEE'S MONARCHY 3 cic. coesccahes exch bus vss tues vane tacevacedectcasktcncesae tune tacts distant tasuditea nrascloeiaandl eotaolteedes 235 King David’s Coronation in 3156 A.M... ececeeseescecseecsseceaeceaeceaeceaeceseeeeeeeeeseaeseaeseaeeeaeeeaaeeaas 235 David’s Acknowledgment of God’s Throne... eee cececssecsseceseceaeceseeeseeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeaeeeaeeeaeeeaaeenaes 235 King Solomon’s Coronation in 3196 A.M. oo... ecccsceesceescecscecsaeceaeceaeceaeceseeeeeseeeeeeneseaeseaeeeaeeeaaeeaaes 239 Solomon Dedicates Temple in 3207 A.M. .0........cccecccecceeeceeeeceeeecceceaecsaecaeceaeceaeceeeseneeeaeeeaeesaeeeaeeaaes 239 The Ark of God’s Testament Seen in His Temple... cece eececeseceseceneceseceeeeeeeeeeeeseaeeeaeeeaaeeaaes 239 Solomon’s Spiritual Downfall 00.0... cece cee eseeeeceeeeeeeeecesecaeeeeeesecsaeeaeseeceaecaeeeeesaecaeeeeeeaeenaesaeeeeeeaeeas 240 Israel’s Monarchy in Jeopardy in 3236 A.M. oo... cece ceseesecsseceaeceaeceaeceseeeseeseeeeeneseaeseaeeeaeeeaeeaaes 241 Jeroboam Plunges Israel into Apostasy ...............ccceccceeceeeceeeeeeeeeeeeeeaeeeacecaaecaaecsaecaeeeaeeeaeeeeeeeeneeeeeeaas 242 Worldwide Apostasy Similar to that of Jeroboam................ccccecceseceseceeeceeeceeeeeeeeeeeeeeaeeeaeesaeeeaeeaaes 243 Shemaiah: the Man of God Confirms God’s Judgment... ec ceeceseceseceeeeeeeeeeeeeeaeeeaeeeaeeenaes 243 King Josiah in Prophecy 358 Years before his Birth ..........0...0. cc eccceccceeeceseceeeeeeeeeeeeeeaeeeaeeeeeenaeeaaes 244 The Shocking Scenes in Samaria’s Siege in 3315 A.M. oo... eeeceseceneceneceeeeeeeeeeeeeeneeeaeeeaeeeaaeeaaes 245 Amos Condemns the Symbol of their Star in 3406 A.M... ecccccecececececeeeeeeceeeeeaeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeees 246 Assyria Threatens Israel in the Days of Isaiah in 3504 A.M... ccceccceceeeseceteceeeceeeceeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeees 246 Fifteen more Years for Hezekiah in 3504 A.M... ccceccccccceseceeceseceseceseceseceseeeeeeseneeeaeeeaeesaeeeaeeaaes 247 Isaiah Prophesies From 3458 - 3519 A.M. .0.....ccceccecsceescecsceceaeceaeceaeceaeceaeceseceeeseeeseaeeeaeeeaeesaeeeaeeaaes 248 31 Isaiah Prophesies About the Persian King Cyrus ............0.....ccccescceseceseceseseseeeeeeeeeeeeneeeaeesaeesaeeeaeeaaes 248 Isaiah Prophesies About the Savior of the World .................ccccccccceseceseceeeceeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeaeesaeeeaeeenaeeaaee 249 Prophecy of Josiah’s Reform Fulfilled in 3594 A.M ooo... ce cesceseceseceseceseeeeeeeeeeeeeeseaeeeaeeeaeeeaaeenaes 251 Israel’s Genuine National Reform in 3594 ALM... cecccceeceeesneeeeececeeeeecaeeeeaaeseeaeeeeeeeeaeensaeeeneees 251 The Man of God’s Tomb Honored in 3594 A.M. ......cceccceecceeeseeeeneeeeeeeceeeeeaaeeeeaaeceeeeeeaeeneaaeeneaeeees 252 The Grand Passover Of 3594 A.Mo......cccccceccceeseseseeeeeeeaeeeacecacecaaecaaecsaecaeceaeceseesaeeseeeseneeeaeeeaeesaeeeaeeaaes 253 CHAPTER NINE iyosesscccccse Sided Sk see oa ceavis tnd Widaas de a csaepaaceeiies this tehtdnsede cevussavds dudes caiehtees dled do ecateves tee 254 BABYLON: GOD'S JUDGMENT ROD 0000... ccceesceescecsceeeaeceaecaecaeceaeeeaeeseeeseaeeeaeeeaeesaeeeaeeaaes 254 Jeremiah’s Ministry since King Josiah’s 13th Year in 3589 A.M. oo... eee ceeeceeeceseeeeeeeeeeeeeeeees 254 Jeremiah Risks his Life as he Prophesies.................c cc eccesssceeccesecseeeeeeeceaeeaeeeecaecaeeeeeeaeeaeeeaseaeenaeeates 255 Egypt’s Pharaoh Establishes Jehoiakim as King 00.0.0... cece cess ceneceneceeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeneeeaeeeaeeeaaeeaaes 255 First Babylonian Incursion in 3612 A.M. ou... ecccccececeeceesceesceceaeceaeceaeceaeceseceeeseeeseneeeaeeeaeeeaeeeaeeaaes 257 Jeremiah’s Prophecy of 70 Years for Jerusalem’s Desolation ...............0.ceccecceeceeeeeeneeeneeeneeeneeenaes 257 Prophecy Concerning the Temple Vessels ..............:..c::cccccseceseeceseceseeeseceseceseceeeeseeeeeeeeeaeeeaeeeaeeeaaeeaaes 258 Jeremiah’s Letter to the First Captives in Babylon in 3612 A.M. oo... ee ee eeeeeeeeeereeeneeeneeeaaes 259 Second Babylonian Incursion in 3618 A.M. o.......ccccecccecceeeceencecceceaeceaecaeceaeceseeeeeeeeeeseaeeeaeesaeeeaeeaaes 260 Jeremiah Reveals Jerusalem’s Doom to Zedekiab.............eccccccceseceeeeeeeeaeeeeaeeeeaeeceeeeesaeeeeaaeeeeeees 261 A Prophecy in Zedekiah’s 10 and Nebuchadnezzar’s 18" Year Reign............cscscccscssessesseeseeees 261 Third and Final Incursion of Jerusalem in 3630 A.M. .0....0....ccccceseceseceseceeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeaeeeaeeeaeeeaeeaaes 262 The 70 Years of Desolation Began in 3630 A.M. ........ccccccccccccssecsseceeceseceseceseceeeeseeeeeneeeaeeeaeeeaeeesaeeaaes 262 Ezekiel Confirms 2™ and 3" Babylonian Incursions...............:.sccssssesssessssessesesssesesssesessesesseesecses 263 How the Chronology was Preserved. ................:ccccccccceesceesceeceeaeceaecaeceaeceaeceseseeeeeeeeeeneseaeeeaeesaeeeaaeeaaes 265 The World Empires in Daniel’s Prophecy ................ccccccesceeseescecsceceneceneceseeeaeeeeeeeeeseaeseaeeeaeeenaeeaaes 265 Babylon’s Fall: the Writing on the Walk o.oo... eee csecsseceaeceseceaeeeseeeeeeeeeeeeneseaeseaeeeaeeeaaeenaes 266 Come Out of Babylon My People! ..............0.eccceecceecceeeeeeeeeeceeseecacecaaeceaeceaeceaeceeeseeeseeeseaeseaeesaeeeaeeaaes 267 In the Medo-Persian Empire. 3. sci. cea isk cceacineciv candace tanatest eioevea iano calacsvsaslestvsonesdaedieeenstonveates 267 Daniel in Office Until the First Year of Cyrus, in 3700 A.M. ...00....ecc ee eecceeceseeeeeeeeeeeeeaeeeeeeaeeaaes 268 CHAPTER: TEN cccceicccas ved veeet ee ieedss iceesete asta vag vast teditedaas le ovale cutaneous con tate ds deep heed an dng cael Saeed done 269 THE ANCIENT WORLD FROM 586 TO 400 B.C... cceeecnseeneeeeceseeaeeeeeeaecaeeeeeeaeeaeeaeeeeeeaeeas 269 Vintrod action yeissicccdes ns cceeena cd aGenn cde cag nevi lag ancdu cd oeacbladoodigplassanui la asatecasbaced even vdediaeadedeesaasdi Gonadal deatsenteeanss 269 The Neo-Babylonian Empire From 586 to 539 B.C. ou.....cccccccccceseceseceseceseeeeeeeeeeeeeeseneeeaeeeaeeeaeeeaeeaaes 272 The: Empire:of the: Medes: 220-2 ccsig ase. cst even ciee ates chet eh a ieee id aati. aed eee tees te aede eee 276 The Persian Empire From Cyrus to Darius UD ooo... cece ececeeeeeeeeeeeeceaeeaeeeeeeaecnaeeaeeeeenaeeaeeeeeeaeeas 277 The Jews in: Exile i205. casi eesa cats venss te eciesiesed tne aed eo ah ena iad ast eas 289 The Restoration: of the: JOws sicc.ciscceccsieieccssseeseisceeeceuieceeteneivebveobasunessansvurauvaevvkeseusc¥eeoduasoscadshevensvantvennse 292 The Jews in Egypt During the 5th Century B.C. oc. ccccececeeecese cess eeseceeeeeeeeeeeeeeaeeeaeeeaeeeaaeeaaes 303 CHAPTER ELEVEN ' sicsizcccis cet ecists oorccasee a beveanevaaes et evhans cduakten ot Gv abaecettan vleetan dtessanvedaetanenttan vlestan denies 308 PERSIAN KING CYRUS: GOD'S SHEPHERD ...00...0..cccccccccceeeseeeeseeseeeecaecaeeeeeesecaeeneesaeeeaeeaeeereeaeeas 308 King Cyrus in Isaiah’s: Prophecy :..icccicccscccicesdecetscciccecsscecsescedecesseddanssscosasccseacasesshdeateeed Sostdectiactensoass 308 Biography of Cyrus in the Chronicles of the Kings of Israel .....0...0...0..0ccccceecceeceeceeeeeeeneeeeeeeneeesaes 309 Daniel Confirms Fulfillment of the Prophecy .............0...:cccccccccescceseceseceseeeseeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeaeeeaeeseeeaeeaaes 310 The Desolations of the Samctuary .................cccccccceesceeeceeeceeececeaeceaeceaeceaecaeceseceeeeeeeseeeeeaeeeaeesaeeeaaeeaaes 311 The Laying of the Temple’s Foundation Stone 0.0.0.0... ee cececesecseceeceseceeeeeeeeeeeeeeeseaeeeaeeeaaeeaaes 312 Eo: Restore amd to: Bail ois. cecccn he cseetes ecascesk cance vicnss cede tanatvdh danavensidanevicsivasdeaataee sh ansisebeaaedd veonneonevdanes 314 King Cyrus Knew About the Importance of Chronology ..................:ccccccesceseseeeeeeeeeeeeeeeaeeeeeesaeeaaes 316 Artaxerxes: DOCK OG? sicccerlvececioteresteeslvenss Hevvenehasaeaniotecans ves vee ch sBetumn a teeta became vente batennbanoennaebetnt es 316 Nehemiah Travels to Jerusalem. ...............cccccccccceceeceeeseeeceececaeceaeceaeceaeceaeceseceeeseeeseaeeeaeeeaeeeaeeeaeeaaes 317 Artaxerxes Annuls His Own Decree ...............ccccceccsessceseeeeeeseeeeeeeeeeeeeaeeeacecaaecaaecsaecsaeeeaeseaeeeeeeeeeeeeaeeaas 318 CHAPTER TWELVE ccsesccoctvcvtecteseeas tees aee cs Reset oasrtend beseatera reece hotuas ar teeate banat cin wens Raden eee ae tates 320 ISRAEL: OUT OF BABYLON ..0.00.....cccccccsssssscssesssessessecssesscsseceneanessecssessessessaesasesuesaecaeeateseesenseneseeseatens 320 Haggai Prophesies on Behalf of the Temple in 3745 A.M. ..........cccceccceeceeeceeeeeeeeeeeeeeaeeeaeeeaeeeaeeaaes 320 God Commands the Rest of His People to Leave Babylon in 3745 A.M. ..........cceccceeeeceeseeeseeteeee 321 Prophecy of the Candlestick Prefigures 49 Years .............cccccccceccceseceseceeeceeeeeeeeeeeeseneeeaeeeaeeeaeeeaeeaaes 321 Jubilee: a Symbol of Judgment... ec ceecceecceseceeeceeeeeeeeeeeeeeaeesaeeeacecaaecsaecsaeceaeeeaeeeeeeeeeseeeseeeeeas 322 Isaiah, Jeremiah, Ezekiel and Nehemiah Against Corruption ..........0...0....:ccccecceeceeeeeeneeeneeeseeeeaes 323 Second Jewish Temple Finished in 3749 A.M. o00.....cccccccccceesceeseecececeaeceaeceaeceeeeeeeseneeeeeeeaeesaeeeaaeeaaes 324 CHAPTER: THIRTEEN? occ¢es tei si. sch ss eahe ceed cet eas lean elabata thd otaate Saidend va ha shat hei danta antag eerie belated 326 CHRONOLOGY OF THE EXILE AND RESTORATION ..0...0...ccccccccecesseescceeeseeeesesesaeeeseeaeeneeenenaes 326 Vint OG UGE OND sisi sg detec de conned haan dedan iaesi de paacagiesen chda dean sdeiansaned ip lenetben saa aed ue aavaotiadeddevaedhe naa Genlvaeeeaeee 326 Chronological Background of the Period Established .............0.....ccccccccescceseceeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeaeesaeeeaeeaaes 327 Beginning of the Captivity Under Nebuchadnezzar .................0cccecccescceesceeeceeeeeeeeeeneeeaeeeaeeeaeeeaeeaaee 331 The Chronology of Jeremiah and Ezekiel ............0...0cccccccccsccssseceeeceseeeseceeeceeeeeeeeseeeeeeeeeaeeeaeesaeeeaeeaaes 334 Captivity Ends in the Reign of Cyrts.............c.cccceeccecceeeeeeeceeecesacecaaeceaeceaeceaeceaeeeeeeseeeeeeeeeaeesaeeeaeeaaes 336 The Period of the Rebuilding of the Tempple................00. cc ccccccceeeeceseceseceseceseeeeeeeeeeeeneeeaeeeaeeseeeaeeaae 340 The Chronology of Esther, in the Reign of Xerxes .............:cccccesceseceseceeeceeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeaeeeaeeeaeeeaeeaaes 343 Dating the Journeys of Ezra and Nehemiah ..................ccccccccccsceceseceeceseceseceeeceeeeeeeeeeneeeaeeeaeeeaeesaeeaaes 343 The Elephantine Papyri and the Jewish Calendar. ..............0..cccccccesceseceseeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeneeeaeeeaeeeaeeesaeeaaes 346 Tables of Elephantine Jewish Calendar, 472/471 Through 400/399 B.C. .........cccccccccccssseesseeeenees 351 CHAPTER [FOURTEEN isciecsteciss ccscne vet oases ahd das hac baiea dutenan od oe hva abt tan elated iastved Gade caintae deglage deeonete 355 THE CHRONOLOGY OF THE OLD TESTAMENT PROPHETS ...00...0...cccccccceeceeeeeteeeeeeeneeeaaes 355 Min tr OL UNC tH OM see seisees ose ciigs fe Sa aaa ss aan ava ais ds Lesa das ea dae ag es sas vee dadash ba da aeavod cadets aeaseesd dads be Macaeeesades 355 VS AAD ss st encdcs eects Atak tetsaav teins tented a et obit dian eaten dae etin dalah tensed GG ata dain arenes 355 JOREMIAN :, .52oe FR elece le eslecisdecvte oases RM edanvlen dant vcantutedesesvoeevedsavess aitsicsesianelveentontaaneetia vduseeesvisacevsesaveonteeeys 357 Be Zeke iso o5 gecet ck ecshcce tient cad legal aude evn cole daacode sexed bin poh ded su ecdentacnkudes sacecivdal cas Winnackdsstaavds@eeaeelieselsaeivennes 357 Diamnie i pcoscictecvascesuet icteovaasivstevakeireseas vie lve aa Raden saves ala deere ala Tahoe tans Gente ease ae stator tan eee 358 THOSC 2 sos icc be sienee sh sitcces cagave vo ents cv thaadancsh sonecets sansa va cesevestaneea dh cveceessandeva yh evaeeedvaaseeih ssateeslueaavees soatevevtides 358 SMOG Tassie ek aete ek eaS cect beatenasn ata nel veel can hdvesl coestnearen Ghia ahd aw bleak Capster ened cael as baa te theeaditas ed etalceeleadast 358 AMOS sees ccevciebevanevclae distossaa Ga ctestuananseha etna Setue aativ iva eo vuse alae Tech ateaanee ate dara ate area 359 COB aa ea ain se eek cane ncie Sone econ cent oh 8425 au neds vhs tue band due on ch eh naan on Sa gud tad edu ehadvan SesaVentoaheds shteatndehanbeee’ 360 aD OWMAD sc 2 sows c eden va cats ovsee teak vais ch loving a vaca abv cesal iva caeaen chev snes si ee tedoesandevhate udev inde cook abu caesivlevactactevnvareee ae 360 MHI CAD, foes ateteseateeivavcctevescbenreuteveren ce talea tach Rete tule ca aaea aes alent Ge aan salve easels Detvetealn ane ete 360 IN MPU 5s nceccctch esa svete ceased ean hen cata sat eaten uate vd date nbndod ankaue dh ceaideod onteee ante eisl ea ntadeshoeevansetueds seteeausReweiees 361 Habakkuk eciisecnccctsstescc tec eaectseevee ste aktectesel oui eat esersevtons adits seves teens di teeteeadh eased 361 Leppbaariial isc otsgiceegeheeeeal ative aaa dd eased eel ca avd a eee ee 361 PU RS ai 3.3555 ies as aa Res ea av od A vas Taneed foci onda she a ded aes ed Tao ae so dae eat hte 362 FC CWAN TAN G2. 5654 secs cases Sects hc ee gies ta UGA hats asta ede sw Saabs tbe ata Cant tv ea Sa tbat ead daa, Castes daca en eohetates 362 Mallvehaisoicscietictsacceea eleeel alive aad aed Ge eel ad eee ee 362 CHAPTER EIR TEEN». 525 ieaes issn ha todo ie Mea as Sashes tah does tees ses edie Matava eee tae es 363 THE ROLE OF ISRAEL IN OLD TESTAMENT PROPHECY . 0000. ..cccccecceeceeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeneeeaeeaaes 363 Dn tPOGUCtI OM 5.355 5ietea chee cance cs Penieien hens eth acta tan esonk oan lees tarade dia deevea haat Ar avdacavaaslesb tones dashes ovens 363 Israel.as:God’s Chosen: People «iis, ceciis ss ccteseentideaidetested aia setenaaad hag etisie ade eee uiaalieecns aes 364 The Ideal: How the Plan Was to Operate ...............:ccccceececsceeeceeeseeeseeeaeceaeceaeceeeeeeeeseneeeaeeeaeeeeeeaeeaaee 365 Israel’s Failure to Carry Out God’s Pham ooo... cece cee csecseeceaeceaeceaeceseeeeeeeeeeseneseaeseaeeeaeeeaeeaaes 368 Whi Israel Failed oic.ccceciscciseisanscntancnevidesuncdecoeacededeuiagiassanudlasacatecaseaced evens sdedneadedeesaasdi Gonadal dentsenienanes 370 The Nature and Purpose of Conditional Prophecy ....................ccccescessceseeeeeeeeeeeeeeeneeeneeeaeesaeeeaeeaaes 371 Spiritual Israel Replaces Literal Israel] ......... eee eee eccesecsceeeeesecceeeeeeceaecaeeeeeeaecaeeeeeeaeenaeeaeeeeeeaeeas 372 Conclusion: Principles of Interpretation 0.0.0.0... cece eseeeeeeeececeeeeeeecaeeaeeeeeeaecaeeeeeeaeenaeeaeeeeesaeeas 374 CHAPTER 'SIXTEEN iih.teciteatstteiaTh cect tier ead ae sae end eee eed aed ood 377 THE TIME PERIOD BETWEEN THE TESTAMENTS .....0. ccc cceccceecceeeceeeceeeeeeeeeeeeeeaeeeaeesaeeeaeeaaes 377 Man Gr OG UNC th OU 2s sdeee cece eS aa tige a aae a sacs vcd casas oka Secreta ee pes dns vee dash bs dua uaa cues Gaudés sada hsoeeddeah de ebnabeeseacd 377 The Jews Under the Persians During the 4th Century .......0...0..ccccecccceceeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeaeeeaeeeaeeeaeeaaes 377 Rise of the Greeks and Macedonians .....0...........c:cccccecsceeseeeceeececaeceaeceaeceaeceseceseeeeneseaeeeaeeeaeeseeeaeeaaes 379 Alexander’s Successors and the Dissolution of His Kingdom... ccceeeceseeseceeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeees 381 The Hellenestic Kin@doms 2. :s0..2.c0ie. ctsciescsccksene cdevhga cgexsaan sa suenscekteve vdeuianvaceinstued cv ieencebaiae dleviageedeeanets 382 Palestine Under Hellenistic Rule ........0......cccccccccececeeeceeceeeceeeaecaeceaeceaeceaeceseceeeeeeeseeeseaeeeaeeseeeaeeaaes 384 The Rise of Rome to Dominance. .........0...0.....cccccceceesceeceeecetececeaeceaeceaecaeceaeceseceaeeeeneseneeeaeeeaeeseeenaeeaaes 386 Antiochus Epiphanes and the Jews .............::ccccccesceseceeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeaeesaeecaaecaaeceaecaeeeaeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeaeeees 387 The Maccabean Struggle for Independence ...................ccccceccceseceseceseceseceseeeseeeeeeeneeeneeeaeeeaeesaeeeaeeaaes 390 From Priest State to Kimgdom ....0...0...0...ccccccceccceceeeeceeeceeeceeaceceaeceaeceaeceaeceaeceeeeeaeeseeeseeeseaeesaeeeaeeeaeeaaes 392 Decline of the Hasmonaean Power .................c:ccccccesceesceesceeececsaeceaecuaeceaeceaeceseceeeeeeeeseneseaeeeaeesaeeeaeeaaes 393 Rome to the End of the Republic oo... ccc esecneeseeeeececeeaeeeeceaecaeeeeeeaecaeeeeeeaesaaeeaeseeenaeeaeeeeeaeeas 394 The End of Hasmonaean Independencce...................:.ccccceceeseeececsecesecaeceaeceeeceeeeeeeseneeeaeeeaeeeaeeeaeeaaes 396 The-Reign: of Herod. the: Great coi. sviciiceci descaseieasenciatesuntees wertishevans enveensincaaten aes va edateen tact eeentbetiatetes 399 CHAPTER SEVENTEEN 05 .22ssccssccencesvceenseess ey und vig suse bing obacdoutch ct tavantontvdesadsnavdedestecvandesaventoasede shdeaingen anaes 402 THE: MESSIAH’S GENEALOGY iio si cites cess teed cans ccovac ose cavaeadca cose donk vaned svkesastrssuedes asaeloekaaneledonisoliveanes 402 Priest Zacharias Turned Mute by God im 4152 A.M. 0... cccccceccceeeceseceeceeceeeeeeeeeeeeeeaeeeaeeeeeesaeeaaes 402 John the Baptist: a Nazarite from Birth .00..00...00. cece eee cceeeeeeeeeeeeeeeacecaaecaaeceaeceaeceaeeeaeeseeeeeeeeeneeaas 402 The Savior’s Conception in 4152 A.M. (4 B.C.) ooo eecccceeeeeeeeeeeaaeeeeeeeceeeeeeaaeeeeaaeseeeeeeaeeeeaaeeeeaeeees 403 Three Months Away from Home ..................ccccccccceeeceesceescecececeaeceaeceaeceaecaeceaeceeeeseeeseaeeeaeesaeeeeesaeeaaes 404 Birth of John the Baptist im 4152 ALM. ooo... cece cece ceeesceeeceeeecaeceaeceaeceaeeeseceeeseeeseeeeeaeeeaeeeaeeeaaeeaaes 404 Dreams: One of God’s Means of Communication ......0...0... cc cecceseceseceseceeeceeeeeeeeeeeeeeaeeeaeeeaeeeaaeeaaes 405 Satan Could not Discern God’s Plas ..............cccceecceeseeeeeeeeeeeececececeaeceaeceaeceaeceaeceeeseeeseeeeeaeeeeesaeeaaes 406 Joseph Urged to Remain Married to Mary in 4152 A.M. ooo. eeeeeseeseeeecesecaeeeeeeaeeaeeeeeeaeenaeeaees 406 Birth of Jesus the Messiah in the Year 4153 A.M. (3 B.C.) ........ccccccccccscccesssececeeseeeceesaeeeessaeeeeesaaes 407 Wise Men’s Guidance Through a Dream ..0.......... ec eecceccesceessecsseceseceaeceaeceseeeeeeeeeeseeeseaeseaeeeaeeeaeeaaes 407 A Dream to Flee into Egypt.............ccccccccccccescceseceseeeseceseeeseeseeeeeeeeeaeeeacecaeecaaecsaecsaecaeeeaeeeeeeeeeeeeeeseneeaas 408 The Lord. Jesus? Gemealo ay’: iisic.ccces cessseasceag cesucensadedanesncesehavierasues cseendeteadecavecpacieaieaaiis cesdhteniaediaveias 410 The Inheritance of the Son of God 00.0.0... cccccceccccceceeneeececececaaeceaeceaeceaeceaeceseceseeseeeseneeeaeeeaeeeaeeeaeeaaes 413 CHAPTER EIGHTEEN icctecfstiiks ede hed eae aad eae dee den aed bec 416 JOHN THE BAPTIST’S: MISSION .. a cccsccvsesciveevscsdesps cde tacts eadlevivacstiensdaaada de aes devaaestieasthivenes 416 Two Cousin Priestsi.cc.cccscicsedicatccsecects tubs casaaneselsculaveliceuens ilu chvaia cue Lately sau castes beta cbveotuaseee dade em eatveedes 416 Jesus’ Priestly Ministry Begins in 4183 A.M. at Age 30 oo... cee ceecsecsaeceeeeaeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeens 417 Behold the Lamb Of God ise. cice.cacoiseceianke cesses bavnuehgecsavn dca aeke cant tual edhans otetnstedd oaths dacabarte cd @lageemeanees 418 All Eyes Focused on our Lord JeSus.........0......cccccescceseceseeeeeeeeeeeeceeeaeecacecacecaaecaaecsaecaeeeaeeeaeeeeeeeeneeeeeeaas 419 The Baptist: “I must Decrease that He may Increase” oo... ee eeceeeceseceeeceeeeeeeeeeeeeeaeeeaeeeaaeeaaes 421 Execution of John the Baptist in 4183 A.M. uo... ccc cccecececececeseceseceaeceaeceeeceseeeeeeseneeeaeeeaeeeaeeeaeeaas 422 Jesus Preaches of Judgment Day in 4187 A.M.: “As the Days of Noah” ....0... cee eeeeeeeereeeeees 422 Jesus Preaches About the End of the World 0.0.0... ccceeceesecseeeeeeeececeeseeeeeaecaeeeeeeaesaeeeeseaeenaeeaees 422 The Messiah: A Blessing for All Nations ..0..........0.ccceccccceesceeeeeceeeceaeeeaeceaeceseceeeeeeeeseaeeeaeesaeesaeeeaeeaaes 423 God’s Children of the Promise .0...........0.ccccceccceceeeeeeeeeeeaceceeeeecaeeeeaaeceeaeecnaeeeeaaeeeeaaeseeeeeaeeeeaaeeeeaeeee 423 CHAPTER. NINETEEN isss.accdesiccetienschfeetancecdeeencilia sok caotiooa chdentannacdes eanedcnsehnetvnaacbdasassecditcacdlessatedeidonaes 425 FULFILMENT OF DANITEL’S PROPHECY ..00......cccccccccccccececseeceseceaeceseceaeceseeeeeeseneseeeeeaeesaeesaeeeaeeaaes 425 2300 Years Until Judgment... ee ee cece cceeeeceeeeeeaeeeacecaaecaaecsaeceaecaeceaeeeseeeaeeseeeseneseaeeeaeeseeeaeeaaes 425 End of 70 Years Jerusalem Desolation Landmark for 2300 Year Prophecy........0..0....eeeeeeee 425 The 2300 Years Prophecy Reaches Year 6000 A.M..u.......ccccccecscceseceseceeceeeceeeeeeeeeeneeeaeeeaeeeaeeenaeeaaes 426 Isaiah’s Prophecy of Jesus’ Birth Fulfilled in 4153 A.M. (3 B.C.)..... eee eeceeeeeeeeeeeneeeneeeneeenaes 427 Daniel’s Prophecy of Messiah Prince Fulfilled in 4183 A.M. (27 A.D.) o....eeeeceeeeseeseeeneeeneeeaees 427 What was the Year 456. B.C2? access cicceccccanceek este seu ccausseaaienrenedauses ane uvtes caauedenbacevvabeuaseusadenivenseanieoenes 428 Prophecy of the Lord Jesus’s Sacrifice Fulfilled in 4187 A.M. (31 A.D.) ..0... cc ceeeeeeeeesteeeeseeeeeeees 429 Gospel to Gentiles Year 4190 A.M. (34 A.D.) .....ceecceccceecceecceesceececaecaeceaeceaeceaeeeeeeeeeeeaeeeaeeeaeeeaeeaaes 429 CHAPTER: TWENTY aiciccessncsicesescenevendssheiescuanee dav vel ceaebedigdereeoedoupi shaban sas eaves dadevvaaelavev ddeneeneanteoees 433 BATTLES AGAINST THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH ..00...00cccccccecceeecceseceeeceeeeeeeeseeeseeeseaeeeaeeseeeaeeaaes 433 Judeo-Christian ROOtS2.ci320.5.066sscererivteCeatd ak alin oat d oleh adie ea daas eats cacti aust dastiayeeaa aeons 433 The Rock Upon Which the Church Stands ..00........0..ccecccccccessecseceseeeseceaeceeeeeeeseeeeeeeseaeeeaeeeaeeeaeeaaes 434 The Mystery of Iniquity Unmasked ...0.......0.....ccccccceccceesceeeceeeecaeceaecaeceaeceseceeeseneseneeeaeeeaeesaeeeaeeaaes 435 The Medieval: Church ‘State 3. 22.5.5.5.05..ssccveacsuag ewsaseecuenasececdnntontwons cans cert talaviace decee hse dieas (ana cdedh Seonetedasenty’ 436 Jewish Heritage Upholds Jesus as the Chief Cornerstone ..................:cccccccssccessseceececsseeessseessseeesees 437 Heinous Crimes Against Humanity ........0..... ccc cccccceceeesceeececaecaecaeceaeceaeceeeeeeeeeeeseaeeeaeeeaeeseeeaeeaaes 438 Heresies of ai New. Empire: ce.:.05. 3.5.05. iisesvenesuce esses cu stededeconnuentvionn cass cen atseindedeceadhse tees asa cde dh tesnttedadentys 439 A Pretense to Umfallibility:...cccc.ccccsccs ees cscoteendcgncavenavanscuneds case niochinedeqeshvedstsohacandsentd thectdneduneduvasaconesaetes 440 Impious Tradition Supplants Jesus as Savior 0.0... cece eceeeseeeeceeceeeecesecaeeeeeesecsaeeaeeeeeaeeaeeeeeeaeeas 441 Battle Against the Heavenly Sanctuary ..............:ccccccccccccceesceeeseceseceaeceaeceaeceseceeeeeneeeeeeeaeeeaeesaeeeaeeaaes 442 On the:Seat of the Dragon iss. cssccsntisivnticenceeka cite sancgeuesek te cheeks ote ve la aetu races vee senscVeaotuabovsnedieveneentvonass 444 The Mystery of Iniquity Exerts Power for 1260 Years............0...cccccceccceeceeeceeeeeeeeeeeeeeaeeeaeesaeetaeeaaes 444 CHAPTER TWENTY-ONE 20 iscscsecasev et os buwci uns des hah ac dutsoas Aavtaions cette wlextavaeteinseved aad catnite slewtage muanays 446 WHO TRAMPLED UPON GOD’S CHRONOLOGY .000...cceccccccceccceseceeceseeeeeeeeeeeeeeseneseaeeeaeesaeeeaaeeaaes 446 The Calendar in the Time of Noali..............cccccccccceeeeeeceeececeaeceaecaeceaeceaeceseceeeseeeseaeeeaeeeaeeseeeaeeaaes 446 The: Year Has: Twelve: Months ir: eciccistec sass cchscisstecteseccunttan diecasdceetntee slewtaas caeanaseeien Wiashectatte stasis teuhiees 447 A Time fora Yar ..oslcislevh le eductasioncechsiasecvsesivsesved tae vi tsacdeasau lve ent on Weaneetes vans eves vtaacevaesuseontaaees 448 A Day for a Year: 1260 Years of the Dark Ages 0.0.0.0... cccccccceceeeeceeececceceaecaeceaeeeaeeeaeeeeeeeeneteneeees 449 3:4 Days Stand. for 1260 Year: eves cic iiesis deveascisazexslodesesceesivnstechevens enters vaca seen aes viedateen aes eutnbetiaaete 450 Time, Times and Half a Time is 1260 Years................cccccccccccssccsssscesssecseseecsneessaeeseseecsseeessaeesssaeesenees 450 42 Months Equivalent to 1260 Years..............cccccceccececeesceeececeeecaeceaeceaeceaeceseceaeeeeeeseaeeeaeeeaeesaeeeaeeaaes 451 The Prophetic Days Taken After True Biblical Calendar .........0...0...0cccceccceeseeceeeeeeeeeeaeeeteeeteeeaaes 451 1260 Years of Medieval Darkness................ccccccceeeceeeceeececeseceseceaeceeeceseeeeeeeeneeeaeeeaeesaaesaaecsaeenaeeeaeeeaeee 453 The Word of God Banned for 1260 years .............:ccccecceecceseceeeeceseceseceaeceaeceseceeeeeeeeseneseaeeeaeeeaeeeaaeeaaes 453 The Inquisition and Galileo Galiled ....0.......00 ccc ccc ccceeeceeececececaeceaecaeceaeceeeceseeseeeseneeeaeeeaeesaeeeaeesaes 453 Poin USS i. 2 2 aches eo teac detains cae sdch eases ead gate bes ot ante duceastansode Reine atelen snureds biavastecustesedhetudet needs 454 The Martyr Jerome) isc osicstscevec etek acktcscesec tank tvcad cdevscodons sacatescvscedurbaue ca seovecedecssaseles oyiaetevacasse vtec aes 455 John Wycliffe -...: cece heel aoe alan avs adda hie dade cane elidel ee eae 455 Waillicim: Tyndall es acs ccs oees ees os cia eased os Uhc dace eh sho sas be laos toes asa te La ao beaten deci ktbet tes 455 Who Changed the Reading of World Chronology? ...............c:ccccccescceseceeeeseeeeeeeeeeeeneeeaeeeaeesaeeeaeeaaes 456 Medieval Chronology: isicsnicciciccsccsecets chee vaccccuesendaetives cegesbebagvervenutuen seh aebuvcau caaeedendalevveneluseucagenivenseanteuenes 457 What was the Purpose in Changing God’s Chronology? ...............:ccecccessceeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeaeeseeeaeeaaes 457 The Truth About the Passover and Easter .............0.cccccccccssceesseceeceseceseceseceseceeeseneeeneeeaeeeaeeeaeeeaeeaaes 458 The Shortening of the Calendar in 1582 0.0.0.0... ceccecccccececeeeeeceeeceseceaeceaeceseceeeeseeeeeeeeeaeeeaeeeaeeeaeeaaes 459 CHAPTER TWENTY-TWO) iississcscesisnevedladencsvcesvachdadssuceniaaoased la sensducnseacededbaacentvnaaeddeseasduceuaadedsdenasentenatse 461 CHRONOLOGY OF THE JUDGMENT: 1844 AND BEYOND 1... oceccecceeceeeeeeeeteeeteaeeeaeeteeeaaes 461 Chart of the World Chronology until Judgment Time. .........00..00 cece cee ceeeeeeeeeeeeeeaeeeaeeeneeeaaes 461 God’s Heavenly Sanctuary Judgment ...00..... eee ee eee ee eeeeeeeecaeecaaecsaeceaeceaeceaeeceeeeeeeeeeseaeeeaeeeaaeeaaes 464 Daniel’s Vision Reaches Time of the End in Year 6000 A.M. (1844 A.D.) 0... eeeeeeeeeereeeeeees 466 The Church’s Great Disappointment in the Year 6000 A.M. oe ee ceeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeaeeeeeeaaes 467 37 The Parable of the Ten Virgins and the Talent ............0...ccccccecceseceseceseceseeeeeeeeeeeeneeeaeesaeeeaeeeaaeeaaes 469 The Earth is Not the Sanctuary of Daniel 8214 000.0... cece ceccceseceeceeeceseceeeseneseeeeeneesaeeeaeeeaaeeaaes 470 Explaining the Disappointment ..0.......0...0.. ccc cece ceceeeeeeececececeaeceaeceaeceaecaecaeceeeeeeneeeneeeaeeeaeeeaeeeaeeaaes 471 The. Midnight ry Vision jos: css si sceveyscadeasccic coda oinczersaiacespesdnsvaceddarsdncuavyaacves iaieisvsduhsseeddedsdectbnarevsetie 472 A -Mistaké-in the Chart: sc:.stscis:.ceecceetexciens cotstanstechaneetetievd aiaca ceetiaeolealan emia abies elaine lealant deacons 473 The Significance of the Date 456 B.C. o.......ccecccccccccececeeeceeeceesaeceaecaeceaeceaeceseeeeeeeeeeseneeeaeeeaeeeaeeenaeeaaes 474 A 6179 Year Old Conspiracy Against God ..0...0....cecceecceccceeeeeeeeeeeeeaeeeacecacecaaeceaecaeeeaeseaeeeeeeseneteneeaas 475 SECTION TWO: HISTORY, SCIENCE AND THE ORIGIN OF LIBE ...00...00ccecceccesseeeteesteteees 478 CHAPTER TWENTY-THREE i. c5sfciscecescsuscesscuscevenesascoscasase ds aenceaiaiaecstesisecdveavine st avsissoriasalceentvoncteates 479 THE. ORIGIN OF LUBE oieiccibsisal cacti viechlasssackeiisesceblasoksgeh seesidenteantedusancedivdebcdesianacdsssaasbccbscadedivsntedeivenase 479 In trOGuicti On sss ee.ve. gi ctescnosiverevekeveseeseislveeci Ratan aaaeneda ence nive hecane Gents eeaseae astateen tan ues 479 The Evidence: Scale: Fallacy e.2sicie2iisccekecsccd casees vicnsecesstanavech danevenradane vs ceivae dees raves sinsicebeagadl ce onneonevdenes 481 Mutations: Are they Degenerative or Regenerative? ...............ccccecceseceseceseceeeeeeeeeeeeeeaeeeaeeeaeeeaaeeaaes 483 Genetic Entropy: i.v:.2.secerdertcietanecesiet ca desea elves onion aaa eae a tater eee 486 Paleoanthropolo gy isch. cccccliccsankcncceecsaaiteush ep eadteds atte sanded onkadedh ceaideodontebe nth bial odantadesh obeivendedheds saoeeansedakttes 487 COTO EL CS sas Sees deb cecal edch alc en cs oli Gosh ab dams ava san cease Seco ee ev nena de a saga be dee ess eae seta leet 492 CHAPTER TWENTY-FOUR 4 scisocsevise ch desea ieiveacivteneteiet hates gv ra evan de dateenteln eee est 500 RADIOMETRIC. DATING vec cnccisesceccececisesatessaddcis cosh boetodentsen sash tadardentodacatebaudaderkedeaasesibentaaeds sateatndehardeees 500 Vint OCU CEA O10 sie. s occas sah vo vc evans od oh vasa osc dead sacl naires ce deeded eva due deed dptandac abs dalaeiiaedeenta dee 500 An overview of Radiometric Dating 0.0.0... ec eseeecesecseeeeeesecaeeeeeeseceaeeaeeseenaesaeeeeeeaecaeeeeseaeenaeeaees 501 The Age:of thé Earth :33)..0450 Mas ie iets ict nin ost ee bn ae oats ahs 502 Brand New Rocks Give Old “Ages” ...0.........cecccecseeseeseeescecseecscecsaeceaecsaeceaeceseseeseeeeeeneseaeseaeeeaeeeaaeenaes 506 “Young”: Kossils:in- Old’? Mud iscsi ieee te ieneneketececeeuead ins ee thd ens iaa theres evened ib chad lee aesiea eaten 507 CHAPTER TWENTY-BIV E ics cies oils Hie igs ike disestigead ethavees toes estate biausisd Mala ated Gntaen ates 509 DINOSAURS 3 os. cfhtitee Aisne ai ts ied Asda al ee et Cada ve ea ee Gad i ae 509 Introduction sey. 63 sfelesheti tases es Poeveasded cashed canes ales aslo aie eine avd naiele ds andes aeons iaveates 509 When Did Dinosaurs Live? iici::csssicccisesecccsee son chssissacdede siasiachasbanvenstuckdevenacaedansadeceessaedce sanded dentsentageals 509 LV Ppes:Of Din OSAUrs ose ei scec neces es ieed ess cp eoe vee tieaa aes on va desided ede deeosliuae wotiees var ache nde da eea dade wien and cde dh Se itbed eae ntie 509 Dinosaurs and: the Bible sisi. fseveecdet iad scetasesevh calec ss taestvd wade cde raandi es aia easiedh atbacsecaaedighensvoniveates 510 Behemoth in the Bible ..........0.....cccceccceccceseceseeeeeeeeeeeeseeeaeeeacecaaecaaecsaeceaeceaecaeceeeceaeeseeeseneseaeeeaeeeeeeaeeaaes 510 Leviathan int the Bille ici c.ccce.cece tas sococuveeaveae guns ounce ae cig ededevostneh av etevans ceard vathviacesseea vase vieen gas cee sate aiebedaaents 510 Humans & Dinosaurs Together? 02.00.00... eccseecessecneeeeeeeececeeaeeeeceaecaeeeeceaecaeeeeeeaesaaeeaeeeeesaeeaeeeeaeeas 510 38 Soft Tissue Found in Dinosaurs ..0..............ccccccccccccccccccscscssscssssscsssesssesescseseseseseseseseseseseseseseseseseseeeeeees 511 Dinosaurs:on:Noali’s: Ark? 22sec fetaceccetesestt vacsteaeees ier aii eeeadtetias divs ieee vitae ease 511 Were Dinosaurs Dragons? 2 :icc.cccicccscccieccscaeesekscetaveutacuntensiuchvesbaeunes \anstvrau cae tvsesees sbveoduasoseaedhivensvantveetes 512 Are Birds Evolved Dinosaurs? .........0....:ccccccscceseceseeeseeeseeeseeeeeeeeeeeeaeesaeesacecaaecaaecsaecaeeeaeseaeeeeeeeeeeeeneeeas 512 Dinosaur Movies, te ssce.cccseestictesiaeints Gas edaae clans eetin daw nctin eave ate aati dane eeanee 513 What Happened to the Dinosaurs? oo... ec eecesecneeeeeeeeceeeeseeeecaecaeeeeeaecaeeeeeeaecaaeeaeeeeenaeeaeeeeeeaeeas 513 Conclusion: Dinosaurs as “Missionary Lizards” .00......... eee esesssecsseceneceeceseeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeaeeeaeeeeeeaaes 513 CHAPTER TWENTY-SIX caiscciss zcccsits ts i nteibs eats nations davies eat tae vlan ccensive a Gad atnits dlewtage denne 514 NOAH'S FLOOD AND CATASTROPHIC PLATE TECTONICS 00.0.0 occceccccceeeeeeeeneeeeeeeneeesaeeaaes 514 What Is Plate Tectonics? ...:i..:ccccecciccieesiccaciesen cells sodsdeiieaneleeeteonneiusenciduvnohvdedvacncgdsevanseccUseacuddesntedeivennes 514 History of Plate: TectOmics: sce. cccciecces.iveeci deseas sivas ensiodesenices went shecens oeravecayacvaseea aes wiebateen tues wuttbetia eet 515 Slow-and-Gradual or Catastrophic? ......0...0..c.ccccceeccceseeeeeeeeeeacececeeaaeceaeceaeceaeceeeeeaeeseeeseaeeeaeesaeesaeeaaes 516 Is Catastrophic Plate Tectonics Biblical? 0.0.0.0... ccc cecccccsecececeeeceseceseceseceseeeeeeeeeeeeeeeaeeeaeeeaeeeaaeeaaes 519 CONCIUSION: 5.002500 :50e A ccenactereuatetenes ete inen ea chaavet av eae bern eed deta onan eoraenae alaten ieee ent 519 CHAPTER "TWENTY -SEVEN | asccsccssceshisestesuodsviccusessncodardoutsncttavartohtvdesadhnavacheateduandesaventoaseagshdeatingehardetes 520 THE FLOOD, THE DARK AGES AND THE ROOTS OF EVOLUTION ......0.0.0cccecceeceeseeeeeeeeee 520 Introduction y3se5c.s2. ad esinaetverevatetaseeteelveetn dadaa ies acta eaten want Aeoas aerate eeaatenae detente 520 WUE FOO esse oecdick esa hence cae eaih canta chek eases bath ate nbn aod ana dlah Cea go dott Rogntevash od ntadean oe eageb cleat ete eons Dentiees 521 The Dark Ages and the Roots of Evolution ...0........0..cccecceccecececeeceseceseceeeeeseceeeeseneseeeeeaeeeaeesaeeeaeeaaes 522 EPILOGUE oe sicctiii eres hve ela sade dda cet edad devel ad de aed en 527 BIBLIOGRAPHY siccis assed eiecas esis ces hada ob etal desc toas cg Aas Pook toes ed kta akesattuea Sesh dvs dua adh kata dive ideas oak daa eae tas 529 39 SECTION ONE: HISTORY AND BIBLE CHRONOLOGY 40 CHAPTER ONE ADAM, FATHER OF ALL RACES Introduction From the beginning of time, God appointed a perfect chronology in order that His will may be done on earth. Therefore, the Word of God, through genealogies, chronologies and prophecies, will guide you through the different periods of earth and enlighten your mind with “the key of knowledge” (Luke 11:52). God’s knowledge has been promised to all who diligently search for truth and look forward to attain wisdom. Therefore, “...Unto you it is given to know the mysteries of the kingdom of God...” (Luke 8:10). History, Science and the Bible, is a thorough research that covers the chronology of the world since the day when Adam was created until our present time. This book will confirm that God is in control of world events and that nothing happens by chance. It will also explain God’s plan of salvation, which was ordained from the foundation of the world and continues until the end of time. The Beginning of Time Created by the Word of God, planet earth was intended to reproduce God’s goodness in the lives of its inhabitants. A great blessing was bestowed upon the first created beings who also inherited time as part of their patrimony. An early Biblical chronology depicts how God established the patterns for the measurements of time for our planet. On the fourth day of the Creation week, God appointed two spherical lights through which we are able to record time and chronological history. In Scripture, the sun and the moon are called, “the greater light to rule the day and the lesser light to rule the night” (Genesis 1:16). In Genesis 1:14, the Bible reveals for the first time a scientific data pertaining to the cosmology of this world and presents the role that the sun and the moon play in recording time in days, months, and years: “And God said, Let there be lights in the firmament of the heaven to divide the day from the night; and let them be for signs, and for seasons, and for days, and years” (Genesis 1:14). By God’s command, the celestial spheres in our solar system were put to motion. Our planet began a daily rotation movement of 24 hours around the sun and a yearly translation movement of 360 days. Our planet’s time began to tick away from God’s creation week. Nonetheless, in its origins, the earth did not age because sin had not yet infected the world. Chart of the Chronology of the Early Patriarchs Al = GOD - Adam Genesis 1:26-31 1 CREATED 1 ADAM 130 Seth Genesis 5:3 130 2" | SETH 105 Enos Genesis 5:6 235 cs ENOS 90 Cainan Genesis 5:9 325 4” CAINAN 70 Mahalaleel Genesis 5:12 395 i MAHALALEEL | 65 Jared Genesis 5:15 460 6" JARED 162 Enoch Genesis 5:18 622 7 ENOCH 65 Methuselah Genesis 5:21 687 8" | METHUSELAH | 187 Lamech Genesis 5:25 874 or LAMECH 182 Noah Genesis 5:28 1056 10” | NOAH 500 Shem Genesis 5:32 1556 11" | SHEM 100 Arphaxad Genesis 11:9,10 1656 The Flood 12” | ARPHAXAD 33 Salah Genesis 11:12 1691 13" | SALAH 30 Eber Genesis 11:14 1721 14" | EBER 34 Peleg Genesis 11:16 1755 15" | PELEG 30 Reu Genesis 11:18 1785 16" | REU 32 Serug Genesis 11:20 1817 17" | SERUG 30 Nahor Genesis 11:22 1847 18" | NAHOR 29 Terah Genesis 11:24 1876 19" | TERAH 70 Abraham Genesis 11:26 1946 20" | ABRAHAM 100 Isaac Genesis 21:5 2046 21" | ISAAC 60 Jacob Genesis 25:26 2106 42 The above chart is the origin of the world chronology. It begins in year 1 when God created Adam and Eve. To number the years we add the age of the early patriarchs at the time when they procreated their progeny. So, when Adam was 130 years old, Seth his son was born; such was the world year 130. Consecutively, to the year 130 you add the age of Seth when he was 105 years old and it will give you the world year 235, when Adam’s grandson Enos was born, and so on. 130 + Adam’s age corresponds to the year when Seth was born 105 Seth’s age when he begot Enos = 235 Year when Enos was born History of the Week The Sun and the Moon are the spheres that measure time and so, we have days, months and years. But you may ask: Where does the weekly cycle of seven days come from? It is easy to think of time in terms of seconds, minutes, hours and days. Such measurements of time follow natural physical laws that God established in the universe, in the Milky Way, and in particular, in our own solar system. But the celestial spheres are not altogether autonomous, their physical laws are also subjected to the control of God. Of our Creator it is said: “It is he that sitteth upon the circle of the earth...” (Isaiah 40:22). Unlike days, months and years, the weekly cycle is not measured by celestial spheres; it was and still is established by the direct word of God. It would have seemed appropriate that God had established another form of sphere such as another moon to mark the beginning and the end of a week. But God chose to establish the weekly cycle totally different from the cycles of spheres with their physical laws. By the command of God, the seven-day cycle was established (Genesis 2:2). Adam and Eve were created with the need to worship the Creator. They were assigned common time for them to work and holy time for them to worship God. The Word of God explains: “Thus the heavens and the earth were finished, and all the host of them. And on the seventh day God ended his work which he had made; and he rested on the seventh day from all his work which he had made. And God blessed the seventh day, and sanctified it: because that in it he had rested from all his work which God created and made” (Genesis 2:1-3). The first Sabbath day began at the end of the first week in the chronology of this world. Adam and Eve had just come fresh from the hands of the Creator. They learned that earth, sun and moon determine when common time begins and ends, but God determines when the holy Sabbath begins. Thus, humans, aided by the Holy Scriptures can discern the holy from the common. Then by their own free will, they can decide to acknowledge the holiness invested in the seventh day Sabbath. Adam Created by God in year 1 Adam and Eve believed by faith that God had created this world in seven literal days. By faith, they acknowledged that God called into existence all things by His Word, and more importantly, humanity. 43 “So God created man in his own image, in the image of God created he him; male and female created he them” (Genesis 1:27). The Lord God, who had ordained eternal salvation for human kind, preserved in Genesis all the generations of Adam (Genesis 5:1). All races: Caucasian, European, African, Asian, Indian, Mediterranean, have a common ancestor: Adam. Adam was made in the image of God, and was created perfect. But from the day when they brought on themselves the stain of sin, Adam’s progeny would be procreated in Adam’s “own likeness, after his image” (Genesis 5:3). Had they chosen to remain loyal to God’s command, they would have preserved that blood, pure and unstained. Nonetheless, God has made all peoples of one blood. As the Scripture says: “And hath made of one blood all nations of men for to dwell on all the face of the earth, and hath determined the times before appointed, and the bounds of their habitation” (Acts 17:26). The Paradise in Eden In the eastern side of Eden (Genesis 2:8) was located the most wonderful garden that human beings could ever imagine. It was a vibrant and colorful paradise with the richest of all biodiversities in flora and fauna which God prepared for our first parents Adam and Eve. A majestic river sprang from Eden and ran towards the east to water the garden (Genesis 2:10). The river divided into four heads: the Pison river which waters the land of Havilah (Genesis 2:11), the Gihon river which waters the country of Ethiopia (Genesis 2:13); and the Hidekel and Euphrates rivers (Genesis 2:14) which run toward the east of Assyria that we will consider shortly. In the center of the Garden was an awesome view of fragrant and embellishing trees. The Paradise also grew all sorts of flowering and fruit trees. Right in the middle of the garden there were two outstanding trees: the tree of life and the tree of knowledge of good and evil (Genesis 2:9). But still, the most awesome experience was the presence of God that the Edenic couple enjoyed. The Lord had commanded the first couple to eat of the fruit of every tree (Genesis 2:16), except for one tree: “But of the tree of the knowledge of good and evil, thou shalt not eat of it: for in the day that thou eatest thereof thou shalt surely die” (Genesis 2:17). Eve had fallen into temptation, she disobeyed the Word of God and she sinned. The serpent called Satan (Revelation 12:9) deceived Eve (Genesis 3:1). When Adam saw Eve’s despondent condition, he also tasted the forbidden fruit as Eve gave it to him. (Genesis 3:7). Their senses were awakening to the sad awareness that they were naked. They saw themselves “come short of the glory of God” (Romans 3:23). In distress and agony, they tried to cover their nakedness with aprons made of fig leaves (Genesis 3:7), but they could not remedy their spiritual condition by covering their bodies with leaves. 44 In His infinite love God called to Adam and Eve, but they were afraid and hid from the presence of the Lord (Genesis 3:8-9). God wanted them to understand the severity of their sin and the calamity that they had brought on themselves. Moreover, God intended them to repent and turn from their wicked way by confessing their sin to God. Instead, they blamed God for their fallen condition. Adam challenged God with the words: “The woman whom Thou gavest to be with me, she gave me of the tree, and I did eat. (Genesis 3:12). Having called Adam and Eve to repentance, the Lord God revealed to them the mystery of the Kingdom of God. He opened to their understanding the opportunity of forgiveness in the plan of redemption. Therefore, as God passed judgment on the head of that old serpent, He also reassured Adam about His plan of salvation: “And I will put enmity between thee and the woman, and between thy seed and her seed; it shall bruise thy head, and thou shalt bruise his heel” (Genesis 3:15). God provided an immediate rescue plan for humanity. From then on, we were bound to die. Nevertheless, human beings had the option to die temporarily or eternally. What a wonderful provision! The Son of God was Offered as a sacrifice to make atonement for humanity. On that very day, God performed a sacrifice (Genesis 3:21), the first death in the entire universe, and with the skins, He covered the nakedness of Adam and Eve’s bodies (Genesis 3:21). The slaughtering of that lamb was a token of the eternal sacrifice of the Son of God. Adam and his progeny began to expect God’s redemption through God’s Son. But the controversy that began in Heaven when the Cherub Lucifer rebelled against God (Isaiah 14:12-14; Ezekiel 28:14-16), continued here on earth. That Cherub became what is today, Satan, and he was also expecting the fulfillment of God’s prophecy. Satan wanted to thwart the plan of salvation by killing the Son of God as soon as He would be born as a human. God’s First Judgment on Earth God’s first judgment on earth occurred in the center of the Garden of Eden. Adam and Eve had fallen in temptation and were destitute of the glory of God. Although they had sinned, our first parents did not remain for ever in rebellion against God. They confessed their sin and through God’s offer of grace, they received forgiveness. Nonetheless, they reaped what they sowed; their fate was to die, as “the wages of sin is death” (Romans 6:23). Accordingly, God pronounced such a fateful judgment: “In the sweat of thy face shalt thou eat bread, till thou return unto the ground; for out of it wast thou taken: for dust thou art, and unto dust shalt thou return” (Genesis 3:19). As their day of burial began to approach, Adam and Eve saw the dire effects of their sin in the decadence of nature. They had forfeited the tree of life and with it the hold of immortality. A new chapter was open before their lives. Now they were beholding disease, moral decadence, aging, suffering and death. Adam, however, preached of the day of God’s deliverance. Adam had brought a terrible calamity as it is written: “by one man sin entered into the world, and death by sin; and so death passed upon all men, for that all have sinned” (Romans 5:12). Therefore, Adam’s patrimony was sin and its consequence: the death sentence on all humanity. Adam recognized that through God’s grace, he would live again. The message was clear as it is today; God’s providence had already made provisions for the day of redemption. He learned that the dust would 45 give up his dead body on the resurrection day, and like the prophet Isaiah proclaimed centuries later, he clung to the glorious hope that he would be resurrected, just as his Lord would be: “Thy dead men shall live; together with my dead body shall they arise. Awake and sing, ye that dwell in dust: for thy dew is as the dew of herbs, and the earth shall cast out the dead” (Isaiah 26:19). The First 130 Years in World History Religious bigotry and hatred in matters concerning worship caused the world’s first murder. The ancient record of God’s Word notes: “And in process of time it came to pass, that Cain brought of the fruit of the ground an offering unto the LORD. And Abel, he also brought of the firstlings of his flock and of the fat thereof. And the LORD had respect unto Abel and to his offering” (Genesis 4:3-4). The two brothers came to worship God in completely different ways. Yet God had given to them a perfect example of what worship the Lord delights to receive. In the Garden of Eden, God had sacrificed a lamb representing the offering that He was bestowing to the fallen human race. That example should have been followed by both brothers, but only the younger brother Abel brought an acceptable offering and God accepted the worship of Abel but not the false worship of Cain (Genesis 4:5). In that way, the faith of two brothers was put to the test and Cain failed. Envy, jealousy and hatred were harbored in Cain’s heart, which led him to the brutal murder of faithful Abel (Genesis 4:8). From ancient times, the earth has been a witness to the sad condition of an unending conflict between good and evil. Like Cain, worshipers in the world are seeking to please God, following their own personal understanding of what is acceptable worship to God; but to us, just like every person who has ever lived in this fallen world, God reveals His will: “He hath showed thee, O man, what is good; and what doth the LORD require of thee, but to do justly, and to love mercy, and to walk humbly with thy God” (Micah 6:8). Obedience to God, rather than the dictates of one’s own mind, will always be an issue of true worship and of faith. The Scripture says: “By faith Abel offered unto God a more excellent sacrifice than Cain, by which he obtained witness that he was righteous, God testifying of his gifts: and by it he being dead yet speaketh” (Hebrews 11:4). Satan instigated Cain to kill his brother Abel as he was enraged by the prophecy of Genesis 3:15, and by killing Abel he thought to thwart its fulfillment. Satan also attempted to destroy the lineage of God’s people through whom the promised Saviour would come. But the old serpent’s scheme was frustrated, as God gave another faithful son to Adam and by his lineage the promise was fulfilled, as the Scripture says: “And we have seen and do testify that the Father sent the Son to be the Saviour of the world” (1 John 4:14). What a wonderful day it was, when in the 130" year, by God’s providence, Adam and Eve enjoyed the blessings of their hundred and thirtieth wedding anniversary when they begot Seth (Genesis 5:3). Although the Saviour was not yet to be sent into the world, that is, the seed of the promise, (Galatians 3:16) through Seth, the seed of the woman of Genesis 3:15; that is, the Redeemer would come. Adam lived by faith and encouraged his progeny to cling to God’s promise. Therefore, Cain and Abel; Adam’s two sons, learned that the pledge of redemption was offered at the Garden of Eden and that the emblem of God’s assurance was the sacrificial lamb. But with all that knowledge Cain still clung to his own will. 46 Chart of the Patriarchs' Longevity 1*— ADAM 1 930 930 years Genesis 1:1,27; 5:5 2™ _ SETH 130 1042 912 years Genesis 5:3,8 3" — ENOS 235 1140 905 years Genesis 5:6,11 4" — CAINAN 325 1235 910 years Genesis 5:9,14 5" - MAHALALEEL | 395 1290 895 years Genesis 5:12,17 6" — JARED 460 1422 962 years Genesis 5:15,20 7" — ENOCH 622 987 365 years Genesis 5:18,23 8""- METHUSELAH | 687 1656 969 years Genesis 5:21,27 THE FLOOD 9" — LAMECH 874 1651 777 years Genesis 5:25,31 10" — NOAH 1056 2006 950 years Genesis 5:28,9:29 11"°— SHEM 1556 2156 600 years Genesis 11:10,11 12" - ARPHAXAD 1656 2094 438 years Genesis 11:12,13 THE FLOOD 13"— SALAH 1691 2124 433 years Genesis 11:14,15 14"—EBER 1721 2185 464 years Genesis 11:16,17 15" — PELEG 1755 1994 239 years Genesis 11:18,19 16" — REU 1785 2024 239 years Genesis 11:20,21 17° — SERUG 1817 2047 230 years Genesis 11:22,23 18" — NAHOR 1847 1995 148 years Genesis 11:24,25 19" — TERAH 1876 2081 205 years Genesis 11:26,32 47 20" - ABRAHAM 1946 2121 175 years Genesis 25:7 21 —ISAAC 2046 2226 180 years Genesis 35:28 22™ — JACOB 2106 2253 147 years Genesis 47:28 Adam’s Funeral in 930 A.M. What a solemn and yet dreadful day it was when Adam, the world’s first preacher, died in the chronological year 930. Adam’s death shows that the wages of sin is death (Romans 6:23). Almost a millennium had elapsed since God’s warning and judgment was first uttered that on the day that he eats of the forbidden fruit he should certainly die. Accompanied by thousands of skeptics at his funeral, Adam’s mortal remains were laid down in his tomb. A mighty man of God succumbed to the power of death. Although Adam had waited for the promise of God’s redemption, he rested in his grave. The Redeemer had not come. His mortal remains were to mingle with the dust of the earth until resurrection day. But Adam professed the faith of Job. As it is written: “For I know that my redeemer liveth, and that he shall stand at the latter day upon the earth: and though after my skin worms destroy this body, yet in my flesh shall I see God.” (Job 19:25-26). At Adam’s funeral in 930, however, there were not only skeptics but also faithful believers in God; those who eagerly awaited God’s promise of redemption. On that solemn day, there was the cream of God’s seed; great elderly dignitaries of faith, such as his 800 year old son Seth, his 695 year old grandson Enos, his 605 year old great-grand son Cainan, his 535 year old great-great grand son Mahalaleel, his 470 year old great-great-great-grand son Jared, his 308 year old descendant Enoch, his 243 year old descendant Methuselah and his 56 year old descendant Lamech. Ninth generation patriarch Lamech, who was Noah’s father, was 56 years old in the year of Adam’s funeral. At that time, the whole world had one common language. The population had not yet been scattered abroad. Therefore, Lamech who was of the pure seed of God’s children, might have been present at Adam’s funeral on the day that the world stood still to ponder about the reality that only God has immortality (1 Timothy 6:16). Thus, the 56 year old young man Lamech contemplated with admiration the mortal remains of a sleeping giant who still waits for the day when “this mortal must put on immortality” (1 Corinthians 15:53). Chart of the Years Adam Knew his Descendants 1“ ADAM 930 930 930 years 48 a SETH 800 930 - 130 800 years an ENOS 695 930 - 235 695 years 4 CAINAN 605 930 - 325 605 years ola MAHALALEEL _ | 535 930 - 395 535 years 6 JARED 470 930 - 460 470 years ha ENOCH 308 930 - 622 308 years ge METHUSELAH _ | 243 930 - 687 243 years g® LAMECH 56 930 - 874 56 years What an awesome privilege for Lamech to have known his ancestor Adam for the period of 56 years! So much wisdom about God’s plan of salvation was imparted to him from the lips of the early patriarchs; that is, from first hand recipients of God’s Word and specially from Adam. Lamech, in turn would instruct his son Noah in the many centuries prior to the flood regarding God’s plan of salvation. He could preach the Word of God that had been cited directly from the lips of Adam. He could proclaim, “Thus says the Lord through our father Adam, whom I knew.” Enoch Walked With God Enoch, who was the seventh generation from Adam, was born in the 622" year. Therefore, he knew Adam for the remaining 308 years of his life. The old man Adam did not learn about his descendant Enoch’s translation to heaven because that event happened in the 987" year when Enoch was 365 years old (Genesis 5:23,24), exactly 57 years after Adam’s death. But the first man learned from Enoch’s fervent preaching about the second coming of Christ. (Jude 1:14). Bear in mind that the patriarch Enoch had prophesied about the second coming of Christ and also received the prophecy regarding the flood on or prior to the birth of his son Methuselah at age 65, that is, in the year 687 when Methuselah was born. Precisely, Enoch named his son Methuselah according to his knowledge of the flood. Although Enoch did not hear the hammerings of the construction of the ark, he was translated to Heaven 669 years before the flood, yet he gave solemn messages to his family about God’s judgment. 49 Enoch’s Way Home to Heaven in 987 A.M. Enoch was righteous man who walked this world leaving a legacy of faithfulness and holiness to the Lord. The conduct of his holy life was a great encouragement to the life of Adam who had heard the voice of his beloved descendant Enoch as he prophesied of God’s kingdom. “And Enoch walked with God after he begat Methuselah three hundred years, and begat sons and daughters: And all the days of Enoch were three hundred sixty and five years: And Enoch walked with God: and he was not; for God took him” (Genesis 5:22-24). Heaven’s gates were now open, in the year 987 to receive Enoch, the man who in this world befriended God. He was the first man of two who ever entered heaven without experiencing the pangs of death. During his life, at the age of 308, he attended Adam’s funeral; he belonged to one of the eight generations of faithful men who eye-witnessed Adam’s burial. And again, all those great dignitaries of God who witnessed Adam’s death remained alive by the time of Enoch’s translation to heaven. His ancestor Seth was 857 years old, his ancestor Enos was 752 years old, his great grandfather Cainan was 662 years old, his grandfather Mahalaleel was 592 years old, his father Jared was 527 years old, his son Methuselah was 300 years old and his grandson Lamech was 113 years old. Chart of the Age of First Patriarchs at Enoch’s Translation in 987 A.M. 2. SETH 987 — 130 857 years old an ENOS 987 — 235 752 years old ay CAINAN 987 — 325 662 years old a MAHALALEEL | 987 — 395 592 years old 6" JARED 987 — 460 527 years old 7 ENOCH 987 — 622 365 years old gm METHUSELAH | 987 — 687 300 years old g@ LAMECH 987 — 874 113 years old God’s providence allowed only those who eye-witnessed Adam’s funeral to be also alive at the time of Enoch’s translation to heaven. Adam’s descendants could now pause to ponder the sad day of Adam’s death and comparing it with the joyous day of Enoch’s translation. Therefore, Enoch’s departure was a testimony of God’s faithfulness and of His promise of eternal life. Also remember, that Enoch prophesied about the coming of the Lord with great power and glory (Jude 1:14). Consequently, by taking Enoch alive to heaven, God was giving a powerful message that in like manner at the end of the world, on the 50 final day of redemption, some will also be translated without having gone down to the grave (1 Thessalonians 4:17), when, “in a moment, in the twinkling of an eye, at the last trump: for the trumpet shall sound, and the dead shall be raised incorruptible, and we shall be changed” (1 Corinthians 15:52). Of those who witnessed Enoch’s translation to heaven, Methuselah and Lamech had the greatest responsibility to educate their son Noah in all matters of faith. They should now instruct and affirm him, showing him how the Lord had guided them in the past history, while encouraging him to walk steadfastly in the path of the Lord, keeping His commandments in future generations. 120 Years of Judgment for Antediluvians in 1536 A.M. “And the LORD said, My spirit shall not always strive with man, for that he also is flesh: yet his days shall be an hundred and twenty years... And God said unto Noah, The end of all flesh is come before me; for the earth is filled with violence through them; and, behold, I will destroy them with the earth. Make thee an ark of gopher wood; rooms shalt thou make in the ark, and shalt pitch it within and without with pitch” (Genesis 6:3, 13, 14). Throughout history, God has revealed his plans to His honored servants the prophets concerning the destiny of this world. For a millennium, God’s untiring mercy had been proclaimed. Now, a short time of probation extending mercy of 120 years to the antediluvians was announced to Noah. But the prophecy regarding the worldwide flood had been revealed a thousand years before to his great grandfather Enoch. God’s revelation of His judgment for the antediluvians, a revelation that was given to Methuselah’s grandson Noah, was a relief balm for the faithful Methuselah who was eagerly awaiting the fulfillment of God’s prophecies. Thus, Methuselah who had learned from his father Enoch about God’s judgment had also known many centuries before that in the year of his death God would send the worldwide flood. But God revealed to Noah the period of judgment time for the antediluvian world exactly one hundred and twenty years before the flood. To Noah, it was revealed that the remaining time of probation for the antediluvians was 120 years (Genesis 6:3). In that year 1536, the then 849 year old Methuselah also learned that he would reach the age of 969 years as he was to live through those hundred and twenty years of antediluvian investigative judgment, and he was a living testimony to the antediluvian world. Enoch prophesied that God’s retributive judgment through a worldwide flood was coming, and in Noah’s day, the time had finally come for the prophecy to be fulfilled. Although God’s judgment had been passed, God extended His mercy and prolonged such judgment for a hundred and twenty years. Such a time was but a short period of probation, thus the Holy Scriptures state: “And the LORD said, My spirit shall not always strive with man, for that he also is flesh: yet his days shall be an hundred and twenty years” (Genesis 6:3). Methuselah remained exactly 120 more years to contemplate God’s mercy and to help his grandson Noah build the ark while he continued preaching to the antediluvians about God’s extended mercy and exhorting them regarding their need of repentance as God was about to bring His retributive judgment. In His mercy, God gave them 120 years of more fervent preaching for righteousness. 51 Methuselah, an old and wise man was honoured by God in that he saw God’s salvation, and he regained his strength by the preaching of his grandson Noah. And now, by faith, they were building the instrument through which God would show His saving power. Like in New Testament times, to Simon, another old man, was revealed by the Holy Spirit that “he should not see death before he had seen the Lord’s Christ” (Luke 2:26). God had, in like manner, assured Methuselah that he should not die until he had seen God’s way of salvation for His faithful ones. Thus, the man who lived the longest in this earth’s history (Genesis 5:27), Methuselah, died in the year of the flood. Methuselah Dies in the Year of the Flood in 1656 A.M. The year when Methuselah died concurs with the year when God destroyed the world in the worldwide flood. Methuselah’s name carried one of the mysteries of the kingdom of God. Enoch, his father, was shown in detail everything concerning the flood. Thus, with a passionate desire to warn his contemporaries of an impending destruction coming on the world, Enoch named his son Methuselah, meaning that at the time of this child’s death judgment will be sent. His name has been defined as “messenger of death” but that is far from the truth because Methuselah was a messenger of grace and hope; he warned his contemporaries about God’s judgment. His name was a compound word that contained a riddle. Its meaning was: “When he dies it shall be sent.” The word is a derivative of ““muth” a root that means death, and “shalach” which means to send forth. The message was clear and overwhelming: that at the time of Methuselah’s death, the flood would be sent. Therefore, Methuselah warned his contemporaries about the flood, even from his birth in the year 687, by his prophetic name until the year of his death in 1656 at the age of 969, in the very year of the flood. 687+ Year of Methuselah’s Birth 969 = Methuselah’s longevity (Genesis 5:27) 1656 Methuselah died in this year, year of the flood Amazingly enough, Enoch’s prophecy was fulfilled in God’s time and Methuselah died in the very year of the flood. Methuselah earnestly pleaded with his extended families for their salvation, but the majority of his relatives rejected God’s judgment message. Only Noah, one of the many grand children of Methuselah, was saved from the deluge. The Scriptures state that Methuselah had many more sons and daughters (Genesis 5:26), including his son Lamech; Noah’s father, had many more children (Genesis 5:30), but of those multitudes only Noah was found righteous (Genesis 7:1), and he alone was saved with his family. Noah’s brothers and sisters and his nephews and nieces rejected the warnings and perished in the waters of the flood. Lamech’s death, happening in the year 1651, five years before the death of Methuselah his father, might have been an alarming occurrence, because it was an unusual thing that children should die before their parents. But it was providentially done that way, so that Methuselah’s death, after a five year gap, could be prominent, as he was the man of the prophecy. That legendary death would serve as a witness to the antediluvians that God’s prophecies are faithful and his judgments true. Therefore, it was doubly outstanding to see Methuselah’s long life of 969 years as he also outlived his son Lamech. 52 Methuselah, another mighty man of faith had succumbed to the power of death. He had been taught by his father Enoch during those 300 years of interaction between father and son. Moreover, Methuselah had known Adam for 243 years, he had interacted with the man through whom death was passed onto the rest of this world, yet, a man who was forgiven and saved by grace. From Adam, Methuselah had also learned to love the Redeemer of the world. The Worldwide Flood in 1656 A.M. The world had rejected God’s grace and Heaven’s retributive judgment had finally come upon planet earth in the year 1656. The turbulent waters flooded in from two directions; from the windows of heaven, and also from the fountains of the great deep (Genesis 7:11). One single family remained faithful to God in the whole earth. One family condemned the world by their faithfulness: “And the LORD said unto Noah, Come thou and all thy house into the ark; for thee have I seen righteous before me in this generation. For yet seven days, and I will cause it to rain upon the earth forty days and forty nights; and every living substance that I have made will I destroy from off the face of the earth” (Genesis 7:1, 4). A week of prayer inside the ark, was now due for Noah and his family. He knew that they would have to wait for one whole week in the ark before the Word of God should be fulfilled (Genesis 7:4). He was six hundred years old when God commanded them to enter the ark (Genesis 7:1, 6). Little did he know that the overall time for them to remain onboard their temporal floating home would be one year and seven days until they should set foot on dry and solid land. Noah’s faith was greatly honoured, as on the day of his birthday God saved his life and the lives of his family. He was experiencing his 600th birthday when the flood hit the world in the second month, the seventeenth day of the month (Genesis 7:11). The Word clarifies it plainly that it was the same day; thus it was on the 17" day of the second month, in the 1656" year. Baby Arphaxad Born inside Noah’s Ark in 1656 A.M. Four married couples; three of them in childbearing age, entered the three story ark (Genesis 6:16). Noah, the father of Shem, was 600 years old when God destroyed the world with a flood (Genesis 7:6). Noah’s grandson Arphaxad was born during that very year of the flood in 1656, when Shem, Arphaxad’s father, was 100 years old (Genesis 11:10). Baby Arphaxad was born inside the ark. How can we be certain about this? Well, if Noah was 500 years old when he begot Shem, (Genesis 5:32) and it was Noah’s 600th year of his birth when the flood came (Genesis 7:11), which was the very year when Shem was 100 years old and that he begot Arphaxad (Genesis 5:32), then, there is no doubt that the baby Arphaxad was born before they received God’s command to disembark the ark. Now Peter explains that in the days of Noah, “few, that is, eight souls were saved by water” (1 Peter 3:20). However, Peter does not eliminate the possibility for a baby in arms to come out of the ark. He explains clearly that those eight souls were saved “while the ark was a preparing” (1 Peter 3:20) That is, they were the only ones saved from among the many peoples. If a baby 53 or babies were born inside the ark, they were not saved from among the people who perished in the deluge. You may say: Oh, but the Scriptures tell us that only eight people entered the ark (Genesis 7:13), yes it is true! However, it does not tell us how many people came out of it. It only tells us that Arphaxad was begotten when his father, who was inside the ark, was 100 years old, that is, in the year of the flood. Therefore, the baby Arphaxad, even though he was carried in arms out of the ark by his parents, was not saved from the waters; he was born in the ark after the heavy flood rain was poured down, when his parents were safely out of danger. And because it takes nine months to be born, and the baby was begotten inside the ark, they had plenty of time to wait for his birth. Remember that they spent one whole year inside the ark; from 1656 -1657; they exited the ark on the 27" day of the second month when Noah was 601 years old (Genesis 8:13-14). Of the flood year, only 40 days were the most trying ones (Genesis 7:17). The rest of the time they spent just waiting for the ark to rest on dried land. And it rested on Mount Ararat five months after they entered the ark, when the waters had receded (Genesis 8:4). And even after the ark had been stationed on solid ground, they had to wait another seven months inside the ark until they were finally allowed to set foot on that solid ground (Genesis 8:13-14). To be exact, the time inside the ark was one year and ten days; thus from the 17" day of the 2™ month in the 1656" year until the 27" day of the second month in the 1657" year (Genesis 8:14-16). The Tower of Babel Some years after the flood, the whole world still enjoyed the communication through a common tongue, as the Scripture reveals: “the whole earth was of one language and of one speech” (Genesis 11:1). But rebellion against God resurged; this time, the world rebelled against God because the whole earth had been destroyed with a worldwide flood. Therefore, journeying from the east, they found a valley in the land of Shinar (Genesis 11:2) where they convened with the great multitudes to build a city and a tower whose top might reach to heaven (Genesis 11:4). Their plans were designed but they needed to have a ruler to govern them, so they decided to follow the leadership of the earth’s first monarch, Nimrod, the son of Cush who “began to be a mighty one in the earth” (Genesis 10:8). Nimrod’s kingdom was established in the city of Babel in the land of Shinar (Genesis 10:10). This Nimrod was the grandson of Ham (Genesis 10:1, 6, 8), and Ham was Noah’s youngest son who was cursed by his father when Ham saw Noah’s nakedness and made mockery of the matter (Genesis 9:22, 25). Nimrod also was Noah’s great-grandson, but he encouraged the multitudes to build a tower in total defiance against God. They were scheming against God and defied God’s ruling, so they agreed: “let us build us a city and a tower, whose top may reach unto heaven; and let us make us a name, lest we be scattered abroad upon the face of the whole earth” (Genesis 11:4). Nonetheless, the very thing that they were shunning, the Lord brought upon them “because the LORD did there confound the language of all the earth: and from thence did the LORD scatter them abroad upon the face of all the earth” (Genesis 11:9). Chart of the Number of Years that Noah Knew his Ancestors 54 3" ENOS 1140 — 1056 84 years Ge CAINAN 1235 — 1056 179 years =" MAHALALEEL | 1290 — 1056 234 years 6" JARED 1422 — 1056 366 years is ENOCH 987 - a METHUSELAH | 1656 — 1056 600 years g” LAMECH 1651 — 1056 595 years In His great wisdom, God prepared a very convenient generation for Noah to be born. It was the right genealogical position for him to receive all the knowledge and wisdom from his ancestors’ powerful minds; that is, from the third generation onward, remember that he knew his ancestor Enos for 84 years. Thus, Noah attained the wisdom from the past generations and reached down to the future generations, passing the knowledge of God on to his descendants even to the twentieth generation, as he knew his descendant Abraham for 60 years. By interacting with his ancestors, back to seven generations, Noah was the depositary of the teachings of those who were close to Adam: that is, Enos, Cainan, Mahalaleel, Jared, Methuselah and Lamech. You can see in the chart above that Noah knew his ancestors for quite a long time because those were almost millenarian people. However, he did not know his ancestor Enoch of the seventh generation because the Lord took him to heaven at the young age of 365 years, exactly sixty-nine years before Noah’s birth. Nonetheless, he received the abundant wisdom of his grandfather Methuselah, of the eighth generation, with whom he interacted for the period of 600 years, from the time when this man was 369 years old until his death at the age of 969. Lastly, he was instructed in the path of the Lord by his own father Lamech, of the ninth generation, from whom he received instruction for a period of 595 years. Notice that Noah interacted with his grandfather Methuselah for a longer period of time than with his father Lamech because Methuselah outlived Lamech by five years, as Lamech died five years before the flood. Chart of the Number of Years that Noah Knew his Descendants 10" NOAH 950 2006 - 1056 His life ie SHEM 450 2006 - 1556 450 years fo. ARPHAXAD 350 2006 - 1656 350 years 55 13" SALAH 315 2006 - 1691 315 years 14" EBER 285 2006 - 1721 285 years 15" PELEG 251 2006 - 1755 251 years 16" REU 221 2006 - 1785 221 years i SERUG 189 2006 - 1817 189 years 18" NAHOR 159 2006 - 1847 159 years 19° TERAH 130 2006 - 1876 130 years 20° ABRAHAM 60 2006 - 1946 60 years Noah’s Funeral in 2006 A.M. Once again, the shadows of death had overpowered the life of a beloved child of God, when in the year 2006, the righteous Noah died at the age of 950 years. There, in his tomb, were laid down the mortal remains of a great prophet whose hope in God’s redemption did not fade away. Noah descended to the grave with the hope that the Redeemer of the world would come and liberate him from the power of death. There laid a faithful man, who for almost a millennium had strived for the salvation of others. Now the final chapter of his life in this world had come to an end. He had witnessed the depravity and wickedness of the thousands of rebellious people who had been endowed with a free will and had chosen to fall into the traps of Satan. Humanity’s abhorrence of God’s righteousness had sunken Noah’s world into a horrendous state of worldwide lawlessness, as it is written of the kind of man that lived in every home, as “every imagination of the thoughts of his heart was only evil continually” (Genesis 6:5). But Noah was a different kind of man! Had we preserved Noah’s tomb, on his epitaph would be written as it is in the Word of God: “Noah walked with God” (Genesis 6:9). Noah’s funeral could easily have been attended by all of his extended relatives that were alive on the day of his death. God would not have confused the language of his faithful children of the lineage of God’s people as on the occasion when God confused the language of the different races at the tower of Babel. Therefore, Noah’s funeral service was solemnly held in the language of the children of God and it would have been attended by his 450 year old son Shem of the eleventh generation, his 350 year old grandson Arphaxad of the twelfth generation, his 315 year old great grandson Salah of the thirteenth generation, his 285 year old great-great-grand son Eber of the fourteenth generation, his 251 year old descendant Peleg of the fifteenth generation, his 221 year old descendant Reu of the sixteenth generation, his 189 year old descendant Serug of the seventeenth generation, his 159 year old descendant Nahor of the eighteenth generation, his 130 year old descendant Terah of the nineteenth generation, and his 60 year old descendant Abraham of the twentieth generation. 56 First Hand Knowledge of God Heaven’s story of redemption was first communicated by God to Adam. That holy man of God transmitted Heaven’s message onto his descendants and it was first hand; that is, secondary source knowledge in the heart of Abraham. It was the Patriarch Noah who served as the bridge that grasped such first-hand knowledge from the early patriarchs, and passed it onto his descendants, even unto Abraham. Remember that Noah had known every one of his ancestors from Enos reaching to his descendants until Abraham. Although Noah did not meet in person his ancestor Adam, Methuselah, the grandfather of Noah did and.interacted with him for the span of 243 years and Noah interacted with his grandfather Methuselah for the span of 600 years. Also, remember that Lamech, the father of Noah, had known Adam for a span of 56 years, and interacted with his son Noah for a span of 595 years. Therefore, Noah had received such precious knowledge from the very primary sources and passed it on to his descendant Abraham with whom he interacted for the span of 60 years. Therefore, the faithful accounts of the book of Genesis were verbally communicated by the very primary sources; those patriarchs who lived long lives and were almost millennial people. For that reason, the Word of God’s account is certainly first-hand knowledge for us who acknowledge the birth of Israel as an offspring of Abraham, who was a secondary source recipient of that precious knowledge of the story of redemption. Therefore, the historical facts about creation, the Garden of Eden, Adam’s fall, the worldwide flood and the story of redemption were almost first hand in the heart of Abraham who had known Noah, whose father and grandfather had received such fresh knowledge from Adam himself. Chart of the Number of Years that Abraham Knew his Ancestors 10" NOAH 2006 — 1946 A.M. 60 years fi” SHEM 2156 — 1946 A.M. 210 years Shem outlived him by 35 years. 19" ARPHAXAD | 2094 — 1946 A.M. 148 years 13" SALAH 2124 — 1946 A.M. 178 years Salah outlived him by 3 years 14” EBER 2185 — 1946 A.M. 239 years Eber outlived him by 64 years ith PELEG 1994 — 1946 A.M. 48 years 16" REU 2024 — 1946 A.M. 78 years 57 7" SERUG 2047 — 1946 A.M. 101 years 18" NAHOR 1995 — 1946 A.M. 49 years 19” TERAH 2081 — 1946 A.M. 135 years 20" ABRAHAM | 2121-1946 A.M. 175 years His life Noah was alive when his great-grandson Nimrod and some of his descendants began building the tower of Babel. Now, Abraham knew his ancestor Noah for the span of 60 years. Therefore, Abraham was alive to know about Nimrod and the tower of Babel because he interacted with all his ancestors even from their father Noah. Some of his ancestors were contemporaries of Nimrod; for instance, Abraham knew his ancestor Salah all the years of his life. This Salah belonged to the same generation of his cousin Nimrod. Therefore, Nimrod was also alive but scattered and with a new tongue, somewhere in some distant land all the days of Abraham’s life. Because the generation of Salah still enjoyed a long life, past the 400 years range, Abraham knew about the tower of Babel from the mouth of eyewitnesses. Abraham’s ancestry of Shem’s lineal blood was also scattered after the confusion of their tongues in the valley of Shinar at the construction of the tower of Babel and they settled down in Mesopotamia in Ur of the Chaldeans, which was a settlement of the Semites: the descendants of Shem who spoke the Aramaic language. But the Semites were receding into idolatry, therefore, God called Abraham out of Ur to Canaan. Shem was an eyewitness of the flood and his descendants were the eyewitnesses of the tower of Babel and God’s intervention in the confusion of tongues. From them Abraham also learned about God’s intervention in the affairs of this world. Abraham not only knew Noah for over half a century, but he also knew Shem all the days of Abraham’s life as he knew him for 175 years. Bear in mind that Shem outlived his descendant Abraham by 35 years. Abraham also knew his ancestor Arphaxad of the 12" generation for a span of 148 years. Abraham also knew his ancestor Salah of the 13" generation all the years of his life because Salah outlived Abraham by three years. The 13" generation from Adam to Nimrod (Salah’s cousin) was the generation that built the infamous tower of Babel with Nimrod as their leader. He knew his ancestor Eber of the 14" generation all the years of his life, as Eber outlived Abraham by 64 years. He also knew his ancestor Peleg for a span of 48 years. Abraham knew his great-great-grandfather Reu for a span of 78 years and his great-grandfather Serug for a span of 101 years. He knew his grandfather Nahor for a span of 49 years and he knew his father Terah for a span of 135 years. Chart of the Age of Abraham’s Ancestors when Abraham Emigrated from Haran to Canaan 58 i SHEM 2021 - 1556 465 12" ARPHAXAD 2021 - 1656 365 13" SALAH 2021 - 1691 330 14" EBER 2021 - 1721 300 eh SERUG 2021 - 1817 204 19° TERAH 2021 - 1876 145 20" ABRAHAM 2021 - 1946 75 Mount Ararat located in the east of Turkey is where the ark rested after the flood. From there, the descendants of Noah traveled toward the southeast until they reached the valley of Shinar where they began the construction of the tower of Babel and later built the city of Babylon in what is present-day Iraq. Traveling further south, towards what is present-day south Iraq was situated Ur of the Chaldeans; the place where the Semites had settled down and from where Abraham was called to immigrate to the land of Canaan. That whole region is called Mesopotamia because it is in the middle of two rivers; the Euphrates spoken of in Genesis and the Tigris which both rise from the east of Turkey and flow into Iraq and the Persian Gulf. Terah’s youngest son Haran, the brother of Abraham, died in the land of his birth; that is, in Ur of the Chaldeans (Genesis 11:28). Bereaved of his son, Terah took his son Abraham and the orphan Lot, his grandson (Genesis 11:31), who were also born in Ur of the Chaldeans, so they started their migration and headed northward until they reached a place called Haran; present-day Syria. But Terah decided to dwell in Haran where he finally died at a good old age of 205 years (Genesis 11:31-32). Abraham was 135 years of age when his father Terah died in the land of Haran. Nonetheless, when Abraham was 75 years of age (Genesis 12:4) and his father Terah was 145 years old, God commanded him to emigrate from Haran towards Canaan, leaving his country, his kindred and his father’s house (Genesis 12:1). Abraham Migrates Towards Hebron in 2021 A.M. Abraham settled down in Mamre, Hebron (Genesis 13:18), which was located in the midst of Canaan (Genesis 14:14-15). The year was 2021 A.M. when Abraham settled down in Hebron at the age of 75. His ancestor Shem was 465 years old, his ancestor Arphaxad was 365 years of age and his ancestor Salah was 330 years old. While his ancestor Eber was 300 years of age, his great-grandfather Serug was 204 years old and his father Terah was 145 years of age. Therefore, all those dignitaries of Abraham’s ancestry, among whom the son, grandson and great-great-grand son of Noah outlived the father of faith, were aware of God’s command for Abraham to emigrate. While in Canaan, in that same year 2021, God revealed to Abraham His prophecy pertaining to the birth of Israel as a nation and promised him as an inheritance for his seed all that his eyes could behold north, 59 south, east and west from his standing point (Genesis 13:14). However Abraham argued with the Lord, questioning His promise, alleging that his steward Eleazar’s son would be his heir (Genesis 15:2-3). God reaffirmed him that his servant would not be the heir but his own begotten son (Genesis 15:4). In that same year 2021 Abraham traveled further south from Canaan toward Egypt by reason of a great famine (Genesis 12:10). While in Egypt Abraham covered his true relationship with his wife Sarah and Pharaoh took Sarah to his palace (Genesis 12:15), and God plagued Pharaoh with great plagues because of Sarah (Genesis 12:17). So Abraham was deported from Egypt with all his people (Genesis 12:20). Abraham’s Prophecy of the Nation of Israel in 2021 A.M. After Abraham’s deportation from Egypt, as he had settled down in Canaan in the year 2021, God showed him a vision (Genesis 15:1) in which the prophecy regarding his seed was given. The prophecy was spoken differently to its actual fulfillment centuries later. So God revealed to the 75-year-old prophet the future of Israel; a nation from Abraham’s bosom. The prophecy foretold Israel’s sacred history in its beginnings and how the Israelites were to spend time in a foreign land where they would serve in slavery the last years of their stay. But the prophecy is worded as follows: “And he said unto Abram, Know of a surety that thy seed shall be a stranger in a land that is not theirs, and shall serve them; and they shall afflict them four hundred years” (Genesis 15:13). The prophecy stipulated a shorter period but in the end the Israelites’ stay in Egypt was lengthened by thirty years (Exodus 12:40). As for the lengthening of such a prophetic period, the prophecy and its chronological fulfillment cannot by any means be shortened or analyzed in any other way than as it happened, or else the whole biblical chronology would be jeopardized and its prophecies spoiled. If the full period were shortened by 30 years, as it was worded in Genesis, then the prophecies regarding the coming of our Redeemer would not fall in the right chronological year, and therefore Daniel’s prophecy pertaining to the end of the 2300 year period for the cleansing of the Heavenly Sanctuary (Daniel 8:14) would not fall in its exact date. Therefore, dire consequences would result, should we decide to reject God’s sacred history as it happened; the whole plan of salvation would be misunderstood. Had the chronology been altered, nobody would have been expecting the birth of the Messiah on the rightful date that it was prophesied. The judgment, which has begun in the Most Holy Place in the Heavenly Sanctuary, where our Redeemer intercedes for us, would not have been understood to fall on the right date. Fortunately the Word of God gives ample evidence that the prophecy regarding Israel’s sojourn in Egypt was fulfilled when the Israelites had remained in that land exactly 430 years (Exodus 12:40): “Now the sojourning of the children of Israel, who dwelt in Egypt, was four hundred and thirty years” (Exodus 12: 40. How God Protected the Prophecies In the past, when God revealed great prophecies, He sometimes safeguarded the message in a form that Satan, who has been kept ignorant regarding God’s proceedings, would not understand and therefore would not thwart God’s plan of salvation. Therefore, when Abram received his prophecy, it was worded 60 in a way that even he himself did not understand all the details of it. He had not begotten Isaac, he did not know about Jacob and his twelve tribes; he did not know that it was going to be Egypt — the place where his descendants would be enslaved. The fact that Abraham was not told the name of the enslavers supports the notion that God was safeguarding His plan of salvation. The text only reveals that Abraham’s “seed shall be a stranger” and it states it in the singular form; so not to give it away for the enemy. Therefore, God mentioned “thy seed” instead of saying your people. Consider the fact that from Adam’s time all patriarchs had been expecting the fulfillment of the prophecy of Genesis 3:15 about the Savior, “The Seed”. Consequently, God revealed accurate chronological facts to Abraham so that Biblical prophecies would be protected against God’s enemies who would try to eradicate God’s precious truth regarding the plan of salvation. God, who inspired Moses to write down the wording of the prophecy spoken to the Patriarch Abraham is very careful to employ accurate words to also write down the exact span of time that Israel spent in Egypt. Therefore, Moses emphasizes the importance of knowing exact dates in order for chronological events and prophecies to be fulfilled in their due and appointed time. Destruction of Sodom and Gomorrah in 2045 A.M. In the year 2031, when Abraham was 85 years of age as they had settled down in Canaan, Sarah wavered in her faith and encouraged Abraham to sleep with Hagar her Egyptian maid in order for them to have a son. From that union between Abraham and Hagar, Ishmael was born the following year in 2032 when Abraham was 86 years of age (Genesis 16:3, 16). Thirteen years later, in the year 2045, Abraham received the good news that Sarah his wife will give birth to their wedlock’s only son Isaac. Abraham was 99 years of age and his son Ishmael was 13 years old when Isaac was born and both father and son were circumcised then. (Genesis 17:24-25). “In the selfsame day was Abraham circumcised, and Ishmael his son” (Genesis 17:26). In that same year 2045, when Abraham was 99 years of age, the Almighty God appeared to him (Genesis 17:1). In the plains of Mamre, the Lord also revealed to Abraham that his wife Sarah was going to have a son (Genesis 18:1, 10). Then the Lord told Abraham about His judgment upon Sodom and Gomorrah and the impending destruction because of the cities’ wickedness; He said: “.,..Because the cry of Sodom and Gomorrah is great, and because their sin is very grievous; I will go down now, and see whether they have done altogether according to the cry of it, which is come unto me; and if not, I will know” (Genesis 18:20-21). Sodom and Gomorrah were located among beautiful rivers, the land was “well watered everywhere; so splendid was its natural view that it is described “even as the garden of the Lord” (Genesis 13:10). “But the men of Sodom were wicked and sinners before the Lord exceedingly” (Genesis 13:13). On that evening of 2045 after the Lord had visited Abraham, two angels came to save Lot from Sodom (Genesis 19:1) and they accepted Lot’s invitation to lodge at his house that night. But after dinner when they were ready to lay down to sleep, the men of Sodom surrounded Lot’s house with the intention to sodomize the two angels, who in the eyes of the perverse males of Sodom, were just two men (Genesis 19:4-5). The 61 angels struck those perverts with blindness (Genesis 19:11); but those men together with the rest of the cities were reserved for utter destruction in their unexpected and retributive punishment at daybreak. Little did they know that judgment had already been passed and that impending destruction was coming their way at sunrise the next day; neither did they know that Abraham had been interceding for them on the noon of the day before but that there had not been found even ten righteous people in those cities for which the Lord would have spared them from destruction (Genesis 18:32). So faithless were Sodom’s inhabitants that not even Lot’s daughters, who were married with their families, believed the anguished pleadings of Lot to obey God and abandon the city for their own salvation (Genesis 19:14). After a sleepless night, trying to convince his family that two angels of God had come to destroy the city (Genesis 19:13), Lot was taken out of Sodom at sunrise, and as soon as he was out of danger with his two unmarried daughters and wife “the Lord rained upon Sodom and Gomorrah brimstone and fire from the Lord out of heaven” (Genesis 19:24). Abraham’s Funeral in Ephron in the year 2121 A.M. In the year 2121, at the age of 175 (Genesis 25:7), Abraham died and although he was born in Ur (South Iraq), he was buried in Hebron (Israel) in the field of Ephron, by his sons Isaac and Ishmael (Genesis 25:9). Ishmael, whose mother was an Egyptian (Genesis 16:1), had come to the funeral from his kindred in Egypt. This Ishmael who had come to mourn his father was sent away at an early age by Abraham and “dwelt in the wilderness of Paran: and his mother took him a wife out of the land of Egypt” (Genesis 21:21). It was in the wilderness of Paran where Ishmael started his family. Ishmael is still remembered in Egypt, and one of the country’s provinces bears his name Ismailia. Also in that province, the city of Naphish is called after the name of Ishmael’s son Naphish (Genesis 25:15). Just like the Word of God says, the towns in that province were called after the names of Ishmael’s sons (Genesis 25:16). Abraham, the father of faith, was the bridge that grasped so vast a knowledge of the plan of salvation from his ancestors and passed it on to his descendants, even onto Israel — the depositary of the oracles of God. He had known the Patriarch Noah for the last 60 years of his life — the man who built the ark. Thus, Abraham, who was 60 years of age, might as well have been present at the funeral of Noah. The burial of Noah took place somewhere in the Semitic region. Mesopotamia was the Semite route; that is, it was the region where the descendants of Shem had spread. It was in that region where Abraham had interactions with all his ancestors from whom he was encouraged to uphold the faith of God’s seed. Abraham had relatives in Ur, from where he traveled northward, and tracing the route of his Semitic ancestry he arrived with his father Terah in Haran. In Haran, he remained for a time where he had the opportunity to visit and interact with many of his ancestors while he also acquired much wealth and servants (Genesis 12:5). But at the age of seventy five, he was commanded by God to emigrate away from his country, his kindred (ancestors) and his father’s house (Genesis 12:1). That country spoken of as Abraham’s father’s house from where Abraham emigrated, was Syria; the region was called Padanaram and the city was called Haran. Abraham’s son Isaac married Rebekah, the Syrian of Padanaram (Genesis 25:20), the granddaughter of Nahor (Genesis 22:20-23). It was also Syria to which Jacob fled from the fury of his brother Esau — from Beersheba, the city of Abraham (Genesis 22:19), to Haran (Genesis 28:10) the city of the children of Nahor. It was in Syria where Jacob married 62 the Syrian Rachel, the great granddaughter of Nahor. You see how Jacob was the son of a Syrian woman and the husband of a Syrian woman. No wonder God commands Israel to acknowledge their Syrian roots: “And thou shalt speak and say before the LORD thy God, A Syrian ready to perish was my father, and he went down into Egypt, and sojourned there with a few, and became there a nation, great, mighty, and populous” (Deuteronomy 26:5). 63 CHAPTER TWO EGYPT: AN EXODUS TO FREEDOM “And God said unto Moses, 1AM THAT I AM. and he said, Thus shalt thou say unto the children of Israel, I AM hath sent me unto you” (Exodus 3:14). Shem Dies at Age 600 in the Year 2156 A.M. Imagine what a multitudinous gathering of the Semitic people from the regions of what is present-day Lebanon, Syria, Turkey, and Iraq, who attended the funeral of their ancestor Shem, who died at the age of 600 in the year 2156. Abraham could not attend because he had died 35 years earlier. Isaac was 110 years old and living in Beersheba (Canaan). The 50-year-old Jacob was living in Haran, Syria; so he could attend his ancestor’s funeral. Chart of the Number of Years that Jacob Knew his Ancestors 11' SHEM 2156 — 2106 50 Years 13" SALAH 2124 — 2106 18 Years 14” EBER 2185 — 2106 79 Years 20" ABRAHAM | 2121 — 2106 15 Years a ISAAC 2226 — 2106 120 Years ore JACOB 2253 — 2106 147 Years (His Life) The Semitic Route The Semites were established and spread along the Mesopotamian region, and the Semitic route was later elongated by the journey of Abraham toward Canaan to the west of Mesopotamia. Both Abraham and his grandson Jacob had to emigrate from their homeland to reach the cradle of Shem’s seed. Abraham journeyed on the eastern side and Jacob on the western side of the Syrian Desert to reach Haran in Syria. God brought Abraham from the southeastern land of Ur to Haran; He also brought Jacob from the south- western land of Canaan to Haran. Now you may ask... for what purpose did God bring those patriarchs to Syria? Well, God intended the descendants of Shem to interact with their ancestors and thus develop a 64 solid foundation of their faith. Although Abraham was not alive to attend the funeral of Shem, he had known him in life. Abraham also interacted with his ancestor Noah; remember that Abraham was 60 years of age when Noah died. If Abraham emigrated from Ur of the Chaldeans to Haran before the death of Noah, and we know that he remained there until the 75" year of his life, it was for the purpose of interacting with his ancestors. Therefore, if Noah lived in Haran or in any surrounding villages, it would have been easier for Abraham not only to interact with Noah but also to attend Noah’s funeral. Notice God’s providence even towards Ham who was cursed by Noah. To all the places where the children of Ham had spread, God sent His children of the lineage of Shem - even to Babylon, Nineveh, Sodom and Gomorrah. Of the children of Ham, two are well-known for having produced nations that rebelled against God: Cush and Canaan (Genesis 10:6). Cush, for instance, was the father of Nimrod who built Babel (Genesis 10:10), which later became Babylon in Mesopotamia; he also built Nineveh (Genesis 10:11) on the other side of the Tigris River near the border of present-day Iraq and Turkey. Canaan, on the other hand, was the father of the Canaanites who built Sodom and Gomorrah (Genesis 10:19), which were located near the Dead Sea between Israel and Jordan. In all the settlements of the children of Ham, Abraham the descendant of Shem, gave testimony of his faith and traveled the lands of the apostate children of the world. He could witness first-hand the work of rebellion at the construction of the tower of Babel. But under God’s guidance, he emigrated towards Canaan and settled down in the plains of Mamre (Genesis 18:1; 19:28); in the mountainous region of Hebron (Genesis 13:18), from where he interceded for his family in Sodom (Genesis 18: 25-26). Israel Settles Down in Egypt in 2236 A.M. Remember that God did not allow Abraham to settle down in Egypt, when there was a famine in his days (Genesis 26:1). God also forbade Isaac to journey into Egypt when there was another famine (Genesis 26:2). But with Jacob it was a totally different story: “And he said, I am God, the God of thy father: fear not to go down into Egypt; for I will there make of thee a great nation” (Genesis 46:3). It was in the year 2236 when God estimated it necessary that the children of Israel emigrate from their homeland Beersheba in Canaan (Genesis 46:5) to Goshen in Egypt (Genesis 47:1). They emigrated because of the great famine that hit the whole world, which was more severe in the land of Egypt and surrounding nations. (Genesis 41:56). But more importantly, Israel departed to Egypt so that the prophecy spoken to Abraham might be fulfilled. To Abraham God promised: “I will make of thee a great nation...” (Genesis 12:2). On the day when the 130-year-old Jacob established himself with his family of seventy members in Goshen, God’s promise for Abraham and Israel began to be fulfilled. Consequently, the promise given to Abraham was fulfilled a long time after Abraham’s death, when God commanded Jacob to leave Canaan and settle down in Egypt. Therefore, the text in Genesis 46:3 is emphatic “for I will there make of thee a great nation”; that is, when the Israelites were in Egypt, and never before that time. Therefore, Israel enjoyed the beginnings of nationhood in 2236; the year when they set foot on Egypt’s ground. From then on, they increased in number (Exodus 1:7). 65 Exponential Hebrew Population Growth As soon as the children of Israel touched Egyptian soil, they began growing in exponential numbers. An adjective, an adverb and a verb describe the manner of explosion growth that the children of Israel experienced to become a nation. Consequently, they “were fruitful, and increased abundantly, and multiplied” (Exodus 1:7). The marvelous Hebrew population growth became so prominent that the king of Egypt exclaimed with fear: “Behold the children of Israel are more and mightier than we” (Exodus 1:9). They had become a great and powerful nation inside Egypt so that the Egyptian authorities concocted diverse means of reducing the Hebrew population. As Egypt’s sovereignty could not contain Israel’s population growth, they resorted to implement corporal punishment and forceful slave labour. But such measures only stirred up the Israelites’ longing for greater growth, and Egypt’s demography continued to be modified by the Hebrew nation. Thus, the Holy Scriptures depict the Hebrew situation: “But the more they afflicted them, the more they multiplied and grew. And they were grieved because of the children of Israel” (Exodus 1:12). Starting with 70 people at the time of arrival in Egypt (Exodus 1:5), Israel’s population began an exponential growth that continued for the next 430 years. After more than four centuries had elapsed, it would number 603,550 male adults twenty years and over (Numbers 1:20-46). The Prophet Moses Born in 2586 A.M. The time was soon approaching for Israel’s deliverance, and Satan, who was conscious of the prophecy of redemption through the Messiah, became very active in his desperate hope to thwart God’s plans. Through his right arm Pharaoh, he devised a ploy to hinder the progress of Israel in becoming a great nation by inflicting slavery on them (Exodus 1:11). Then Satan schemed a wicked plan to slaughter the Hebrew male born children through strict orders given to their midwives (Exodus 1:16). Such a tactic did not work because the chosen midwives for that terrible task were pious women who feared God and disregarded Pharaoh’s orders. Therefore, Satan carried out a new scheme, through Pharaoh, who passed a mandatory law enforcing all Egyptian citizens to cast into the river all the male born Israelite babies (Exodus 1:22). It seems that Satan was afraid of something bigger as he exhausted all means through all his ploys to intercept God’s plan. Many children were slaughtered and drowned in the Nile river, yet God protected His deliverer. Moses was born in the year 2586. It is fascinating how God used Pharaoh’s daughter to accomplish His plan of deliverance for Israel. In vain did Satan use Pharaoh to try and thwart God’s plan. Pharaoh’s daughter named the baby Moses (Exodus 2:10). Although Moses had an Egyptian name, he was reared with a strong faith in the God of Abraham by his biological mother (Exodus 2:8). The Israelites had been taught by their forefathers that by Divine providence Israel should remain in Egypt for 400 years, part of which they would spend under Egyptian bondage. This was to be prior to the repossession and inheritance of the land of Canaan. But the children of Israel who lived to see God’s deliverance and the fulfillment of the prophecy given to Abraham, had to seek God’s will. They knew about the prophecy; but did they really understand the elements of its fulfillment? 66 Moses Becomes a Fugitive in 2626 A.M. Regardless of the spiritual condition of the people of Israel, Moses made preparations for the fulfillment of the prophecy and he became the deliverer of God’s people, because he was educated in accordance with the precepts of God. He was claimed and legitimized as a son by the Pharaoh’s daughter, yet as he was a Hebrew, he strived to maintain close connection with his people (Exodus 2:7-10). Living in the palace, Moses had a clear knowledge that God had appointed him to be the deliverer of His people Israel. Thus, he was anxiously waiting for the fulfillment of the prophecy spoken by Abraham concerning the period of four hundred years. Somehow, he had come to understand that on the day of his birthday, when he should turn exactly forty years of age, he would bring liberation. Thus the Scriptures speak of Moses in such a way: “And when he was full forty years old, it came into his heart to visit his brethren the children of Israel” (Acts 7:23). Moses visited his people on the day of his fortieth birthday in the year 2626. This is evidenced in the phrase “when he was full forty.” He intended to associate himself with his people and let them know that God would bring deliverance under his leadership. Like every good warrior, he hoped to employ his diplomacy to gain adherents to the movement of emancipation that should get momentum sooner or later. But first, he had to win his brethren the Israelites’ affection and confidence before he could give them directions. He had decided to visit them with the ideal of presenting himself as one with them, so that they could understand that one of the princes sitting at Pharaoh’s table was on their side. Although, he displayed the outward trappings of the idolatrous Egyptian royalty and was literate in the culture and religion of that pagan nation, he was a faithful believer in the God of Abraham, Isaac and Jacob; thus a worshiper of the God of his brethren, the children of Israel. Moses wished to give his people a sign that he was one of them and that deliverance was on its way. He wanted to prove to them that he had no spiritual connection with the Egyptian dominance. He wished to demonstrate to them that he was led by a different spirit than that shown by his palace peers. Accordingly, when visiting his brothers, as he encountered a Hebrew who was being beaten by an Egyptian superintendent, Moses grasped his first opportunity to give the Israelites an indication that through him God had a plan to overthrow the Egyptian oppression. Thus he ventured into slaughtering the Egyptian in the sight of the only witness, the mistreated Hebrew (Exodus 2: 11,12). But no rushed conspiracy was to play a pivotal role in bringing about the deliverance of God’s people. Obtaining royal and priestly education, Moses was received as an Egyptian prince, yet he knew very well that he himself was a Hebrew, and he was also waiting the time for the liberation of the people of Israel. He understood that he played an important part in God’s plan of deliverance. So, the Scriptures state: “And it came to pass in those days, when Moses was grown...” (Exodus 2:11). What happened in those days? Well Moses who had been expecting the fulfillment of the prophecy, jumped ahead of God and made a mistake; he killed an Egyptian man (Exodus 2:12). It is very easy to just think that Moses made a big mistake and get the matter over with. But the children of Israel made an even bigger mistake. On occasion of his visit to the children of Israel, Moses was 67 hopeful that the Hebrews should be expecting his visit, but more importantly, he expected that the children of Israel would know that the fulfillment of the prophecy was at hand. He wanted to further confirm to them that God was bringing deliverance through him. In slaying the Egyptian, Moses had hoped that it was enough of a sign for them to understand that he was one with them and that he was God’s appointed deliverer. Obviously they did not see this as a sign of deliverance, which reveals that they were not ready to receive emancipation. The Scriptures state the reason as to what prompted Moses to defend the Hebrew slave in such a way that he even smote the heartless Egyptian to death: “For he supposed his brethren would have understood how that God by his hand would deliver them: but they understood not” (Acts 7:25). Israel had not made preparations for the fulfillment of the prophecy because, in their minds, God’s promise had fallen into oblivion. They were totally unaware that God had intended for them to remain in Egypt only the 400 years that Abraham had prophesied of. They had neglected to make preparations regarding the prophecy because they had not understood God’s Word. The problem was not just that Moses slaughtered the Egyptian, but that the people of Israel had failed to understand God’s plan of deliverance. Moses’ Disappointment by Prophecy’s Postponement When Moses killed the Egyptian, he was 40 years old (See Acts 7:23); exactly ten years prior to the accomplishment of 400 years of Israel in Egypt as anticipated in the Genesis prophecy. So it appears that Moses expected to be the deliverer of Israel when the span of 400 years should elapse. But just a decade before the fulfilment of that prophecy, all Egypt knew was that Moses had slaughtered an Egyptian man. He had to flee as a fugitive out of Egypt because Pharaoh wanted to kill him (Exodus 2:15). Consequently, he remained 40 years in the desert herding flocks in Midian (Exodus 3:1; Acts 7:30) until he should return to Egypt at the age of 80 (Exodus 7:7) for his second attempt at liberating his people Israel. Finally, Moses lived for 40 more years in the wilderness leading the people of Israel until his death when he was 120 years old (Deuteronomy 34:7). Prominent in the life of Moses is the number 40. Could it be possible that he considered that at the age of forty he would begin to deliver Israel? Did he consider it relevant the fact that it took forty days and forty nights for the outpouring of the great worldwide flood of Genesis 7:12? Did Moses also consider the significance of Noah’s action in opening the ark’s window forty days after the ark touched ground? (Genesis 8:6). Did he think it was relevant that Isaac’s age of forty at the time of his wedding should be also mentioned? (Genesis 25:20). Moses knew that ten remaining years were still pending; ten years should pass until the fulfillment of the 400-year prophecy. Moreover, he understood that he was the chosen person to carry out the deliverance of the people of Israel. Somehow, he had come to understand that the number forty had something special. But he did not figure out that the forty days and forty nights of the great deluge had some special meaning for the outcome in Moses’ personal life. Looking retrospectively, Moses could understand what happened to the prophecy given to Abraham. There had been a 30-year postponement for its fulfillment; there was therefore a disappointment for the 68 faithful Moses. The prophecy had been contingent or conditional on the actions of Moses while in Egypt. But more importantly the prophecy was conditional on the attitudes and position taken by the children of Israel. Therefore the delay caused a great disappointment; the prophecy of deliverance must now be fulfilled only after another forty years should pass. By faith Moses had waited for the time of the end of Israel’s slavery. He had considered that the beginning of the movement for deliverance should go forward at the time when he should turn forty years of age. But in Moses’ mind was not just the end of Egyptian bondage that had prominence; he was eagerly waiting for the prophecy to be fulfilled exactly as promised to Abraham. Thus, for the first forty years of his life, and even when living in the Egyptian palaces, he was willing to become the spiritual leader of the children of Israel. “By faith Moses, when he was come to years, refused to be called the son of Pharaoh's daughter; Choosing rather to suffer affliction with the people of God, than to enjoy the pleasures of sin for a season; Esteeming the reproach of Christ’s greater riches than the treasures in Egypt: for he had respect unto the recompense of the reward” (Hebrews 11:24-26). The Scripture says “By faith Moses...” this was not the faith of the people of Israel for they were not making preparations for God’s deliverance. But in faith Moses had waited for the first forty years of his life, hopeful to take a central part in the fulfillment of such a wonderful prophecy. Sadly, the time had come and gone. Now Moses could ponder about what went wrong. Did God anticipate this great disappointment? Great was the disappointment of Moses who in the desert would ponder the outcome of the recent events back in Egypt. Forty long and gloomy years were now due for Moses, who knew very well that God had indeed rescued him from the waters of the Nile, and that his life had been preserved for a special mission of deliverance for Israel. The prophecy had been postponed because of the unbelief of God’s people. They had failed to understand that God was sending them a deliverer; but more than that they had failed to keep the faith in God and therefore they had failed to make preparations for the fulfillment of God’s prophecy. Thus, God allowed Moses to also make a mistake that for the next forty years would be the great disappointment of his mind. In great disappointment, Moses had to flee as a fugitive, knowing that his dream had not come true. It was a terrible blow for this faithful man of God. Living in solitude, he settled down in a remote place in the desert as he started a humble family. He began a new life; leaving the palace and royalty to become a commoner in the fields, working as a shepherd herding sheep. Thus, his dream to bring deliverance for the people of Israel had been crashed, at least for the next forty years. Greater than his disillusionment were the doubts beginning to creep into his mind. Could it be that the prophecy was not meant to be fulfilled as he had understood it? Perhaps God had not chosen him to be the leader in the great movement of liberation? What if the people of Israel were not meant to be emancipated at the end of the four hundred years? Did he act naively in defending the Hebrew slave? Was he totally responsible for the failure in the fulfillment of the prophecy? But as we have seen, the real culprits were the children of Israel. They had not understood the prophecy and had not inquired of the Lord as to who was God’s appointed deliverer. They should have realized that 69 Moses, even when he shared the comfort of Egyptian royalty was indeed a true Israelite, descended from a Hebrew family of the tribe of Levi. His close family members with whom Moses had not broken connection were his older brother Aaron (Exodus 4:14) and his sister Miriam. Yet the Hebrews ignored the facts; God was offering them help, but brought further harm to themselves by spreading the false news of sedition on the part of Moses whom they were not willing to accept as their leader. It is evident that they refused to accept Moses; but the terrible matter was deeper than that; they did not yet have the predisposition of accepting God’s guidance. Consequently, the Hebrews questioned God’s providence: “Who made thee a prince and a judge over us (Exodus 2:14)?” Yet God did not forsake His people, His Word says: “And when forty years were expired, there appeared to him in the wilderness of Mount Sinai an angel of the Lord in a flame of fire in a bush” (Acts 7:30). After the forty years had passed God appeared to Moses, Who commanded him to go back to Egypt and liberate His people. At that time, Israel’s generation that saw God’s providence understood the necessity of pleading with God in prayer for deliverance. Living in slavery, they felt compelled to turn to God. Whether they understood that the number of years stipulated in the prophecy had reached its culmination, or whether they pleaded with God just because of the rigorous enslavement, God knows. Thus in regard to the fulfillment of God’s promise, the children of Israel beseeched the Lord with all their heart so that God’s holy plan of deliverance should be expedited. The time had passed for the prophecy’s fulfilment, and the people of Israel began praying to God for deliverance. God heard their supplications, which went to Heaven in the form of groanings, sighs and cries. It appears that they prayed to God by reason of the bondage and not because they understood Abraham’s prophecy of 400 years, which was extended to 430 years. Notice that the word ‘bondage’ is repeated twice: “And it came to pass in process of time, that the king of Egypt died: and the children of Israel sighed by reason of the bondage, and they cried, and their cry came up unto God by reason of the bondage. And God heard their groaning, and God remembered his covenant with Abraham, with Isaac, and with Jacob” (Exodus 2:23-24). Right after departing Egypt, Moses commanded twelve princes to go and search Canaan. “And they returned from searching of the land after forty days” (Numbers 13:25). Because of the spies’ unbelief which Israel collectively joined in murmur and reproach against God, the Lord punished them, just like he did to Moses: “After the number of the days in which ye searched the land, even forty days, each day for a year, shall ye bear your iniquities, even forty years, and ye shall know my breach of promise” (Numbers 14:34). Did the Lord breach His promise? Yes, He did! And it was because of Israel’s unbelief, which happened twice, once when Moses defended the Hebrew slave and secondly when they joined the unfaithful princes who brought an evil report against God. Just like Moses passed 40 years in the wilderness also Israel needed to spend 40 years in a desert that would teach them obedience and respect for the God of Abraham, Isaac and Israel. 70 Israel’s 430 Years Sojourn in Egypt While in Genesis the prophecy signaled 400 years of Israel’s sojourning in a foreign land (Genesis 15:13), in the book of Exodus the actual fulfillment was not until a span of 430 years had elapsed. Now, the children of Israel were faced with a prophecy whose fulfillment was conditional on their faith. Exodus 12:40 is, therefore, relevant to our understanding of God’s prophecy given to Abraham. It is an elucidation that clarifies the fact that God’s prophetic Word in that regard was intended for the children of Israel living in Egypt. The text uses a phrase that leaves no doubt that the prophecy of the 430 years for Israel under the Egyptian slavery was aimed to include only the people of Israel who grew to become a nation while in Egypt. The explanatory phrase “who dwelt in Egypt” makes it crystal clear that the span of 430 years for Israel’s sojourning in Egypt began its counter at the very first day when the 130-year-old Jacob and his family entered Egypt. “Now the sojourning of the children of Israel, who dwelt in Egypt, was four hundred and thirty years” (Exodus 12:40). We have seen how the Word of God explains that the prophecy of the 430 years begins with Jacob and not with Abraham. Abraham and Isaac did not enter Egypt, to settle down there and become a nation. Jacob, on the contrary did enter Egypt to become a nation. In the Biblical accounts, we find that God’s repetition of historical facts confirms our faith in God’s truth and it leaves no space for falsity, misrepresentation, or distortion of the Word of God. Moreover, every time that a repetition of a Biblical fact is given, it is added extra information in it. Once again, God reiterates historical facts to affirm and confirm the trustworthiness of His Holy Word. The previous verse has already stated that the sojourn of Israel in Egypt was 430 years. Now Exodus 12:41 restates the same fact with a little extra detail which is an eye opener for understanding the prophecy. It states: “And it came to pass at the end of the four hundred and thirty years, even the selfsame day it came to pass, that all the hosts of the LORD went out from the land of Egypt” (Exodus 12: 41). When God repeats one fact, He intends to awaken His people’s minds in order for them to keep focused as to what eventuated in divine history. God encourages and persuades His remnant people to reason together with the Lord, in this case as to why the prophecy was not fulfilled on the anticipated date as He had told Abraham. Most certainly, God is faithful to His word and His truth is absolute. Nonetheless, certain people fail to understand and thus prevaricate from God’s truth. Consequently, it is immensely imperative that God’s faithful people follow the command of the Lord, as He encourages us to “Buy the truth, and sell it not; also wisdom, and instruction, and understanding” (Proverbs 23:23). We should pay attention to God’s reiteration of historical facts because God repeats historical facts for a reason. Apart from the fact that God is repeating that the period of the children of Israel in Egypt was 430 years, the Word of God uses three meaningful phrases in Exodus 12:41. For instance: “and it came to pass,” meaning that the marvelous prophecy revealed by God and prophesied by Abraham 645 years earlier, had providentially been fulfilled. The prophecy had been given to Abraham when he was commanded to depart from Haran at the age of seventy-five years (Genesis 12:4) in the year 2021 A.M. (for reference see the chart). And this prophecy began to be fulfilled in the year 2236 A.M. when Israel (Jacob) was 130 71 years old (Genesis 47:9). But there are some people preaching that Israel sojourned 215 years in Egypt when the Word of God clearly states that it was 430 years. Let us reason together with the Lord. With the phrase “at the end of the four hundred and thirty years” God refreshes our minds with the fact that the Israelites spent a full span of 430 years in Egypt. This phrase also alludes to the original prophecy, and it does it with the emphatic article “the” which gives the specificity that this text is connecting Exodus 12:40 with Genesis 15:13. God always fulfills His divine plans in His appointed time. The Exodus happened exactly on the day when Israel was completing 430 years in their residence in Egypt. The phrase: “even the selfsame day” gives us an indication that God wants us to pay attention to the chronological data. It shows that He is a God of discipline and order. The Bible prophecies were fulfilled in the moment when God attended to His appointment with us. Bear in mind that in God’s chronology, the main focus is the redemption of this world. Therefore, the Biblical chronology must have a solid foundation in order that the Messianic prophecies given in the Law and the Prophets might be understood as fulfilled in the exact time as God had preordained. The Exodus: God’s Liberation of Israel from Egypt in 2666 A.M. How wonderful it was in the year 2666 when God brought liberation to His people Israel as “they departed from Rameses in the first month, on the fifteenth day of the first month” (Numbers 33:3). They were liberated from their Egyptian enslavers, who under the leadership of Satan and Pharaoh, had attempted to annihilate the last vestiges of faith in the children of Israel. But it was a dreadful year for the enemies of God, as Satan and his hosts were defeated; their vain religion was shamefully exposed and their wicked Egyptian nation was devastated. God brought retribution upon Egypt for having accepted Satan’s pantheistic religion of worshiping demons. It was Satan’s plot to induce the nations against God’s plan of salvation and God’s doctrines pertaining to the Heavenly Sanctuary. Pharaoh himself was worshiped by the deluded Egyptians; he had taken the prerogative that only belongs to God. Therefore, God brought ten terrible plagues that devastated Egypt’s fragile economy and their futile religion (Exodus 7:20- 11:8). The last plague was the most devastating one. And in order for God’s people to escape the last plague they needed to heed and obey God’s requirements. The Israelites had to sacrifice an unblemished male lamb (Exodus 12:5), and mark their houses with the blood in three different parts of the house: in the two side posts and on the upper door post (Exodus 12:7). They also had to eat the Passover lamb with staff in hand, shoes on feet and loins girded (Exodus 12:11), and await God’s great deliverance. When God revealed to His people, His plan for that solemn night, He said: “For I will pass through the land of Egypt this night and will smite all the firstborn in the land of Egypt, both man and beast; and against all the gods of Egypt I will execute judgment: I am the LORD” (Exodus 12212); Gathering the Israelites for one of the most holy convocations in the history of the world, Moses related to his people God’s laid-out plan of deliverance and assured them protection through the approaching night of impending judgment. They were to heed and obey carefully, in detail, all the commands of God and to 72 go unhesitatingly and without delay and act promptly on the rest of that day and for what lay ahead for the night. The meeting had to be held and the instructions given, on the very day of their departure. “And the children of Israel went away, and did as the LORD had commanded Moses and Aaron, so did they” (Exodus 12:28). The children of Israel sacrificed their Passover and fixed their faith on the Messiah, the true Passover Lamb who saved His people from their sins. God’s Retribution at Midnight “And Moses said, ‘Thus saith the LORD, About midnight will I go out into the midst of Egypt: And all the firstborn in the land of Egypt shall die, from the firstborn of Pharaoh that sitteth upon his throne, even unto the firstborn of the maidservant that is behind the mill; and all the firstborn of beasts” (Exodus 11:4- 5). It is significant that God chose the hours around midnight to show His power and bring retribution upon Egypt and its demonic doctrines and practices. The Egyptians regarded in high esteem the hours of midnight in which they celebrated their pagan rituals. In paganism, the hours of midnight mark the beginning of a new day; but this common knowledge is against the Word of God. The God Who created time, commanded that a day begins at sunset, not at midnight as the pagan religions teach. Therefore, from the creation day when God created the world, He began counting days beginning with the sunset. “And the evening and the morning were the first day.” (Genesis 1:5). Likewise, for the observance of the Sabbath, the day of the Lord (Genesis 2:2, Mark 2:28), the people of the Exodus coming out of Egypt should relearn that the seventh day should be kept beginning at sunset and ending at sunset next day. Therefore, the command was given to the emancipated Hebrew people: “... from even unto even, shall ye celebrate your Sabbath” (Leviticus 23:32). So the people of God were reminded in the year of the Exodus in 2666 that a day begins and ends at sunset. They Israelites celebrated their ceremony in the evening (Exodus 12:6); and one and a half millennia later, on the day of the Lord Jesus’ crucifixion, God’s people still remembered that a day, in this case the Sabbath day, spans from sunset to sunset. The gospel reads: “And now when the even was come, because it was the preparation, that is, the day before the Sabbath” (Mark 15:42), “and the Sabbath drew on” (Luke 23:54), “And they returned, and prepared spices and ointments; and rested the Sabbath day according to the commandment” (Luke 23:56). Therefore, God appointed that a day begins at sundown. Death at midnight was therefore God’s final judgment against the Egyptian’s observance of occult times, carnivals and wicked practices. God also commanded His people to refrain from such satanic practices as the use of enchantments, the observance of times (Leviticus 19:26), consulting familiar spirits, seeking the wizards (Leviticus 19:31), and making tattoos in the skin for the dead (Leviticus 19:28). Pharaoh knew that more than one death would occur in every Egyptian house at midnight during the tenth and final plague. That was not a normal night, it was a night of retribution, and the Egyptians had been forewarned. Therefore, they feared the dreadful premonition until about midnight when the Lord went out into the midst of Egypt and all the firstborn in Egypt died from the firstborn of Pharaoh to the firstborn of the servants and beasts (Exodus 11:4,5). And all Egypt kept awake with a great mourning as never before (Leviticus 11:6). The Word of God states: 73 “And it came to pass, that at midnight the LORD smote all the firstborn in the land of Egypt, from the firstborn of Pharaoh that sat on his throne unto the firstborn of the captive that was in the dungeon; and all the firstborn of cattle” (Exodus 12:29). It was midnight when in sorrowful groaning and anguished wailing all Egyptians voiced their hopeless cry for their many dead loved ones throughout the country. The Egyptians were punished by the tenth and last plague that visited their wickedness. “And Pharaoh rose up in the night, he, and all his servants, and all the Egyptians; and there was a great cry in Egypt; for there was not a house where there was not one dead” (Exodus 12:30). God Executes Judgment on All the Egyptian gods God’s wrath in condemnation and repugnance against Egyptian idolatry in all its forms was revealed with the last plague. Necromancy was the demonic custom in Egypt to conjure the spirits of the dead. This was a country of many necromancers, the conjurers of demons through the practice of invoking the so called spirits of the realm of death. Demonic cults and rituals to the dead were performed in Egypt. Their wickedness had led them to adopt and give shape to devilish creatures such as Anubis the god of the dead having a human body and a jackal head. Osiris was the Egyptian governor of the underworld of the dead. Thus, the Egyptians had developed a strong fondness for rituals regarding death. The Egyptians had practiced a pantheistic religion producing their own gods by the amalgamation of human and animal creatures. Consequently, Bastet was represented as a woman with a cat’s head, Hator was worshiped as a woman with a cow’s head, Horus was represented as a man with a hawk’s head, Isis was depicted as a woman with a cow’s horns, Mut was a woman with the head of a vulture, Ra was represented by a man with a hawk or a bull’s head, Sekhmet was represented by a woman with the head of a lion, and Apis was a bull. In fact, the Egyptians had their temples to those devilish gods, but in effect they worshiped and had great veneration for their representative animals. Those who had a great fondness for death and the realm of the dead were visited by a terrible plague that saw the slaughtering of all the firstborn in Egypt, those of the animals and humans. The end of an era had begun for Egypt; their religion was in turmoil, all the Egyptian gods had been killed. Those who had disdained the true God, against whom they had hardened their hearts, were now confused and alarmed. Puzzled with such a great havoc they sank in hopelessness for they had come to the realization that their religion was empty and vain. By the hundreds of thousands, their loved ones perished under the dominion of death, and to make things worse, their gods were now dead. Could they now comprehend that they had cherished a dead religion? Would they still cling to their demon gods who had failed to protect them? Thus, the Egyptians’ hope was shattered; their faith had crumbled. After the mournful night of death in Egypt, and on the following day, their day of mourning, the Egyptians: royalty, governors, priests, armies, magicians, and commoners; all with no exception, buried their dead in distress and sorrow. With mixed feelings of anger, anguish and hopelessness, they could not help but bury their dead loved ones and their dead animals that they esteemed as gods. They even buried their royal princes, some of whom would have become pharaohs themselves. 74 “For the Egyptians buried all their firstborn, which the LORD had smitten among them: upon their gods also the LORD executed judgments” (Numbers 33:4). Egypt’s gods: Isis, Horus and Set (IHS) were judged at this time. Their futile religion was powerless and meaningless; their pagan representations in the form of unclean animals had been slaughtered. Now these devils; whose names still remain in vogue today, had been judged before the eyes of human worshipers. But when the Lord Jesus was crucified on the cross of Calvary, these same devils, and the rest of the demons together with Satan, were judged before the eyes of God’s holy angels and the whole universe as they contemplated our Redeemer, whose character of love had emptied Himself to become a human being in order to save the fallen human race. Our Lord Jesus, a few hours before His execution pronounced this sentence: “Now is the judgment of this world: now shall the prince of this world be cast out” (John 12:31). Regarding such a terrible day of visitation for the Egyptians, Elihu had uttered the prophecy of its impending judgment. A judgment carried out in the darkest hours of midnight, a midnight of wickedness for the Egyptians, and midnight in actual time. They could not hide themselves from the appointed time of judgment from God. Thus, God had opened up this mystery, even from the days of Job through the utterance of Elihu, one of Job’s friends: “In a moment shall they die, and the people shall be troubled at midnight, and pass away: and the mighty shall be taken away without hand. For his eyes are upon the ways of man, and he seeth all his goings. There is no darkness, nor shadow of death, where the workers of iniquity may hide themselves” (Job 34:20-22). 75 CHAPTER THREE A SANCTUARY IN THE DESERT “Thou in thy mercy hast led forth the people which thou hast redeemed: thou hast guided them in thy strength unto thy holy habitation” (Exodus 15:13). Sinai’s Shaking Prefigures the Heavenly Sanctuary Rameses was the land where Joseph placed his father and his brothers as they settled down in Egypt (Genesis 47:11). It was also from Rameses that the children of Israel departed on the day of the Exodus (Exodus 12:37). And in the 3rd month of 2666, after the Exodus, the Lord commanded and the Hebrews broke camp as they departed to set up camp in the wilderness of Sinai in front of the mountain (Exodus 19:1-2). On that mountain, God’s final judgment was heralded as His character was revealed when God wrote the Ten Commandments. Such an event had an element of the judgment taking place right now in the Heavenly Sanctuary. We have read of the awesome experience Moses had at the reception of the Ten Commandments on Mount Sinai, how he exceedingly feared and trembled (Hebrews 12:21). We are not coming to the earthly Mount Sinai to meet with our God. Yet when the apostle teaches that we are to meet with God, he speaks of the Heavenly Mount Zion, he says: “But ye are come unto mount Zion, and unto the city of the living God, the heavenly Jerusalem, and to an innumerable company of angels” (Hebrews 12:22). Therefore, we are summoned to appear before God, this time not on Mount Sinai but on Mount Zion, not at the earthly sanctuary but at the Heavenly Sanctuary and we are strictly commanded: “See that ye refuse not him that speaketh. For if they escaped not who refused him that spake on earth, much more shall not we escape, if we turn away from him that speaketh from heaven: Whose voice then shook the earth: but now he hath promised, saying, Yet once more I shake not the earth only, but also heaven” (Hebrews 12:25-26). Why does the Word of God promise another shaking? Consider for a moment the earthquake that happened at Mount Sinai with all its supernatural sights and sounds and how the people fled in panic. Then, the glory of God, which made this sin-stained world shake, appeared to their natural senses to be dreadful. But, you may ask, why is it that God is speaking of another shaking, not of the earth only but also Heaven, and yet God speaks of it as a promise? Would God’s people be glad about the shaking of Heaven and earth? “The earth shall reel to and fro like a drunkard, and shall be removed like a cottage; and the transgression thereof shall be heavy upon it; and it shall fall, and not rise again” (Isaiah 24:20). When God speaks of this shaking, he is speaking about a spiritual cleansing done by the Lord Jesus in the Most Holy Place in the Heavenly Sanctuary. Such a shaking refers to the remission or removal of sins from the repentant sinner. But soon the Sanctuary in Heaven will be shaken for the reason of cleansing it from the stain of sin. Let us continue the reading: 76 “And this word, yet once more, signifieth the removing of those things that are shaken, as of things that are made, that those things which cannot be shaken may remain” (Hebrews 12:27). At the present, we have a High Priest; the Lord Jesus, in the Most Holy Place in the Heavenly Sanctuary (Hebrews 8:1-2; Hebrews 9:24; Hebrews 10:19). Moreover, here on earth we beseech Him to remove our sins and our sinful traits that stain our character. Those sins are removed from us when we repent and ask for forgiveness as we ask our High Priest Jesus: “Remove from me the way of lying: and grant me thy law graciously” (Psalms 119:29). Accordingly, we approach the Heavenly Sanctuary with the claim: “Remove from me reproach and contempt; for I have kept thy testimonies” (Psalms 119:22). Thus, as I confess my sins to God, they are removed from me and I become clean by the blood of the Lord Jesus (Hebrews 13:12. In this time of probation, let us plead with God with this acknowledgment: “Iniquities prevail against me: as for our transgressions, thou shalt purge them away” (Psalms 65:3). Then we grasp God’s grace and plead for His deliverance from sins: “Help us, O God of our salvation, for the glory of thy name: and deliver us, and purge away our sins, for thy name's sake” (Psalms 79:9). But our forgiven sins are not automatically erased. Our Lord Jesus bears our iniquities as it is written, “So Christ was once offered to bear the sins of many” (Hebrews 9:28). However, the glorious day is soon approaching when Heaven will be shaken and those sins which have been removed from the repentant sinners will also be removed from Heaven. So Heaven itself will be cleansed from the stain of sin. The Word of God also teaches that in the shaking of Heaven there are some things which cannot be removed nor shaken (Hebrews 12:27). For instance, God’s will cannot be shaken and therefore not removed; remember our Lord Jesus when he prayed: “Father, if thou be willing, remove this cup from me: nevertheless not my will, but thine, be done” (Luke 22:42). Repentant and forgiven sinners will not have their names removed from the book in Heaven, yet that warning is given by the Lord: “I will remove thy candlestick out of his place, except thou repent” (Revelation 2:5). Therefore, as the Lord Jesus’ offer of salvation is still available and the door of mercy is still open, we can claim His promises and tell Him: “Have mercy upon me, O God, according to thy lovingkindness: according unto the multitude of thy tender mercies blot out my transgressions” (Psalms 51:1). However, one thing we do not want to be blotted out at the coming shaking of the Heavenly Sanctuary is our names from the book of life. Let us take hold of the promise: “He that overcometh... I will not blot out his name out of the book of life...” (Revelation 3:5). The Code of God’s Judgment It was an awesome view for the people of Israel looking at Mount Sinai as it “was altogether on a smoke, because the Lord descended upon it in fire” (Exodus 19:18). What happened on Mount Sinai was repeated in Jerusalem on the Day of Pentecost as the Holy Spirit in both events descended in the form of fire. The promise was received by the church as the Lord Jesus had “...commanded them that they should not depart from Jerusalem, but wait for the promise of the Father...” (Acts 1:4). Such a promise was received “when the day of Pentecost was fully come...” (Acts 2:1). At that time “there appeared unto them cloven tongues like as of fire. And they were all filled with the Holy Spirit” (Acts 2:3-4). 77 On Mount Sinai, the Lord had descended in fire when God gave Moses “two tables of testimony, tables of stone, written with the finger of God” (Exodus 31:18). How do we know that it was the Holy Spirit that wrote the Ten Commandments in two tablets of stone? Paul elucidates this point by stating that we are the epistle of Christ... “Written not with ink, but with the Spirit of the living God; not in tables of stone, but in fleshly tables of the heart” (2 Corinthians 3:3). The act of abolishing or changing the Ten Commandments written by the Holy Spirit is blasphemy against God. The Lord Jesus made it clear when He said: “Think not that I am come to destroy the law, or the prophets: I am not come to destroy, but to fulfill” (Matt. 5:17). No wonder the Holy Scriptures speak about the Ten Commandments written on Mount Sinai as being permanent and immutable: “For whosoever shall keep the whole law, and yet offend in one point, he is guilty of all. For he that said, do not commit adultery, said also, do not kill. Now if thou commit no adultery, yet if thou kill, thou art become a transgressor of the law” (James 2:10-11). It is the Law of God, the Ten Commandments of Exodus 20:1-17, by which God will judge the world. Therefore, the Word of God catches our attention with the words: “So speak ye, and so do, as they that shall be judged by the law of liberty” (James 2:12). This world has no justice; the princes of this world have introduced a different kind of law called human rights by which they foster and protect the practices of Sodom and Gomorrah. Isaiah prophesied of God’s holy people when he said: “Except the LORD of hosts had left unto us a very small remnant, we should have been as Sodom, and we should have been like unto Gomorrah” (Isaiah 1:9). The world has a war against God’s remnant specifically because they obey God’s Law rather than human rights as established by humanism. But let the Word of God explain this war: “And the dragon was wroth with the woman, and went to make war with the remnant of her seed, which keep the commandments of God, and have the testimony of Jesus Christ” (Revelation 12:17). Against the powers of darkness of this world we have to speak loudly and clearly, just like Peter and Paul presented a response: “Whether it be right in the sight of God to hearken unto you more than unto God, judge ye” (Acts 4:19). The war began in Heaven by the renegade Lucifer. This cosmic war was against the Law of God. The war continues on earth, and likewise it is against the Law of the Creator. The war will be ended by God when He will finish the judgment by his holy Law (James 2:12). The book of Revelation presents another view of this judgment: “And I saw heaven opened, and behold a white horse; and he that sat upon him was called Faithful and True, and in righteousness he doth judge and make war” Revelation 19:11. This will be explained in detail in a later chapter. However, notice a foretaste of what is going on as judgment continues in the Heavenly Sanctuary as war is presently being waged against the Law of God here on earth. In both instances, Heaven is opened: “And the temple of God was opened in heaven, and there was seen in his temple the ark of his testament: and there were lightnings, and voices, and thunderings, and an earthquake, and great hail” (Revelation 11:19). 78 Idolatry in the Foothills of Mount Sinai in 2666 A.M. Satan’s hatred towards the Hebrews was intensified because of God’s favor and protection for them. That old serpent was enraged and looking for an opportunity to destroy the people of God. Therefore, in 2666 he incited the children of Israel to prevaricate from the truth and celebrate an idolatrous worship. First, they made “a molten calf’ (Exodus 32:4) and then they worshiped it (Exodus 32:8). Having made a false god, they silenced their conscience and convinced themselves that their liberation and protection was due to the idol of their own hands. They gave honor and glory to that thing, saying: “These be thy gods, Oh Israel, which brought thee up out of the land of Egypt” (Exodus 32:4). Their conscience was so lulled that in their anxiety they entrusted their souls for their salvation and forgiveness of sins to that golden calf. Having been duped and wrongfully believing that they could achieve atonement for sins from an invention of their own making, they pushed Aaron to “built an altar” in front of the calf (Exodus 32:25). Having completely seared their consciences, the people fell into the trap of idolatry as they tried to work their own salvation and they confessed their sins to an idol and “offered burnt offerings, and brought peace offerings (Exodus 32:6). Moreover, “the people sat down to eat and to drink” (Exodus 32:6). But such eating and drinking was not the customary daily eating; they were eating and drinking food sacrificed to an Egyptian god; their feast was the flesh of the animals that represented Apis, an Egyptian god believed to be the reincarnation of Osiris, the sun god. The Hebrews had sacrificed unawares to the sun god in the hope of receiving forgiveness for their sins from The Almighty God, Whom they had represented by the abomination of the Egyptians in the form of a calf. You may ponder at Moses’ action and even question why, in his indignation for the gravity of Israel’s sin, he “took the calf which they had made, and burnt it in the fire and ground it to powder, and strawed it upon the water, and made the children of Israel drink of it” (Exodus 32: 20). There is a reason behind Moses’ action. He gave them to drink the god of their making as an object lesson of harsh rebuke so that Israel should come to their senses and learn that there is no virtue in that abomination. The children of Israel prevaricated from the truth and did in accordance with the Egyptians’ traditions. They ate and drank to the honor of their god, after offering sacrifices in accordance with the Osirian sacrament. This was the doctrine that the virtues and powers of the eaten can be thus absorbed by the eater. Although crude, this was a core concept, the conviction that one could receive immortality by eating the flesh and blood of a god who had died. The Day of Atonement Prefigured the Judgment Day On the Day of Atonement, the high priest alone went into the Most Holy Place in the earthly sanctuary “within the veil before the mercy seat, which is upon the ark...” (Leviticus 16:2). Aaron and every subsequent high priest should offer a bullock for his sins and for the sins of his house (Leviticus 16:6), and its blood he should sprinkle seven times with his finger upon the mercy seat, in the Most Holy Place (Leviticus 16:14). Moreover, on the Day of Atonement, the high priest should “take of the congregation of the children of Israel two kids of the goats for a sin offering...” (Leviticus 16:5). He was to “take the two goats, and present them before the Lord...” (Leviticus 16:7). The high priest should then cast lots on the two goats “one lot for the LORD, and the other lot for the scapegoat” (Leviticus 16:8). The goat for the Lord was sacrificed by the high priest himself, as a sin offering (Leviticus 16:9). This goat was 79 sacrificed for the sins of the people (Leviticus 16:10) and its blood was brought into the Most Holy Place in the sanctuary; that is “within the veil” and sprinkled upon the mercy seat and before the mercy seat (Leviticus 16:15). That was how the high priest made “an atonement for the Holy Place, because of the uncleanness of the children of Israel” (Leviticus 16:16). Symbolically, all the sins of the children of Israel were brought to remembrance on that day and were to be eradicated from the presence of the sanctuary. But a sacrifice was to be made in order to “make atonement in the Holy Place” (Leviticus 16:17). And “until he come out, and have made an atonement for himself, and for his household and for the congregation of Israel” (Leviticus 16:17), when he had reconciled the Holy Place, the tabernacle of congregation and the altar (Leviticus 16:20) only then could the high priest bring the live goat (Leviticus 16:20). Notice that the atonement was made with the sacrificed goat and it was sacrificed for the sins of the people. Now, what about the scapegoat? This goat, the Lord had commanded: “shall bear upon him all their iniquities unto a land not inhabited” (Leviticus 16:22). That goat was to be presented alive before the Lord, to make an atonement with him and to let him go for a scapegoat into the wilderness” (Leviticus 16:10). “And Aaron shall lay both his hands upon the head of the live goat, and confess over him all the iniquities of the children of Israel, and all their transgressions in all their sins, putting them upon the head of the goat, and shall send him away by the hand of a fit man into the wilderness” (Leviticus 16:21). Of the two goats presented on the Day of Atonement, one paid the penalty of our sins; the sacrificed goat represented the Lord Jesus Who redeemed us from the penalty of death. The scapegoat represents the real culprit for the problem of sin, Satan (I John 3:8), who has been judged (John 12:31) and found guilty of the sins of the world. Thus, coming out of Egypt, the people of Israel received a major token of God’s revelation of His plan of redemption. To Moses, it was revealed the essence of the Heavenly Sanctuary message through the atonement. To him, it was revealed the truth about judgment and the eradication of sin by God. But to Daniel, it was revealed the exact date when the Messiah, the Son of God, would make atonement for the sins of the world. To Daniel, it was also revealed when the Sanctuary in Heaven would be cleansed (Daniel 8:14). We will study this later. The Heavenly Sanctuary Shown to Moses Notice that it was on Mount Sinai that God showed Moses the city of the living God: Mount Zion. God purposed that His people make an earthly tabernacle according to the similitude of the Heavenly Tabernacle (Hebrews 8:5). After viewing the magnificence of the Heavenly Sanctuary, Moses received God’s command: “And let them make me a sanctuary; that I may dwell among them. According to all that I show thee, after the pattern of the tabernacle, and the pattern of all the instruments thereof, even so shall ye make it” (Exodus 25:8-9). 80 The first covenant consisted in the making of the earthly sanctuary in accordance with the pattern in Heaven, which was designed to represent God’s plan of salvation (Hebrews 9:1). Such a “covenant had ordinances of divine service”, and also had an earthly sanctuary (Hebrews 9:1). The earthly tabernacle was built with two compartments; “the first, wherein was the candlestick and the table and the showbread; which was called the sanctuary” (Hebrews 9:2). Into that first compartment is where the priests went continually, that is, daily (Hebrews 9:6). The second compartment “is called the Holiest of all” (Hebrews 9:3), which had the Ark of the Covenant (Hebrews 9:4) and the mercy seat (Hebrews 9:5). “But into the second went the high priest alone once every year, not without blood, which he offered for himself and for the errors of his people” (Hebrews 9:7). On the day of His ascension, our Lord Jesus went into the Holy Place; that is, the first compartment of the Heavenly Sanctuary as represented by the daily ministration of the earthly priests. “The Holy Ghost this signifying, that the way into the holiest of all was not yet made manifest, while as the first tabernacle was yet standing” (Hebrews 9:8). Jesus offered His own blood once and for all, “by his own blood he entered in once into the Holy Place, having obtained eternal redemption for us” (Hebrews 9:12). You will see in the final chapter of this book that when 6000 years in the chronology of the world had elapsed the Lord Jesus began His ministry in the Most Holy Place in the Heavenly Sanctuary, as it is written: “...But now once in the end of the world hath he ministered to put away sin by the sacrifice of himself.” (Hebrews 9:26). We will also see that such a ministry is what was revealed to Daniel regarding the cleansing of the sanctuary, as it is written: “And almost all things are by the law purged with blood; and without shedding of blood is no remission” (Hebrews 9:22). Notice that on the cross the Lord Jesus paid for the penalty of sin, but at the time of the end He ministers in the Most Holy Place (Hebrews 9:24; Hebrews 10:19) to put an end to sin (Hebrews 9:28). Such putting away of sin was represented by the ceremonial Sabbath of the Day of Atonement, such event represented the time of judgment which was to take place in the Most Holy Place in the Heavenly Sanctuary when the investigative judgment should begin. The Day of Atonement was therefore a miniature form of the judgment in Heaven which precedes the second coming of the Majesty of Heaven, as it is written: “Christ was once offered to bear the sins of many; and unto them that look for him shall he appear the second time without sin unto salvation” (Hebrews 9:28). The Day when Moses Smote the Rock As Israel camped in Rephidim, they found no water to drink (Exodus 17:1). There in Rephidim is where Moses smote the rock in Horeb and water came out of it as the Lord stood on the rock (Exodus 17:6). At that time the Lord had commanded Moses to smite the rock but it was the Lord who was standing on that rock; symbol of the true Rock. Let us read from the primary source: “And the LORD said unto Moses, Go on before the people, and take with thee of the elders of Israel; and thy rod, wherewith thou smotest the river, take in thine hand, and go. Behold, I will stand before thee there upon the rock in Horeb; and thou shalt smite the rock, and there shall come water out of it, that the people may drink. And Moses did so in the sight of the elders of Israel” (Exodus 17:5-6). On the occasion when the people of Israel camped in Kadesh in the desert of Zin (Numbers 20:1) “And there was no water for the congregation: and they gathered themselves together against Moses and against Aaron” (Numbers 20:2). Then the Lord gave explicit directions to Moses as to what to do. God wanted to 81 give them water once again, just like the water that God gives is “water springing up into everlasting life” (John 4:14). This time Moses was not meant to smite the rock at all, because he had done that once in another desert on another rock. This time the Lord told Moses: “Take the rod, and gather thou the assembly together, thou, and Aaron thy brother, and speak ye unto the rock before their eyes; and it shall give forth his water, and thou shalt bring forth to them water out of the rock: so thou shalt give the congregation and their beasts drink” (Numbers 20:8). Nonetheless, Moses did not give glory to God but said “Hear now, ye rebels; must we fetch you water out of this rock?” (Numbers 20:10) and he smote the rock twice (Numbers 20:11). And because of his unbelief, Moses was punished by not having the privilege to enter Canaan with his people Israel (Numbers 20: 12). Part of his unbelief was that Moses smote the rock twice, that rock was a symbol of Jesus Christ, as it is written: “they drank of that spiritual Rock that followed them: and that Rock was Christ” (1 Corinthians 10:4). The Word of God presents the Lord Jesus not only as that Rock but as God, “For who is God, save the LORD? And who is a rock, save our God?” (2 Sam. 22:32; Psalms 18:31). Having smitten the rock twice, Moses did not honor God by illustrating differently, that the Rock of our salvation was going to be offered once not twice (Hebrews 7:27; Hebrews 9:28). Moses did not spoil the plan of salvation but he failed for an instant to acknowledge that salvation is through grace and not by works. The Rock of our salvation was smitten of God and not of men as the prophet Isaiah wrote: “Yet we did esteem him stricken, smitten of God, and afflicted” (Isaiah 53:4). Moses’ Last Message in 2706 A.M. Five months prior to Moses’ last speech, Aaron died on mount Hor in the 40" year after the Israelites came out of Egypt, (Numbers 33:38), he was 123 years of age when he died (Numbers 33:39). Aaron died just after the incident of the fiery serpents that struck and bit the Israelites and many died (Numbers 21:6). There the Lord commanded Moses to make a serpent of brass and set it on a pole so that anybody who had been bitten of serpents should lift up their eyes and behold the serpent of brass and live (Numbers 21:9). Did the brass serpent have any special virtue? None at all, but it was for Israel to put their trust in the Lord. It was also to tell the world that salvation comes from God, as the world has been bitten by the venomous old serpent and suffers from the poisonous effects of sin. The Lord Jesus spoke about his death as He was to be lifted up on a cross. He said: “And as Moses lifted up the serpent in the wilderness, even so must the Son of man be lifted up: That whosoever believeth in him should not perish, but have eternal life” (John 3:14-15). As the final day approached for their last stay in the wilderness, the children of Israel journeyed from the mountains of Abarim in front of Mount Nebo (Numbers 33:47) and camped by Jordan in the plains of Moab near Jericho (Numbers 33:48). Here God commanded Moses to encourage the people of Israel that when they shall cross the Jordan into Canaan they must displace the inhabitants of the land, destroy all their pictures and all their molten images, and pull down all their high places (Numbers 33:50-52). 82 On the occasion of his last speech when Moses addressed the nation on the east side of Jordan (Deuteronomy 1:1); on the very day when he was 120 years old, he declared to the Hebrew nation that he could not go over this Jordan (Deuteronomy 31:2). Moses revealed another important chronological fact. On the day of his last speech, he not only disclosed his age, 120 years, but also made known the date in which he addressed the Israelites: “And it came to pass in the fortieth year, in the eleventh month, on the first day of the month, that Moses spake unto the children of Israel, according unto all that the LORD had given him in commandment unto them” (Deuteronomy 1:3). So, here was the great leader on the day of the anniversary of his birth, on the 1“ day in the eleventh month in 2706 A.M. Moses’ Burial in 2706 A.M. As Moses concluded his last discourse to Israel (Deuteronomy 32:45), he spoke of commanding their children ‘to observe all the words of this law’ (Deuteronomy 32:46), so that when they should cross over the Jordan, they would prolong their lives (Deuteronomy 32:47). Then, in solemn obedience Moses directed his steps towards his final resting place; because as soon as he ended his speech, the Lord commanded Moses, on that very day (Deuteronomy 32:48) to walk up the mountain Abarim in Mount Nebo facing Jericho and to behold the promised land of Canaan (Deuteronomy 32:49). After that, he would die there on the mountain, just as Aaron his brother died on Mount Hor (Deuteronomy 32:50). Lastly, God reminded him the reason for his death; it was because he trespassed against the Lord among the children of Israel at the waters of Meribah-Kadesh (Deuteronomy 32:51). On so many occasions, the Israelites premeditated Moses’ murder, but he incessantly pleaded with God in intercession for them. On his last day, he demonstrated once again his love for them. ‘Moses, the man of God,’ as he was called, “blessed the children of Israel before his death’ (Deuteronomy 33:1). Moses’ burial was not attended by any human being, as God did not allow mortals to accompany this holy man of God in his death. The Lord Himself “buried him in a valley in the land of Moab, in front of Bethpeor: but no man knows of his sepulcher up to this day” (Deuteronomy 34:6). Oh but what an honor for a human being to be buried by the Creator! And his burial was certainly not altogether solitary, for where God moves, there goes the millions of angels with Him. Therefore, Moses understood that his own funeral would be attended by ten thousands of holy angels, so he told Israel in his last speech: “And he said, The LORD came from Sinai, and rose up from Seir unto them; he shined forth from mount Paran, and he came with ten thousands of saints: from his right hand went a fiery law for them” (Deuteronomy 33:2). Meanwhile, the children of Israel mourned and wept for Moses for a period of thirty days in the plains of Moab (Deuteronomy 34:8). That was exactly one month before the forty-year wilderness prophecy would be fulfilled. Moses died on the day of his birth date. Had Moses needed an epitaph for a tombstone, a perfect one for this man of God who worked tirelessly for the salvation of his people would have been: “The friend of God” (James 2:23; Isaiah 41:8) 83 CHAPTER FOUR ISRAEL: GOVERNANCE OF THE JUDGES “And the people served the LORD all the days of Joshua, and all the days of the elders that outlived Joshua, who had seen all the great works of the LORD that he did for Israel” Judges 2:7. Chart of the Chronology of the Judges' Period JACOB 130 TO EGYPT Genesis 47:9 2236 years Israel's 430 THE EXODUS Exodus 12:40-41 2666 Slavery years ISRAEL 40 Wilderness Acts 13:18 2706 years JUDGES 450 Joshua to Samuel Acts 13:20 3156 years Samuel and Both died in the same 3156 Saul year Joshua: Israel’s First Judge Joshua was God’s chosen leader in Israel who began the period of the judges in the year 2706. The Lord addressed His new servant with the words: “My servant Moses is dead, now arise and cross over the River Jordan with this people” (Joshua 1:2). God in His wisdom had chosen Moses’ successor for the guidance of His people. Even from the time of the wilderness, the election had been made. Of Joshua, it was prophesied that he should not see death until he and his fellow compatriot Caleb would settle down in the Promised Land. Joshua had learned loyalty to duty and obedience to commands. He was Moses’ minister who alone with Moses ascended to the mount of God on the occasion when they spent forty days in Sinai for the reception of the Commandments of God (Exodus 24:13). On the day of Joshua’s succession his title was given: Joshua the son of Nun, Moses’ minister (Joshua 1:1). When the children of Israel were expecting judgment from God due to their sin at Sinai with the incident of the molten calf, Moses and Joshua are seen in the Tabernacle interceding for the people. Moses speaks 84 face to face with the Lord and returned to the camp (Exodus 33:11), while Joshua remained in the tabernacle (Exodus 33:11). This passage tells a lot about the training for leadership that Joshua received from Moses. Such data is important because Moses had previously been asking God about Israel’s future leadership. Moses had been anxious to know if he would lead Israel into Canaan or not. He said to the Lord: “thou hast not let me know whom thou wilt send with me” (Exodus 33:12). And when on Sinai Moses requested to see God’s glory, the truth was revealed to Moses. The Lord replied: “My presence shall go with thee, and I will give thee rest” (Exodus 33:14). Moses died at the end of the year 2706 one month prior to the end of Israel’s 40 year wilderness journey. The Hebrew nation had been mourning the death of their beloved leader in the plains of Moab (Deuteronomy 34:8). As the new year 2707 dawned, the people of Israel camped on the east side of Jordan (Numbers 22:1) expecting to march onwards to Canaan under God’s leadership Joshua, who was endowed with the spirit of wisdom, as Moses had laid his hands on him (Deuteronomy 34:9). The Gilgal Passover in 2707 A.M. God commanded Joshua to circumcise the children of Israel (Joshua 5:2) when they crossed the Jordan on the 10" of the 1“ month (Joshua 4:19) of 2707. The reason for this circumcision was that all the circumcised men of war who came out of Egypt had died in the wilderness (Joshua 5:4). This circumcision was for all the children that were born in the desert who had not been circumcised yet (Joshua 5:5). The name of the place was called Gilgal because the Lord said: “This day have I rolled away the reproach of Egypt from off you” (Joshua 5:9). Now the children of Israel were sanctified. They also celebrated their first Passover in Canaan on the 14" day of the first month at evening in the plains of Jericho (Josh 4:19; 5:10). On the next day, they ate of the old corn of the land unleavened cakes (Joshua 5:11). And the manna, the bread from heaven, ceased the day after they had eaten of the old corn of the land (Joshua 5: 12). Joshua’s Last Speech in Shechem It was in Shechem where Joshua delivered his final speech. Joshua had lived a life of service and loyalty to God’s commandments. Like Moses, Joshua obeyed direct orders from God, and so he commanded the children of Israel. Therefore, in his final address to Israel, he repeated their history of how God established Israel as a nation and rescued her from idolatry even from ancient times when Terah prevaricated from the truth and “served other gods” (Joshua 24:2), and how God called Abraham and established him in Canaan (Joshua 24:3). Joshua died at the age of 110 years (Joshua 24:29). He was a warrior against idolatry and a true defender of the sanctuary message. Before his death, he encouraged Israel to worship the true God: “And if it seems evil unto you to serve the LORD, choose you this day whom ye will serve; whether the gods which your fathers served that were on the other side of the flood, or the gods of the Amorites, in whose land ye dwell: but as for me and my house, we will serve the LORD” (Joshua 24:15). 85 Samuel: Israel’s Last Judge God’s final judge for the people of Israel was Samuel. Unlike other judges, “Samuel judged Israel all the days of his life” (1 Sam. 7:15). He was consecrated to the Lord long before his conception by Hannah his mother (1 Sam. 1:5). Hanna fulfilled her vow when God granted her petition. She had promised that if God would give her “a man child, then I will give him unto the LORD all the days of his life” (1 Sam. 1:11). Hanna had pledged Samuel to be a servant of God forever, she said: “I will bring him, that he may appear before the LORD, and there abide for ever” (1 Sam. 1:22). Therefore the little child, girded with a linen ephod (1 Sam. 2:18), ministered to the Lord before Eli the priest (1 Sam. 2:11). Little Samuel grew up serving as a priest, yet in his early childhood years, the Lord called him to be a prophet as well. One day when Eli the priest and little Samuel had gone to sleep, the boy Samuel heard the voice of God calling him four times (1 Sam. 3:4, 6, 8, and 10). On that night, Samuel received his first vision. God revealed to him the judgment against Eli’s house (1 Sam. 3:14). With this vision, Samuel began his prophetic ministry. “And all Israel from Dan even to Beersheba knew that Samuel was established to be a prophet of the LORD” (1 Sam. 3:20). But Samuel was not only a prophet and priest; he was Israel’s last judge. Samuel did his yearly rounds judging Israel from place to place in Bethel, Gilgal and Mizpeh (1 Sam. 7:16). Then he would return to his own house in Ramah where he also judged Israel (1 Sam. 7:17). One day a prophet of God visited Eli and revealed to him God’s judgment to fall on his house because of the wickedness of his children the priests (1 Sam. 2:27). In his admonition, this anonymous prophet also revealed to Eli that God would establish a faithful priest in Israel. Speaking about Samuel, he declared, thus saith the Lord: “And I will raise me up a faithful priest that shall do according to that which is in mine heart and in my mind: and I will build him a sure house; and he shall walk before mine anointed for ever” (1 Sam. 2:35). Amazingly, this prophet revealed that Samuel would live and minister during the whole reign of King Saul — (God’s anointed). Israel Requests to Have a King in 3116 A.M. It was in the year 3116 when the elders of Israel requested Samuel to establish a monarchy by giving them a king. Moreover, they belittled Samuel’s capability of judging and said to him: “behold thou art old” (1 Sam. 8:5). Despite Samuel’s advanced age, he judged Israel all the days of his life. King Saul trembled at his command and sought his advice all the days of Samuel’s life. Israel’s request to have a king was a desire to conform to the world’s standards for governance. It was an emotional and blatant request by the children of Israel; they did not want to remain different to the rest of the world’s nations; they wanted to unite with the world. Consequently, they drifted away from God and headed towards a system of worldliness that led them to despise the government of God. They embraced the customs of other nations and idolatrous practices made their inroads into Israel’s religious and civil systems. Capriciously they went ahead with their demand, not reckoning the dire effects that such a move would bring on their children’s faith. They were resolved to be united with the world, following the world’s traditions (1 Sam. 8:19). 86 When the children of Israel asked for a king, they not only ascribed to Samuel the tag of ‘old man’ but they revealed their real thought; they said, “make us a king to judge us like all the nations” (1 Sam. 8:5). They wanted to have young men and even children ruling them, just like the other nations who had juvenile monarchs enthroned at the time of their father’s death. Samuel warned them that under a king their children would be recruited and drafted into the army as “instruments of war” (1 Sam.8:12), he would take their fields and vineyards (1 Sam. 8:14) and would tax them severely (1 Sam. 8:15). Yet the children of Israel refused counsel, they responded: “nay but we will have a king over us; that we also may be like all the nations; and our king may judge us, and go out before us, and fight our battles” (1 Sam. 8:19-20). On that day, the children of Israel rejected not just Samuel, but God (1 Sam. 8:7). How is it that Samuel, ‘an old man,’ had so much power in Israel? Saul had little power in comparison to Samuel. When Nahash the Ammonite came against the men of Jabesh (1 Sam. 11:1), the men complained to the king of Israel, but notice Saul’s response: “he took a yoke of oxen, and hewed them in pieces, and sent them throughout all the coasts of Israel by the hands of messengers, saying, Whosoever cometh not forth after Saul and after Samuel, so shall it be done unto his oxen...” (1 Sam. 11:7). The Word of God says that “the fear of the LORD fell on the people, and they came out with one consent” (1 Sam. 11:7). Then Samuel summoned Israel to Gilgal to consolidate the kingdom of Saul there (1 Sam. 11:14). Thunderstorm: a Sign of God’s Displeasure In Gilgal, Samuel reiterated Israel’s wickedness and rebuked them harshly for requesting a king (1 Sam. 12:17). Moreover, he called on the Lord, Who sent a lightning storm, “and all the people greatly feared the Lord and Samuel” (1 Sam. 12:18). So the people feared that ‘old man’ whose power was from the Lord “And all the people said unto Samuel, Pray for thy servants unto the LORD thy God, that we die not: for we have added unto all our sins this evil, to ask us a king” (1 Sam. 12:19). But Samuel who was their judge, prophet and priest proved his intercessory ministry when he told them: “Moreover as for me, God forbid that I should sin against the LORD in ceasing to pray for you: but I will teach you the good and the right way” (1 Sam. 12:23). Saul had only reigned one year (1 Sam.13:1), and in his second year he made the mistake of usurping his son Jonathan’s due honor when Jonathan defeated a garrison of the Philistines (1 Sam. 13:3). Saul made it public in Israel that it had been him who defeated the enemy (1 Sam. 13:3-4). However, the greatest sin that Saul committed was that of sacrificing a burnt offering to the Lord in order to lift His spirit when the Philistines assailed them and Samuel was not there to offer the sacrifice. The people were scattered, and Samuel was not there to direct them. The last judge of Israel “tarried seven days, according to the set time that Samuel had appointed” (1 Sam. 13:8), yet the people were impatient and started deserting Saul (1 Sam. 13:8). Then Saul thought to lift the spirits of his people by usurping the prerogatives of a priest. He had seen Samuel ministering as a judge and also as a priest, and he believed he could do the same. Saul committed the grave error of offering burnt offerings and peace offerings (1 Sam. 13:9), something that was strictly forbidden for anybody except for the priests. Having learned about Saul’s terrible mistake, the judge Samuel used the same wording of the Lord when he brought judgment on Adam and Eve; he asked Saul, “What hast thou done?” (1 Sam.13:11). By interrogating Saul in this way, he directed the king to confess his sin and not to argue by excusing himself. 87 Then Saul showed his flaws and started complaining and answering the wrong question. Samuel did not ask him for excuses, but Saul responded: “...Because I saw that the people were scattered from me, and that thou camest not within the days appointed...” (1 Sam. 13:11). Then he says: “I forced myself and offered a burnt offering” (1 Sam. 13:12). Samuel did not judge the king’s person but his character. He attacked his behavior by telling him, “Thou hast done foolishly.” He further told him “thou hast not kept the commandment of the Lord thy God” (1 Sam. 13:13). Once again Samuel showed true leadership and true judgment, even when he was judging a leader of Israel by pronouncing the Lord’s judgment: “for now would the Lord have established thy kingdom upon Israel for ever but now thy kingdom shall not continue; the Lord hath sought him a man after his own heart” (1 Sam. 13:13-14). David: A King After God’s Own Heart It was from the beginning of Saul’s reign that the Lord had chosen David to be king. On the day when Saul disobeyed God’s Word, the Lord said: “It repenteth me that I have set up Saul to be king” (1 Sam. 15:11). Saul failed to fulfill one of God’s prophecies and direct commands about the obliteration of Amalek. So grievous was the violation that Samuel did not sleep all night for the anguish in his heart (1 Sam. 15:11). Once again, Judge Samuel rebuked King Saul and revealed to him that because he had rejected the Word of the Lord, God had also rejected him from being king (1 Sam. 15:23). The wretched king asked Samuel to excuse his fault, that the people made him feel afraid (1 Sam. 15:24). On that day, Samuel revealed to Saul that his monarchy had come to an end. He said: “The LORD hath rent the kingdom of Israel from thee this day, and hath given it to a neighbour of thine, that is better than thou” (1 Sam. 15:28). Even more amazing is that an old judge had more power, energy and zeal for God than the king. Samuel commanded the soldiers to bring King Agag, who came very politely thinking that the threat of death was over (1 Sam. 15:32). Then Samuel with all his authority passed and executed judgment on Agag as he said to him: “as thy sword hath made women childless, so shall thy mother be childless among women. And Samuel hewed Agag in pieces before the Lord in Gilgal” (1 Sam. 15:33). Even after that, Saul pleaded with Samuel to return with him to worship the Lord together (1 Sam. 15:25), Samuel did not accede to his entreaty and went to his house in Ramah (1 Sam. 15:34). Of Samuel, it is written that he “came no more to see Saul until the day of his death” (1 Sam. 15:35). Samuel mourned for Saul’s kingship as one mourns a deceased person. Yet the Lord reproved him for doing so, given that the Lord had rejected Saul from reigning over Israel (1 Sam. 16:1). Moreover, God commanded him to fill his horn with oil and go to Bethlehem and anoint the man that God had chosen to be Israel’s next king (1 Sam. 16:1,4). Therefore, Samuel anointed David “and the Spirit of the Lord came upon David from that day forward” (1 Sam. 16:13). But in the meantime, the Spirit of the Lord departed from Saul (1 Sam. 16:14). From that day on, Israel had a new king, but that knowledge had been hidden from Israel. From the day, when the Spirit of the Lord departed from Saul, an evil spirit troubled him (1 Sam. 16:14). Saul sunk further into wickedness, harbouring increasing envy against David to the point that one day 88 when the people acclaimed David hero over tens of thousands, he said of David: “what can he have more but the kingdom?” (1 Sam. 18:8). David’s life was in danger. Saul tried to spear him to the wall with a javelin (1 Sam. 19:10); he also wanted to kill David in his bed (1 Sam. 19:15). So David escaped and went to live with the Judge Samuel (1 Sam. 19:18). Yet again, Saul kept David on the run so that he fled as a fugitive from place to place even to the heathen land of Gath (1 Sam. 21:10). The merciless king Saul killed eighty five priests of the Lord just because one of them received David in his house (1 Sam. 22:18). Samuel Ends Period of the Judges in 3156 A.M. Although Saul was reigning together with Samuel, Saul’s reign does not count when gathering all the data for the biblical chronology. In the year 3156 the period of the Judges of Israel came to a close with the death of the prophet Samuel. About Israel’s last judge it is said: “And Samuel judged Israel all the days of his life” (1 Sam. 7:15). Therefore, the period of the judges, which began with Joshua and spanned 450 years was over when Samuel died. The Word of God states: “And after that he gave unto them judges about the space of four hundred and fifty years, until Samuel the prophet” (Acts 13:20). Samuel died around the time King Saul committed suicide after consulting the witch of Endor. Then all Israel came to mourn and bury the last judge of Israel in his city Ramah (1 Sam. 28:3). When Samuel died “Saul put away those that had familiar spirits, and the wizards, out of the land” (1 Sam. 28:3). But as soon as the Philistines arrayed themselves for battle against Israel, Saul “was afraid, and his heart greatly trembled” (1 Sam. 28:5). Remember that the Lord had departed from Saul. The king banned all the witches from his country because of personal convenience. Saul did not repent from his wickedness; he only sought the protection of the Lord. But “when Saul inquired of the Lord, the Lord answered him not, neither by dreams, nor by Urim, nor by prophets” (1 Sam. 28:6). So when Samuel died, Saul attempted to make ‘the spirit? of Samuel return from the dead at all costs. He even consulted a woman who had a familiar spirit (1 Sam. 28:7). Saul was deceived with the idea that it is the spirit of a dead person who communicates with the living. But notice what happened to Saul for doing that consultation: “So Saul died for his transgression which he committed against the LORD, even against the word of the LORD, which he kept not, and also for asking counsel of one that had a familiar spirit, to inquire of it” (1 Chronicles 10:13). 89 CHAPTER FIVE THE ANCIENT WORLD FROM 1400 to 586 B.C. Introduction The historical period discussed in this chapter began about 1400 B.C., when Israel invaded western Palestine under the leadership of Joshua, and closed with the destruction of Jerusalem in 586 B.C. The beginning of this period coincides with the beginning of the decline of Egyptian power in Asia. The strongest power in the north was that of the Hittite kingdom. This, however, disappeared under the onslaught of the Sea Peoples two centuries later. Afterward the Assyrians came to the forefront and by brute force formed an empire that eventually reached from the highlands of Iran to the southern border of the Egypt. Babylonia, which during all this time existed only as a shadow of its former illustrious self, finally threw off the shackles of the Assyrian yoke and took its place once more as a short-lived but glorious empire. An understanding of the history of these and other nations is essential to a correct understanding of the ancient history of the people of God, who struggled for their existence among various local nations in Palestine first under tribal leaders, the judges, then under kings, who were able to build a respectable kingdom and hold it together for a little more than a century. This, however, broke up into two rival kingdoms, each of which was too weak to withstand the forces pressing for control over Palestine, the vital land bridge between the two most important regions and civilizations of antiquity, Egypt and Mesopotamia. The northern kingdom of Israel was finally swallowed up by the Assyrians and completely disappeared from history after the destruction of Samaria in 722 B.C. The southern kingdom of Judah held out for almost another century and a half, but finally succumbed to the Babylonians. However, the religious vigor of the Jews preserved their national unity even in exile, with the result that Judah emerged from captivity a strong and united people. The purpose of this chapter is to study the historical background of this most important and interesting period; to view the rise, decline, and fall of kingdoms and empires; and to observe how the people of God were influenced by the events, cultures, and civilizations of their time. Also, a brief survey of the history of the people of Israel is presented, first, divided into tribal organizations under the leadership of judges, later as a united body under three successive kings, and finally as two separate and rival kingdoms. Since the Bible writers who have provided the bulk of available source material for a reconstruction of the history of Israel were its religious leaders and reformers, they viewed the history of Israel in the light of the people’s obedience or disobedience to God, and recorded it as such. This is the reason that for some periods, when the people went through special crises or possessed outstanding leaders, our sources are plentiful, whereas for others they are pitifully meager, and leave great gaps that our present knowledge is as yet unable to bridge. The reader must therefore be aware that a historical sketch of the people of God in the times of the Old Testament is sketchy in some parts and well rounded in others. 90 The same is also true in regard to the history of the other ancient nations, all periods of which are not equally well covered by reliable source material. In some cases, the events of centuries are not yet known. The discovery of more original source material must be awaited before a reconstruction of ancient history in all its aspects becomes possible. The following survey represents the present state of knowledge, based (1) for the greater part on documentary evidence that has become available since the ancient languages written in various hieroglyphic or cuneiform scripts were resurrected, in the early 19" century, and (2) on the wealth of material preserved by the sand and debris of centuries and in recent decades brought to light by the scape of the excavator. Egypt From the Amarna Age to the End of the Twentieth Dynasty (1400 B.C.— 1085 B.C.) Chronology of the Period - Although an unassailable chronology of Egypt prior to about 660 B.C. has not yet been established, with the exception of that pertaining to the Twelfth Dynasty, our dates for the empire period—dynasties Eighteen to Twenty—are approximately correct. Slight variations in the dates given by various historians and chronologers are found, but are never greater than a few years. In fact, the chronology of this period has hardly been changed since it was established during the last century—in contrast with the chronology of all previous periods, which has been decreased by centuries for some periods and by millenniums for others. It is not possible to enter into the intricate problems of ancient chronology here, and it may suffice to state that the dates of the empire period of Egypt are based on astronomical texts dated to the reigns of certain kings, on historical, dated records extant from that time, and on lists of kings from various sources. The dates presented in this section are thus based on all available source material, and cannot be off by more than a few years from the true dates. The margin of error is certainly not greater than 25 years, and is probably smaller than 10 years. The given dates can therefore be considered as relatively correct and are presented as such. Egypt in the Amarna Age (Eighteenth Dynasty) - Moses witnessed the rise of Egypt to become the strongest political power of his time. During his life, the empire established by Thutmose III reached from the border of the Abyssinian highlands in the south to the river Euphrates in the north. The wealth of the Asia and Africa poured into the Nile country, where temples like those of Karnak, Luxor, Deir el-Bahri, and others were erected, so colossal that they have withstood the destructive power of both man and nature for millenniums, and have been the marvel of many generations of visitors. When Israel was in the desert, from about 1445 to 1045 B.C., the Egyptian Empire was held together by the strong and ruthless hands of Amenhotep II (C. 1450-1425 B.C.) and of his son Thutmose IV (C. 1425- 1412 B.C.). With the next king, Amenhotep III (C. 375 B.C.), a man came to the throne who enjoyed the full fruits of the empire his fathers had built, without expending much effort himself to hold it together. He had been a great hunter in early life and had led one military campaign to Nubia, but lived thereafter in magnificent luxury and leisure and spent his last days as a fat weakling with decayed teeth, as the abscesses in his mummy show. He married Tiy, who, as the daughter of commoners, was nevertheless a remarkable woman of whom Amenhotep was proud. Nevertheless, there was also a great influx of foreign blood into the royal family, for there were brought into the king’s harem princesses from several foreign 91 kingdoms, the most important being Gilukhepa, of the Mitanni. That northern Mesopotamian kingdom, ruled by Indo-European Hurrians, had formerly been the greatest rival to the power of the earlier kings of the Eighteenth Dynasty, but was now cultivating friendly relations with Egypt. Amenhotep III apparently considered the wealth of Asia and Africa, regularly coming to him by way of tribute, as something that had always enriched Egypt, and would continue to do so without any further effort on his part. He did not notice the distant rumblings of the breakup of his Asiatic empire. The Hittites in the north, unruly local princes in Syria and Palestine, and the intruding Habiru in those same countries nibbled away at the edges of the empire, and must have occasioned a noticeable decrease in the revenue of Egypt. However, the lazy Pharaoh did nothing to stem the tide of imperial decay. Ikhnaton - Near the close of his reign, Amenhotep III made his son Amenhotep IV (Ikhnaton) coregent. His sole reign lasted from about 1375 to 1366 B.C. He is one of the most controversial personalities of history. While one scholar characterized him as the “first individual in history,” “a very exceptional man” (Breasted), another described him as “half insane” (Budge). Two recent authors speak of him as “the most fascinating personality who ever sat on the throne of the Pharaohs” (Steindorff and Seele), and another describes him as effeminate, abnormal, and dominated by women (Pendlebury). Amenhotep IV, or Ikhnaton, as the king called himself after his religious revolution, broke with the traditional Amen religion of Egypt, and elevated Aten, the sun disk, to be the supreme and only god of the realm. Himself a physical weakling, he was possessed of a strong will power, and made a vigorous attempt to stamp out the religion and cult of Amen. Since Thebes was too strongly connected with Amen, Amenhotep moved the capital to another site several hundred miles down the river, where he built a city called Akhetaton, and vowed never to leave that place. Here he was surrounded by his followers, courtiers, poets, architects, and artists. With his encouragement, these men developed the new, realistic form of art that had only recently been introduced in Egypt. Artists painted and modeled their objects, not according to the traditional idealistic style, as had been the custom, but as they appeared to the eye—beautiful or ugly. Up to this time, for example, every king, whether old or young, handsome or ugly, had been depicted as a youthful and vigorous man—the ideal god-ruler. This was all changed now. The king was sculptured and painted in all his ugliness with a protruding abdomen, an elongated skull, and a long chin. His aging father was depicted as having a fat, sack-like figure. Emphasis was also placed on ma‘at, which has been translated “truth,” but which means also “order,” “Justice,” and “right.” Accordingly, things were to be seen as they are, not as they ought to be—really rather than ideally. In this principle, the young king was far ahead of his time and could not be understood, and for this reason, his revolution failed. However, his artists produced some of the masterpieces of all time, as, for example, the bust of Nefertiti, now in the Berlin Museum, and mural paintings of birds and plant life that have not been surpassed in beauty by painters of other periods, ancient or modern. The king’s new religion has been called monotheism—a belief in one universal god. It is, however, highly questionable whether this term can rightly be applied to the brand of religion Ikhnaton introduced. It is true that he never worshiped any other god than Aton after the revolution, but his subjects did not worship Aton. They continued to worship the king as their god, as they had before, and he not only tolerated but apparently required this continued worship of his person. 92 Either the king or some poet of his time composed a hymn to Aton, praising the sun disk as the creator- god. Since this hymn is in certain respects parallel in wording and composition to the 104" psalm, some scholars have thought the latter to be a Hebrew edition of the Aton hymn. There is, however, no valid evidence to support this assumption, since any poet, glorifying a certain god as the supreme god of creation, who produces and preserves life and well-being, will use terms and expressions that are somewhat similar to those found in the Aton hymn or the 104" psalm. The king was married to beautiful Nefertiti, whose world-famous bust, found in a sculptor’s studio at Amarna, is one of the masterpieces of ancient art. The royal couple had six daughters, but no sons. However, the family life seems to have been very happy and natural, as contemporary pictures reveal. Never before did an Egyptian king have himself and his family depicted as did this monarch, kissing one of his daughters, or caressing his wife. While Ikhnaton built palaces and sun temples in his new capital, and sponsored a naturalistic art far advanced for his time, his henchmen went through the country trying to eradicate the old religion by chiseling from all monuments the names of all other gods but Aton. The temples were closed, and the priests lost their customary allowances. That this policy created a deep-seated enmity in conservative circles can easily be understood. This feeling of hatred against Ikhnaton was increased by the gradual decrease in foreign revenue, which resulted in greater tax burdens for the Egyptian citizens, and simultaneously impoverished the population. This situation resulted from the gradual breakup of the empire. The first signs of the weakening power of Egypt in Asia had been evident under Amenhotep III, but they became more manifest under the weak rule of Ikhnaton, who lived his new religion, chanted hymns to Aton, refused to leave his new capital, and apparently did not care that the foreign possessions built up by means of the numerous military expeditions of his illustrious ancestors were being lost, one after another. The Amarna Letters - The rich archive of cuneiform tablets found in the ruins of Ikhnaton’s short-lived and ill-fated capital, Akhetaton, now called Tell el-‘Amarna, contains much information concerning the contemporary political situation in Palestine and Syria. These hundreds of clay tablets, found in 1887, come from the official files of correspondence between the Palestinian and Syrian vassal princes and Pharaoh, as well as from the friendly kings of Mitanni, Assyria, and Babylonia. Few discoveries have shed more light on a limited period of the ancient world than have the Amarna Letters on the time of the kings Amenhotep II and Amenhotep IV (Ikhnaton). These letters reveal clearly the waning influence of Egypt in Asia, as the powerful Hittites pressed against the Egyptian Empire and occupied a number of regions in northern Syria. Local Asiatic dynasties quarreled one with another, the more powerful overthrowing the weaker and thereby enlarging their own power and territory. The most notorious among these princes, who pretended to be vassals of Egypt but fought against Egyptian interests wherever they could, were Abd-Ashirta and later his son Aziru of Amurtrru. They extended their domain over a number of neighboring wealthy areas, such as Byblos, Beirut, and other Phoenician coastal cities. In Palestine, the situation was similar. A number of local rulers took advantage of Egypt’s weakness to extend their own possessions. There were also the Habiru, who invaded the country during this time from the direction of Transjordan. One city after another fell into their hands, and those among the princes who tried to remain faithful to Egypt, like the king of Jerusalem, wrote one frantic letter after another to 93 Pharaoh begging for military help against the invading Habiru. However, all the efforts of loyal princes and commissioners to stem the tide of rebellion and invasion were in vain. Official Egypt turned a deaf ear to all pleas and seemed to be indifferent to what happened in Syria or Palestine. This situation is vividly depicted in the Amarna Letters, which will be referred to again in the section dealing with the invasion of Canaan by the Hebrews. It is generally believed that the Habiru of the Amarna Letters were related to the Hebrews (see Genesis 10:21; 14:13). Toward the end of his reign, Ikhnaton made Smenkhkare, his son-in-law, coregent. Ancient records give him four regnal years, but they probably fall entirely within the reign of his father-in-law. After Ikhnaton’s death, another son-in-law came to the throne, the young Tutankhaton, meaning “the living form of Aton” (1366-1357 B.C.). He was not strong enough to withstand the pressure of the conservatives, and was forced to return to Thebes to restore the Amen cult and religion. He changed his name to Tutankhamen, abandoned the capital Akhetaton (Amarna), and tried to make amends for the “heresy” of his predecessors by repairing various temples, reinstating the Amen priests, and restoring the Amen cult to its former glory. When he died, after a reign of less than ten years, he received a magnificent burial in the Valley of the Kings in western Thebes, where all the pre-Amarna kings of the Eighteenth Dynasty had been buried. Since his is the only royal tomb to remain unmolested until its discovery in 1922, with its marvelous treasures, the name of Tutankhamen has become a modern household word. He is better known than any other Egyptian king, although he was only one of the insignificant and ephemeral rulers of Egypt’s long history. Tutankhamen left no children, and his widow turned to the Hittite king Shubbiluliuma, asking him in a letter for one of his sons to marry her and become king of Egypt. The Hittite king was at first baffled at this unusual request, and made an investigation as to the sincerity of the queen. Satisfied at last with regard thereto, he sent one of the Hittite princes to Egypt, who, however, was waylaid and murdered en route. This was probably arranged by Eye, one of the most influential courtiers of the previous Pharaohs. He forced Tutankhamen’s widow to marry him and accordingly ruled Egypt for a few years (1357-1353 B.C.). He usurped not only the throne but also the mortuary temple and statutes of his predecessor. When Eye in turn died, after a reign of about four years, the reins of government were taken over by the former army commander, Harmhab, who ruled for 34 years (1353-1320 B.C.). He is usually counted as the first king of the Nineteenth Dynasty. Harmhab seems to have been less tinged with the Amarna revolution than his two predecessors, and was therefore more acceptable to the priesthood and to the conservatives of the country. He began to count his regnal years from the death of Amenhotep III, as if he had been the legitimate ruler over Egypt during the time of Ikhnaton, Smenkhkare, Tutankhamen, and Eye. These four rulers were henceforth regarded as having been usurpers, “heretics,” and are therefore not mentioned in later king lists. Thus, Amenhotep III was officially followed immediately by Harmhab. The first task Harmhab set for himself was that of restoring internal order and security in Egypt, which seems to have been badly disrupted during the previous decades of weak rule. His edict, still extant, was issued “to establish order and truth, and expel deceit and lying.” Priests were given special privileges in the judicial system, and severe and cruel punishments were threatened for abuses of power by officers of the realm. Since all his energy seems to have been needed for a restoration of order in the country, he had neither time nor power to regain the Asiatic possessions which by this time had completely been lost. Since the death of Thutmose IV in 1412 B.C., no Egyptian king had been seen in Syria or Palestine, with 94 the result that the Pharaoh was no longer known or feared there. This situation was advantageous to the Hebrews, who probably began their invasion of Palestine in 1405, and were able in succeeding decades to establish themselves there without interference on the part of the kings of Egypt. The Nineteenth Dynasty - Dying childless, Harmhab was followed by his appointed successor, the general of the army, Ramses I. An old man, Ramses I died after a short reign (1320-1319 B.C.), and left the throne to his son, Seti I (1319-1299 B.C.). With him, a new era began, and once more the power of Egypt was felt. He made determined and partly successful attempts to regain the Asiatic possessions. Records carved on Egyptian temple walls and on a great stone monument found in the excavation of Beth-shan, at the eastern end of the Valley of Esdraelon, in Palestine, disclose that the king invaded Palestine during his first year. His chief aim was to regain some of the important cities which, in times past, had been occupied by Egyptian garrisons, and to control once more the trade routes to the fertile and rich Hauran in northern Transjordan. With three divisions, he claims to have attacked and conquered the cities of Yano‘am, Beth-shan, and Hamath (south of Beth-shan) simultaneously. His victory stele found in Beth-shan shows that he reoccupied the city and stationed an Egyptian garrison there. He then crossed the Jordan and occupied certain rich areas in the Hauran, according to another victory monument found at Tell esh—Shihab, about 22 miles east of the Sea of Galilee. After Seti I had reoccupied certain important cities in western Palestine and Transjordan, he turned to Syria and reconquered Kadesh on the Orontes, according to his official records carved on the temple walls at Karnak and from the fragment of a victory stele found at Kadesh itself. On a later campaign Seti I advanced even farther north, to punish the renegade kingdom of Amurru and to force the Hittites to recognize certain rights of Egypt over northern Syria. Once more, loot from Syria and cedarwood from the Lebanon came to Egypt, although not in the quantities of a century earlier. However, Egypt once more enjoyed the satisfaction of being the proud ruler of foreign regions and peoples in Asia, although the new empire was but a shadow of the former one. During the reign of Seti I, a freer interchange of culture began to take place between Egypt and Asia than even before. Canaanite deities, such as Baal, Resheph, Anath, Astarte, and others, were accepted into the Egyptian cult system. The Egyptian religion lost its isolation and some of its national peculiarities. From now on, more emphasis was placed on magic, ritual, and oracles, with the gods Fortune and Fate taking a more important role in the religious life of the Egyptians. Ramses II and the Hittites - The policy of reconquering the Asiatic empire was continued by the next king, Ramses II (1299-1232 B.C.), whose reign was exceptionally long. The fact that he usurped many Egyptian monuments by exchanging his name for those of his royal predecessors, making it appear that these monuments had been erected by him, together with great building activity of his own, made Ramses II more famous than he deserved. The name of no other Pharaoh is found so often on ancient monuments as that of Ramses II. As a result, earlier Egyptologists attributed fame to him out of all proportion to his accomplishments. When Ramses II came to the throne, the Hittite king Mutallu advised a Syrian prince to hasten to Egypt and pay homage to the new king, perhaps as a precaution, since no one could know what the young Pharaoh might do. As time passed and there were no marked signs of determination on the part of Ramses to hold on to his Asiatic possessions, the Hittite king organized a confederacy of Anatolian and Syrian states, which not only proclaimed its own complete independence, but also annexed other Egyptian 95 possessions in Syria. Its combined army of some 30,000 men was determined to keep northern Syria out of the Egyptian Empire. Ramses logically felt that he must meet the challenge of the hour. With four divisions, bearing the names of the gods Amen, Ra, Ptah, and Set, probably equal in strength to the forces of the Hittite confederacy, he marched north. The Hittite army awaited the Egyptians at Kadesh on the Orontes, where the famous battle between Ramses and Mutallu took place. This struggle was described in word and picture on numerous monuments throughout Egypt. The Hittites sprang a trap on Ramses. The latter had picked up a pretended Hittite deserter who reported that Mutallu had retreated and left Kadesh for better defensive positions in the north, while actually he was poised behind the city of Kadesh ready to attack. Suspecting no malice, Ramses therefore marched northward. Crossing the brook El-Mukadiyeh with the division of Amen, he pitched camp on the northern bank. When the next division, that of Ra, forded the same brook, Mutallu, with part of his army, slipped over the Orontes behind the Ra division and began to attack the surprised Egyptians simultaneously from both the south and the north. Ramses’ two other divisions were still on the march seven or more miles to the south while the men of the Amen and Ra divisions were fighting for their lives. The story of how Ramses saved his army by personal heroism is legendary and needs no repetition here. His claim to have turned the imminent defeat into a brilliant victory, proclaimed on many monuments, must also be taken with a grain of salt, because the Hittites claimed likewise to have won a complete victory over the Egyptians. It is probably true that Ramses was able to save the greater part of his army and so avoid a disaster, but he can hardly have been victorious, since the contested region of Syria was retained by the Hittites and permanently lost to Egypt. Hittite texts indicate, furthermore, that the Hittites penetrated the Lebanon and extended their power over Damascus, in southern Syria, which they would hardly have been able to do if they had been defeated as Ramses claims. During the reigns of the two following Hittite rulers, Urkhi-Teshub and Hattushilish II, relations with Egypt gradually became more peaceful, and a treaty of friendship between the two kingdoms was finally concluded in the 21“ year of Ramses II. Since an Egyptian copy of the text of the treaty may be seen today on the temple walls at Karnak, and a Hittite copy has come to light from the royal archives of the Hittite capital city Khattushash (Boghazk6y), we are exceptionally well informed concerning it. The two documents contain a preamble explaining why the treaty was concluded and noting that diplomatic negotiations had preceded ratification of the pact. It contains, furthermore, a declaration of mutual nonaggression but, strangely, without defining the borders of their respective geographical spheres of influence. Their alliance included mutual assistance against external enemies and internal rebels, and an agreement on the part of each to surrender political refugees to the other. The two documents close with various divine sanctions against any king who might break the provisions of the treaty. This treaty of friendship remained in force for the remainder of the existence of the Hittite kingdom. Thirteen years after its conclusion, Ramses married a Hittite princess, and a rich correspondence between the two royal houses testifies to the friendly relations that existed between them. When a famine ravaged Anatolia during the reign of Merneptah, son of Ramses II, the latter sent grain to the Hittites to alleviate their plight. After this event nothing more is heard of the Hittites. The excavations at Boghazkoy have shown that the city was destroyed about 1200 B.C. by the People of the Sea, who at that time brought to an end the Hittite empire. 96 Ramses II and the ‘Apiru - Many scholars have considered Ramses II to have been the Pharaoh of the oppression. This conclusion has been reached in the first place because Exodus 1:11 states that the store cities of “Raamses” and “Pithom” were built by the Hebrews. It is pointed out that Ramses II replaced the name Tanis with his own name when he embellished that city and made it his capital. He did not, however, completely abandon the city of Thebes, where he was later buried. In addition, his long reign, marked by great building activity throughout Egypt carried on by enormous numbers of slaves, among whom the ‘Apiru (identified with the Habiru and Hebrews) are repeatedly mentioned, seems to many scholars to be weighty evidence for assigning the Egyptian slavery of the Israelites to the reign of Ramses II. To this is added some archeological evidence from Palestine, where the excavations of Tell Beit Mirsim, Bethel, and other places seem to indicate that these cities were destroyed in the 13th century B.C. and not in the 14th. Against this theory, there exist some weighty objections. Definite chronological statements made in the Bible, such as those of 1 Kings 6:1 and Judges 11:26, cannot be harmonized with an Exodus that took place in the late 13" century, but require a date for the Exodus that lies at least two centuries earlier. The period of the judges, from Joshua to Samuel, cannot be compressed into a period of some 150 years without doing violence to the Biblical narrative of that part of the history of Israel. Furthermore, an inscription of King Merneptah, who is considered by the defenders of the 13th-century Exodus to be the Pharaoh of the Exodus, also testifies against this theory, for this inscription claims that the king encountered and defeated Israelites in Palestine. Merneptah reigned only a few years, and if the Exodus had taken place under his reign, the Israelites, who wandered in the wilderness for about 40 years, would have still been at Sinai when he died. Thus, it would not have been possible for him to defeat them in Palestine. To accept Merneptah as Pharaoh of the Exodus requires, therefore, further corrections of the sacred records. Hence, it is assumed by the advocates of a 13th-century Exodus that not all the tribes of Israel had been in Egypt but that Merneptah met Israelites who had remained in Canaan. Furthermore, evidence apparently favorable to an Exodus under Ramses II can be understood in such a way that it does not preclude the earlier Exodus recommended in this book. The names Rameses and Raamses in Genesis and Exodus, often pointed to as evidence of a 13th-century Exodus, probably represent a modernization of older names by later scribes (see on Genesis 47:11; Exodus 1:11). The ‘Apiru mentioned in texts of Ramses II as slave laborers can be Habiru or Hebrews without assuming that they refer to the Israelites who were oppressed in Egypt before the Exodus, because Ramses II may have employed Hebrew slaves in his building activity while the Israelites were in Palestine. These slaves may have come into his hands through military activities in Palestine during the period of the judges. That the ruins of some Palestinian cities reveal no signs of destruction in the levels representing the 14" century B.C., but show them 150 years later, can also be satisfactorily accounted for. The destruction of some of the conquered cities in Joshua’s time was not thorough, and the Israelites made no attempt to occupy them, but left them in the hands of the Canaanites (see on Judges 1:21, 27-33). It must also be remembered that not all identifications of ancient sites are certain. Tell Beit Mirsim, for example, has been identified with the city of Debir conquered by Othniel (Joshua 15:15-17), but no definite evidence came to light during the excavations that proved the correctness of an otherwise very plausible identification. A Biblical chronology based on Solomon’s beginning to build the Temple in the 480th year from the Exodus requires a 15th-century Exodus. Hence, the 13th-century Exodus must be rejected, as well as the 97 view held by many Biblical scholars, that Ramses II was the Pharaoh of the oppression and his son Merneptah the Pharaoh of the Exodus. Merneptah - When Merneptah, thirteenth son of Ramses, came to the throne in 1232 B.C., he was already an old man, and had to cope with a serious invasion attempted by the Libyans. He claims to have successfully resisted this attempt and to have made 9,000 prisoners, among whom were also more than a thousand Greeks. On his victory stele, he also speaks of a campaign against several cities and peoples in Palestine, among whom are mentioned the Israelites. This important passage reads thus: “Desolated is Tehenu [a Libyan tribe]; Hatti [the land of the Hittites] is pacified, Conquered is the Canaan with every evil. Carried off is Ascalon, seized is Gezer, Yanoam is destroyed, Israel is laid waste, it has no (more) seed. Hurru [the land of the Horites] has become a widow for Egypt.” This famous passage, already mentioned, shows that Merneptah had encountered the Israelites in one of his Palestinian campaigns, as their name, in connection with Palestinian cities, shows. Israel’s location between the cities Ascalon, Gezer, Yano‘am, and the land of the Horites or Hurrians is an indication where the king had met them. The first-mentioned cities lay in south western Palestine, whereas the name Hurru may either stand for the inhabitants of the south eastern part of the country (Edom), or be a general term for Palestine, as frequently used in Egyptian inscriptions. It is most interesting that the name Israel received the hieroglyphic determinative for “people,” and the other names have determinatives meaning “foreign country.” This indicates that the Israelites they encountered at that time were not considered a settled people, which agrees with the situation during the period of the judges as described in the Bible. Since Merneptah’s campaign occurred during the period, when the tribes of Israel were still struggling for a foothold in Canaan, they could only be described on an Egyptian monument as an unsettled people—not as a nation with a fixed habitat. Also from the time of Merneptah, come interesting records kept by officials guarding Egypt’s northeastern frontier, officials who may be compared to modern immigration officers. These records contain the name and function of every person crossing the border, mostly couriers in Egypt’s diplomatic service. Mention is also made of an Edomite tribe that was permitted to find temporary pasture for its flocks in the Nile Delta. These documents show that the frontier was well guarded, and that the crossing of the border was no easy matter for unauthorized individuals or groups, during the Nineteenth Dynasty. The Twentieth Dynasty - The death of Merneptah marked the beginning of a period of political chaos in Egypt which lasted for several years. A number of kings followed one another on the throne in rapid succession, one even being a Syrian. The land was eventually rescued from this sorry state of affairs by a man of unknown origin named Setnakht, who became the founder of the Twentieth Dynasty. When he left the throne to his son, who became Ramses III (1198-1167 B.C.), Egypt once more had a strong and energetic king who saved his country from grave peril. During the time of Egyptian weakness, preceding the reign of Ramses III the Libyans had infiltrated the fertile region of the Delta and formed an ever-increasing menace to the internal security of the country. 98 Their mere presence was a continual threat, because in case of an invasion, they could be expected to make common cause with their compatriots living beyond the western border of Egypt. In the fifth year of his reign, Ramses III went to war against the Libyans, and in a bloody battle defeated them decisively. He claims to have slain 12,535 of them and to have taken many thousands of captives. The Peoples of the Sea - After averting the danger from the west, Ramses had to meet another, even greater, danger from the north east. The so-called Peoples of the Sea, from Crete, Greece, the Aegean Islands, and perhaps from Sardinia and Sicily, moved eastward. They overran and destroyed coastal cities of Asia Minor, such as Troy, then the Hittite kingdom, as well as a number of states in northern Syria, such as Ugarit, and marched down the coast of Phoenicia and Palestine in an effort to invade the greatest civilized country of their time, the fertile Nile valley. Among them were the Tjekker and the Philistines, the latter coming in ox-drawn carts with their families. Both tribes settled on the coast of Palestine after the migration of the Peoples of the Sea had ended. Realizing the seriousness of the situation, Ramses III met the enemy forces at the Palestinian border, in his eighth a serious defeat upon the would-be invaders, and destroyed their navy when it attempted a landing in one of the channels of the Nile. Although Ramses was thus able to save Egypt from invasion, he was not strong enough to drive the Tjekker and Philistines out of Palestine. Settling down, they controlled the rich coastal region for many centuries. In this, they were probably assisted by certain Philistine tribes that had arrived prior to the movement of the Peoples of the Sea, which brought strong contingents of racially related peoples into the country. In Medinet Habu, a temple built by Ramses II] in western Thebes and today the best preserved of all pre- Hellenistic Egyptian temples, the king depicted his battles in monumental reliefs. These pictures are of great value, for they show the features of the different peoples with whom Ramses fought. The Philistines appear in their typical feather helmets, by which they can always be recognized. There are also other Peoples of the Sea, the Sherden (probably Sardinians), the Siculi (Sicilians), the Dardanians from western Asia Minor, the Achaeans from the Aegean Islands, and other peoples, all with their typical helmets or other characteristic marks. These reliefs, depicting the warfare of that time on land and sea, thus form important illustrative source material for a correct understanding of the racial movements that took place in the lands of the eastern Mediterranean during the period of the judges of Israel, but movements that did not affect the people of Israel themselves. The Israelites lived in the hinterland of Palestine, and the main thoroughfares along the coast witnessed the decisive battles of the time. However, in the latter times of the judges the Philistines consolidated their hold on the coastal regions of Palestine and threatened the national existence of Israel. They extended their influence over the mountainous part of Palestine and subjugated Israel for decades. The struggle with the Philistines proved to be a long one, and the fight for liberty begun under Samson, continued under Samuel and Saul, and was completed only in the reign of David. Ramses III not only succeeded in saving Egypt from external dangers but also promoted its internal security. One text remarks with satisfaction that once more “women could walk wherever they wanted without molestation.” From the close of his reign comes the great Papyrus Harris, now in the British Museum, which contains a summary of all the gifts the king had made to the various temples and gods, and of the property the temples had possessed before him. This valuable document is a major source of information on Egypt’s secular and ecclesiastical economy during that time. However, two main problems are posed by this manuscript: (1) Were the gifts of the king added to former holdings, or did 99 they consist of a royal confirmation of old possessions? (2) In what relationship do these gifts and holdings stand to the economy of all Egypt? Hence, this document has been interpreted differently by various scholars. Breasted thinks that about 8 per cent of the population of Egypt stood in the service of the temple, and that about 15 per cent of the land was ecclesiastical property. Schaedel, however, holds that the figures should be 20 per cent and 30 per cent respectively. Whatever figures are right, it is evident that ecclesiastical leaders played an important role in Egypt at that time, and that no king had a chance of survival unless he supported them. Egypt in Decline - Ramses II apparently fell victim to a harem conspiracy, in which some of his concubines and at least one of his sons were involved, besides high state officials. Some of the judicial records dealing with the investigation of this case and the sentences imposed are available today. These documents throw interesting light on the judicial system of ancient Egypt, and indirectly on the case of the two courtiers who shared Joseph’s prison during the time their cases were being investigated (see Genesis 40:1-3). Ramses III was followed by a number of weak kings, every one of whom bore the name Ramses, numbered now as Ramses IV to XI (1167-1085 B.C.). During the period of their reign, Egypt experienced a steady decline of royal power and an equivalent increase of priestly influence. The priesthood of Amen, forming the most influential and powerful portion of Egypt’s ecclesiastical citizenry, finally overthrew the dynasty and made its own high priest king. With the deterioration of political and economic strength, Egypt’s internal troubles became acute. Ramses III was the last king who held Beth-shan in the Valley of Esdraelon, which had been an Egyptian city for centuries. Although the base of a statute of Ramses VI was found during the excavation of Megiddo, there is not the slightest evidence that this king had any influence in Palestine. This bronze statuette may have been sent to Palestine as a gift. The last royal name mentioned in the inscriptions at the copper mines at Sinai is that of Ramses IV, showing that after him no more expeditions were sent to Sinai for mining purposes. The loss of the last foreign holdings caused an increase of poverty and insecurity and caused inflation. A sack of barley rose in price from 2 to 8 deben. Spelt (a cheaper kind of wheat) rose from 1 to 4 deben during the reign of the kings Ramses VII to X, and later leveled off at 2 deben. As the cost of living rose, the revenue of the government fell off, with the result that it could not pay its officers and workers. This in turn resulted in strikes of government workers, the first recorded strikes in history. Several serious situations thus arose in places where many men were occupied on public works, for example, in western Thebes, where the upkeep of the tremendous royal necropolis with all its temples required a great force. Another cause of the difficult situation was widespread official corruption. As an example, the case of an official may be cited, who was responsible for the shipment of grain from Lower Egypt to the temple of Khnum at Elephantine in Upper Egypt. When he was later tried for embezzlement, it was found that of 6,300 sacks of grain received in the course of 9 years, he had delivered only 576 sacks, or about 9 per cent of the total. The other 91 per cent of the grain had been embezzled by him, in collaboration with certain of the scribes, controllers, and cultivators attached to Khnum’s temple. The records of that time tell also of bands of roving and plundering soldiers who were a scourge on the population, and of continual cases of tomb robberies. Since the population suffered under the economic stress of the times, while everyone knew that untold treasures in gold and silver were hidden in the royal tombs in the valleys of the kings 100 and queens in western Thebes, it is not surprising to read of attempts made to obtain some of those treasures. The available records of investigations of tomb robberies leave the impression that even officials were involved in the thefts. Such robberies occurred so frequently later on, that every royal tomb, with the exception of that of Tutankhamen, was eventually looted. Little if anything remained for the archeologist. By the close of the Twentieth Dynasty (1085 B.C.) Egypt had reached one of the lowest points in its long and checkered history. Nothing of its former wealth and glory was left. Its envoys were despised in foreign lands, as the Wenamon story and a satirical letter reveal—as will be seen in connection with the history of the judges of Israel. Egypt had become a “bruised reed,” as an Assyrian officer mockingly called it several centuries later, in Hezekiah’s time (2 Kings 18:21). This weakness, which began in the time of the judges, proved a blessing to the young nation of Israel, which was thus able to develop without being hindered by a strong neighboring power. The Kingdom of Mitanni (1600 B.C.—1350 B.C.) The greatest rival of Egypt during the Eighteenth Dynasty was the kingdom of Mitanni in northern Mesopotamia. Although recent discoveries have thrown some light on the history of this obscure power, little is known of it. The site of its ancient capital, Washshukani, known from Hittite records, has not yet been discovered, although it is generally believed to have been in the upper Chabur region near Tell Halaf. The ancient native population of the whole region consisted of Aramaeans speaking the Aramaic language, but the rulers were Hurrians, who had taken possession of the country in the 17" century B.C. “Hurrian” is the ethnic name of an Aryan branch of the great Indo-European family of nations, whereas Mitanni is the name of the state over which the Hurrians ruled. The names of their kings and high officials resemble Aryan names, and those of their gods are found in the Indian Veda: Mithras, Varuna, Indra, and Nasatya. Although the beginning of the kingdom of Mitanni is obscure, it is known that Hurrians occupied this region about the 17" century, for the Hittites, under their king, Murshilish, fought the Hurrians on their return to Anatolia after the conquest and destruction of Babylon. However, it is not until the 15" century B.C. that the names of their kings appear in written source material, particularly in the Egyptian records of Thutmose HI and Amenhotep I, with whom these kings had several encounters. However, toward the end of the 15" century, friendly relations between the royal houses of Egypt and Mitanni were established, so that for several successive generations, Egyptian kings took Mitanni princesses as wives. Artatama I of Mitanni gave his daughter to Thutmose IV; Shutarna II, his daughter Gilukhepa to Amenhotep II; and Tushratta, his daughter Tadu-khepa to Amenhotep IV. This is the time (14th century B.C.) of the Amarna Letters, which reveal, among other things, the friendly relations between Egypt and the Hurrians of Mitanni. The reason for this change from hostility to friendship may have been the emergence of a new power in the north west, the Hittites. As the Hittites gradually extended their influence over all eastern Asia Minor, and attempted to make their influence felt in Syria and northern Mesopotamia—at that time either Egyptian or Mitanni territory—the two former enemies became friends out of necessity. But their joint endeavors were not strong enough to hold the vigorous Hittites in check for long, and under the weak 101 reign of Pharaoh Ikhnaton, it was apparent in Syria that Egypt no longer played a decisive role in Asiatic affairs. Hence, about 1365 B.C. Mattiwaza of Mitanni concluded a treaty of friendship with Shubbiluliuma, the powerful Hittite king of that time, and recognized his sovereign influence in Syria. The north eastern Hurrians had in the meantime founded a separate kingdom under the name of Hurri. The names of two of its kings (a son and grandson of Shutarna of Mitanni) are known, both from the 14" century B.C. After the middle of the 14" century all ancient sources are silent concerning the Mitanni kingdom, but the Assyrian records from about 1325 to 1250 B.C. speak of a kingdom of Hanigalbat lying in the same region as the former Mitanni. Since the kings of Hanigalbat had Aryan names like those of the former Mitanni kingdom, it seems that Hanigalbat was the successor of Mitanni. It was, however, a country with little power and influence, and small in extent, inasmuch as its western regions had become part of the Hittite empire, and its eastern ones part of Assyria. This kingdom probably came to its end in the 13" century and broke up into several small city states, which were later absorbed by Assyria during its period of expansion. Although the history of the Hurrian kingdom of northern Mesopotamia is still rather obscure, the above sketch is given because the Hurrians played an important role in the movements of races in the second millennium B.C. They extended their influence over much of the ancient world, reaching even to southern Palestine, as we know from Egyptian records. In the Bible the Hurrians are called Horims or Horites (see Genesis 14:6; 36:20, 21; Deuteronomy 2:12, 22). The importance of the Hurrians in Palestine can be seen from the fact that at certain periods the Egyptians called the whole land Kharu. It is possible that King Chushan-rishathaim of Mesopotamia, who oppressed Israel for eight years soon after Joshua’s death and was finally defeated by Caleb’s younger brother Othniel (Judges 3:8-10), was one of the Mitanni kings of the 14" century B.C. Because of the similarity of sound, Tushratta has been identified with Chushan- rishathaim, but it is thought the latter may have been one of the kings of the period after 1365 B.C. for which no records have been found so far. The Hittite Empire From 1400 B.C.—1200 B.C. The old Hittite kingdom, which early in its history destroyed Babylon, has been discussed previously. Hittite history before 1400 B.C. is not well known, and even the succession of kings is a matter of discussion among scholars. However, after 1400 B.C., the Hittite kingdom enters into the full light of history. Its capital, Khattushash, lay inside the great bend of the Halys in Asia Minor, near the village of Boghazkoy, which is not far from the present Turkish capital, Ankara. Being an Indo-European people, the Hittites were racially related to the Hurrians, from whom they took much of their religion, as well as products of the Mesopotamian civilization and culture that the Hurrians had accepted from the Babylonians and Assyrians. In this way, they took over the Babylonian cuneiform script, certain forms of art, literary products, such as epics and myths, and even gods and religious concepts. However, they by no means lost their own peculiar cultural values, such as their hieroglyphic script, which has only recently been deciphered. 102 The Hittites were a hardy and semi-barbaric nation whose products of art did not reach to the high level the Egyptians had attained, nor did they build temples like some of the other nations, but their laws show that they were much more kind hearted and humane than most of the other ancient nations. Rise of Hittite Power - The first great king of the Hittites recognizable in history is Shubbiluliuma, who reigned from C. 1375 to C. 1335 B.C. A great catastrophe of a somewhat obscure nature had struck the nation a little before his accession to the throne. Although the records of this catastrophe are not clear, it seems that some subject nations of eastern Asia Minor had risen against their lords and destroyed the Hittite capital Khattushash. After Shubbiluliuma gained the throne, his first care was to rebuild the capital and to restore order in the kingdom. This was done through a number of campaigns. When the Hittite king once more was master over the different peoples of eastern Asia Minor, he turned against the rival kingdom of Mitanni. His first campaign seems to have been unsuccessful, because the Mitanni king Tushratta says in one of his letters to the Egyptian Pharaoh that he had gained a victory over the Hittites, but Shubbiluliuma must have had some success, as can be learned from another letter in the Amarna collection written by Rib-Addi of Byblos. Shubbiluliuma’s second Syrian campaign was a complete success. He not only conquered the capital of the Mitanni kingdom but penetrated southern Syria to the Lebanon. When domestic troubles broke out in the family of Tushratta, with the result that he was killed, Shubbiluliuma placed Tushratta’s son Mattiwaza, who had taken refuge with him, on the throne, and gave him his daughter as wife—thus binding the two royal houses together. As already mentioned in the discussion of Egyptian history, it was at this time, when the Hittite king besieged the city of Carchemish on the Euphrates, that a request reached him from Tutankhamen’s widow to send her one of his sons to become her husband and king of Egypt. The prince sent in response to this request was waylaid and murdered before reaching the country of the Nile. Upon receipt of the news of this crime Shubbiluliuma conducted a successful campaign against the Egyptians but was forced to retreat without being able to take advantage of his victory because of an outbreak of the plague, which ravaged the Hittite country for 20 years. Four of Shubbiluliuma’s sons became kings, two of them during their father’s lifetime—one over Aleppo, another over Carchemish. A third son, Arnuwanda III, succeeded his father on the throne over the Hittite empire; and after his death, a younger brother, Murshilish II, gained the throne. A considerable number of contemporary documents provide ample information covering the reign of the last-mentioned king. He practically had to rebuild his father’s empire because a number of revolts had broken out upon his father’s death, and again when his brother Arnuwanda died. His life story is therefore filled with military campaigns against various peoples of Asia Minor, Syria, and Egyptian garrison forces. The next king, Mutallu, also experienced a serious rebellion by a subject people, the Gashga, who succeeded in conquering and destroying the Hittite capital city of Khattushash, forcing the Hittite king to establish a temporary capital elsewhere. When, for some reason, the local kingdom of Amurru in northern Syria wanted to break its ties with the Hittites in favor of Egypt, to which it formerly belonged, Mutallu interfered, and with his allies forced Amurru to remain apart from the Egyptian Empire. It was at this moment that he met the Egyptian king Ramses II in the battle of Kadesh on the Orontes. Ramses had come to northern Syria to claim his old rights. The famous battle at Kadesh has already been described in connection with the history of the reign of Ramses II. Although Ramses II claimed to have won a victory, the battle ended in a draw, by which the Hittites gained some advantages. This conclusion is reached from 103 the fact that after the battle of Kadesh the Hittites occupied Syrian territory that had not formerly been under their suzerainty. Friendship With Egypt - Urhi-Teshub, the next Hittite king, reigned uneventfully for seven years, when he was deposed and banished by his uncle, who made himself king as Hattushilish II. Relations with Egypt were still tense during the first years of his reign, as we know from a letter the Hittite king sent to the Babylonian king Kadashman-Turgu, in which he finds fault with Babylon for being too friendly toward Egypt. Later, however, he sought the friendship of Egypt and concluded a treaty with Ramses II in the latter’s 21" year. This inaugurated a period of close cooperation between the two countries, strengthened by the marriage of Ramses II to Hattushilish’s daughter 13 years later. The Hittites may have regarded the restlessness among the Aegean peoples as the harbinger of coming evil, and therefore desired friendly relations with their own eastern and southern neighbors—the Kassite rulers in Babylon and the Egyptians. These precautions were fruitless, however, since neither Egypt nor the Kassites of Babylon were strong enough to prevent the Hittites from falling prey to the irresistible advance of the Sea Peoples through Asia Minor, Syria, and Palestine. The next three Hittite kings, Tuthaliya IV, Arnuwanda IV, and his successor, were comparatively weak rulers. Very few documents have survived to throw light on their reigns. One treaty with the vassal kingdom of Amurru in Syria provides for an embargo on Assyrian goods and prohibits Assyrian merchants from passing through their land. This shows that Assyria was now in the ascendancy and was considered an enemy. Merneptah of Egypt aided the Hittites during a severe famine in the reign of Tuthaliya IV by shipments of grain, but the power of the Hittites was now a thing of the past, and its downfall could not be delayed longer. Fall of the Hittite Empire - About 1200 B.C. a great catastrophe brought the Hittite empire to a sudden end. This is attested by the sudden cessation of all Hittite documentary material at that time, and by the Egyptian statement that “Hatti was wasted.” No power proved able to resist the Peoples of the Sea, who now poured through the countries of the north like a torrent. Archeological evidence agrees with these observations, showing that the cities of Anatolia were burned at this time after being overrun by enemies. Hittite culture and political influence completely disappeared from Asia Minor with the extinction of the Hittite empire, though the previously subject city states of northern Syria and Mesopotamia carried on the Hittite culture and tradition for several centuries, until they themselves were absorbed by the Assyrians in the 9th century. Cities like Hamath on the Orontes, Carchemish on the Euphrates, and Karatepe on the Ceyhan River show a well-balanced mixture of native Aramaic, or even Phoenician culture, along with that of the Hittites. These were the Hittite states with which Solomon carried on a flourishing trade (2 Chronicles 1:17), and of whom the Syrians of Elisha’s time were afraid when they lifted the siege of Samaria (2 Kings 7:6, 7). These city states are called Hittite kingdoms not only in the Bible but in the Assyrian records of their time also. In fact, the whole of Syria became known as Hittite country in Assyrian parlance of the empire period. When the cities of northern Syria were conquered and destroyed and their populations deported by the Assyrians in the 9th and 8th centuries B.C., all knowledge of the culture, language and script of the Hittites completely died out, and has been resurrected only recently from its sleep of more than two and a half millenniums. 104 The Rise and Growth of the Sea Peoples (1400 B.C.—1200 B.C.) The Peoples of the Sea mentioned in Egyptian sources of the times of Merneptah and Ramses III have been mentioned in connection with the history of those Egyptian kings and in the account of the destruction of the Hittite empire. However, our sources about these peoples are very limited, and consist only of legends preserved by Homer, of Egyptian references to them, some archeological evidence, and a few Bible statements. In various Egyptian documents recovered by archeologists the name Peoples of the Sea appears as a collective name for the Lycians, Achaeans, Sardinians (Sherden), Sicilians (Siculi), Danaeans, Weshwesh, Teucrians (Tjekker), and Philistines (Peleshet). Egypt had always had some connections with the peoples of Crete, the islands of the Aegean Sea, and the mainland of Greece, as is evident from the presence of Egyptian objects in those areas and of Aegean pottery in Egypt. Up to the time of Amenhotep III, the pottery from Crete is found more frequently in Egypt than that of other Greek areas. Also, most of the Egyptian objects found in Europe up to this time appear on Crete. After Amenhotep III, relations with Crete seem to have been interrupted, since Egyptian objects from that time on have been found in only two places in Crete, whereas they have come to light in seven places on the mainland of Greece and on other islands, showing that stronger connections were developing with those areas. The archeological evidence at Crete shows, furthermore, that the rich culture of Crete called by archeologists Minoan II ended with the destruction of the great palace at Cnossus, an event which must have taken place between 1400 and 1350 B.C. This destruction was followed by the more primitive culture of the invading peoples. Homeric legends about the destruction or disappearance of the formidable sea power of Atlantis may refer to Crete, which fell to these unknown invaders, who destroyed its culture as well as the power by which it had dominated other Greek tribes. This event is also reflected in the legend about a Greek hero, Theseus, who liberated the Greeks from subjection to Minos of Crete, in whose labyrinth lived the Minotaur. We shall probably never know precisely what happened, but it is clear that the subject nations of the Aegean banded together, and with their long ships fought against the galleys of Minos, which had for so long monopolized the lucrative trade with Egypt and other lands. The destruction of the Cretan fleet resulted in the invasion of the rich island and the destruction of its culture. From that time on, the trade of the central Mediterranean lay in the hands of the peoples of the Aegean Sea, particularly those of coastal Asia Minor and mainland Greece. Migration of the Sea Peoples - But the migration of peoples did not stop with the destruction and occupation of Crete. By the 13th century, the western coasts of Asia Minor were overrun and permanently occupied by Greek-speaking peoples, and in the last years of Ramses II, the Peoples of the Sea and the Libyans entered the western Delta and extended their settlements almost to the gates of Memphis and Heliopolis. Merneptah, the son of Ramses II, had to face a mass invasion of these people, but was able to defeat them and save Egypt from this western menace. It was in his time that the great invasion of central Anatolia by the Peoples of the Sea took place. This marked the end of the Hittite empire and the destruction of rich, north Syrian cities like Ugarit (Ras Shamrah). Cyprus was also occupied by these western invaders. How the threat to Egypt was averted by Ramses II, who defeated these peoples in two decisive battles, has already been told. 105 The Philistines - After these unsuccessful attempts to take possession of the Nile country, most of the invaders who escaped from the Egyptian massacres and were not captured seem to have returned to the west. The Tjekker and the Philistines, however, stayed in the country. The latter found some related tribes in the southern coastal region of Palestine who had evidently lived there for centuries (see Genesis 21:34; 26:1; Exodus 13:17, 18), and appreciably added to their military strength. As a result the Philistines, who had formerly been so weak that they sought treaties with Abraham and Isaac (Genesis 21:22-32; 26:26- 33), and had been so unimportant that their names never appear in the records of Egypt prior to the 12th century, now became the gravest menace of the Israelites, who occupied the mountainous hinterland of Palestine. That the Philistines apparently belonged to the peoples that invaded and destroyed the ancient culture of Crete, can be gathered from such texts as Jeremiah 47:4, where the Philistines are called “the remnant of the country of Caphtor [Crete],” or Amos 9:7, where God is said to have brought up “the Philistines from Caphtor.” Other texts (1 Samuel 30:14; Ezekiel 25:16; Zephaniah 2:5) bring the Cretes and Philistines together as occupying the same territory. David seems to have had a bodyguard of Cherethites and Pelethites, that is, Cretans and Philistines (2 Samuel 15:18; 1 Kings 1:38, 44), similar to the custom of Ramses III, who made captured Philistines, Sardinians, and other Peoples of the Sea soldiers in his army. These foreign mercenaries, with 600 Philistines from Gath (2 Samuel 15:18), were practically the only soldiers who remained faithful to David at the time of Absalom’s rebellion. Israel Under the Judges (1350—1050 B.C.) The history of Assyria and Babylonia during the second half of the second millennium B.C. will be discussed in connection with their later history, since these nations played no important role in Western Asia during that time. However, after a survey of the history of the nations who surrounded the people of Israel during the time of their conquest of Canaan, and the period when they were either ruled by judges or oppressed by enemy nations, it is in order now to study the history of the people of God with whom the Bible is mainly concerned. Whatever is known of the history of the lesser nations of Canaan during this period will be mentioned at appropriate points rather than in separate sections. Chronology of the Period - The time between the occupation of Canaan and the establishment of the Hebrew monarchy is known as the period of the judges. The chronology of this period hinges on the date of the death of Solomon. The working chronology adopted for this chapter puts Solomon’s death in 931/30 B.C., that is, in the Hebrew year running from the fall of 931 to the fall of 930. Hence, his beginning to build the Temple, in the spring month Zif of his fourth year (1 Kings 6:1), fell in 967/66, that is, in the spring of 966. This was in the 480th year after the Exodus (1 Kings 6:1). Then Zif in the first year of the Exodus was 479 years earlier, in the spring of 1445 B.C., with the Exodus in the preceding month (Abib, 1445), and the crossing of the Jordan 40 years later (Joshua 5:6, 10) in 1405 B.C. Of the 480 years of 1 Kings 6:1, 40 are to be deducted for the reign of Saul (Acts 13:21), 40 for the reign of David (1 Kings 2:11), and 4 from the reign of Solomon. These 84 years deducted from the 480 years leave the coronation of Saul in the 396th year from the Exodus, or the 356th from the invasion of Canaan, giving us the years 1405-1051/50 B.C. for the period from Joshua to Samuel. 106 Another chronological peg is provided by a statement made by the judge Jephthah at the beginning of his term of office, that Israel had then “dwelt in Heshbon and her towns ... three hundred years” (Judges 11:26). These 300 years go back to the conquest of this area under the leadership of Moses, during the last year of his life (see Deuteronomy 2:26-37). This statement requires that the conquest under Joshua and the elders, together with the judgeships of Othniel, Ehud, Shamgar, Deborah and Barak, Gideon, Tola, and Jair, as well as the intervening periods of oppression, be included within the 300 years between the conquest and the time of Jephthah. To fit these periods into the 300 years does not present great difficulties, since it is reasonable to assume that some judges ruled contemporaneously—one perhaps in Transjordan and another in western Palestine, or one in the north and another in the south. It is also possible that some tribes in one part of the country enjoyed rest and security at a time when other tribes were oppressed. This is, for example, indicated in the oppression by the Canaanite king Jabin of Hazor, which was terminated by the victory of Deborah and Barak over Sisera, captain of Jabin’s army (Judges 4). In Deborah’s song of victory several tribes were rebuked for having failed to assist their brethren in the struggle for liberation from the tyranny of the oppressor (Judges 5:16, 17). These tribes probably saw no need for risking life so long as they themselves enjoyed a peaceful existence, as was the case for 80 years after Ehud liberated them from the oppression of the Moabites and Amalekites (Judges 3:30). From Jephthah to Saul’s coronation was 57 years, according to chronological statements of the Bible. While Jephthah ruled over the eastern tribes, ending an 18-year oppression of the Ammonites, the Philistines began oppressing those in the west. They captured the ark in Eli’s time, after it had been at Shiloh for 300 years. During the time of this Philistine oppression, Samson harassed the pagan oppressor and began “to deliver Israel” (Judges 13:5). Samuel was probably also a contemporary of Samson, the latter operating in the south west, the other in the mountains of central Palestine (1 Samuel 7:16, 17). Samuel was the last judge to guide Israel wisely. For a long time he was the sole leader of his people before the first king, Saul, was chosen. The relatively fixed chronology of Egypt during this period, and several key dates in the Biblical chronology, permit an experimental reconstruction of the period of the judges that leads to the following chronological synchronisms: TENTATIVE CHRONOLOGY OF THE PERIOD OF THE JUDGES Eighteenth Dynasty Invasion of Canaan 1405 Amenhotep III 1412-1375 Hattushilish II Israel under Joshua 1405-1364 Ikhnaton, Tuthaliya II and the elders Smenkhkare 1387-1366 Arnuwanda II 107 Othniel’s liberation 1356 Tutankhamen, 1366-1353 Shubbiluliuma from Chushan Eye rishathaim’s 8—year oppression Rest of 40 years 1356-1316 Harmhab 1353-1320 Nineteenth Dynasty Arnuwanda II Ramses I 1320-1319 Murshilish I Seti I 1319-1299 Ehud’s liberation 1298 Seti in Palestine 1319 from 18 years of Moabite oppression Ramses II 1299-1232 Mutallu 80 years’ rest of 1298-1218 Battle at Kadesh 1295 southern and eastern tribes Deborah and Barak’s | 1258 Urhi-Teshub liberation after Jabin’s 20 years of oppression in the north Hattushilish III Rest in the north 1258-1218 Last weak Hittite kings Gideon’s liberation 1211 Merneptah and 1232-1200 End of Hittite from 7-year other weak kings kingdom about Midianite oppression 1200 Twentieth Dynasty Gideon’s rule 1211-1171 Ramses III 1198-1167 Abimelech’s kingship | 1171-1168 War against 1194-1191 over Shechem Peoples of the Sea 108 Tola, Jair, Jephthah, 1168-1074 Ramses IV-XI 1167-1085 Ibzan, Elon, Abdon Beginning of 1119 Philistine oppression Samson’s exploits 1101-1081 Twenty-first Dynasty Ark taken, Eli’s death | 1099 Battle at Ebenezer, 1079 (High priests of Philistines defeated Amen as kings of Egypt) Samuel judge 1079-1050 1085-950 The Peoples of Canaan and Their Culture - The earliest, aboriginal population of Palestine was non- Semitic, as is evident from the names of the oldest settlements, which are non-Semitic. Toward the end of the second millennium B.C., the Amorites invaded Canaan and for centuries formed its ruling class. The early Hittites, of whom only traces are recognizable in the texts coming from the time of their later empire period, also settled in certain parts of Palestine, as did the Hurrians, especially in the south. Of the 11 peoples called Canaanites in Genesis 10:15-19, the Hittites and Amorites have already been mentioned. Six of the others lived in Syria and Phoenicia; namely, the Sidonians and the Zemarites on the coast; the Arkites, with their capital Irqata, of the Amarna Letters, north of Tripoli; the Sinites, whose capital Siannu, mentioned in Assyrian records, is still unidentified; the Arvadites, with their capital Arvad in northern Phoenicia; and the Hamathites in inland Syria. Of the remaining three Canaanite tribes, the Jebusites, Girgashites, and Hivites, nothing is known from extra-Biblical sources. All these peoples, living in a country situated between the two great civilizations of antiquity—Egypt in the south and Mesopotamia in the north—were strongly influenced by the cultures of those countries. Although Palestine and Syria had lived under the political Odominion of Egypt for centuries by the time of the Hebrew invasion, the cultural influences of Mesopotamia were stronger than those of Egypt. The reason for this strange phenomenon may lie in ethnic ties. Since all these peoples spoke Semitic languages closely related to those spoken in Babylonia and Assyria, they may have been more attached to the eastern culture than to that of their political overlords. Hence, we find that the Babylonian language and script were used in all correspondence between the different city rulers, and between them and the Egyptian court. The clay tablet served them as writing material, as it did their eastern neighbors. That the art of writing was extensively practiced is evident from the fact that cuneiform texts have been found in various Palestinian excavations, such as Shechem, Taanach, Tell el—Hest, and Gezer, and from the hundreds of Amarna Letters which, although they were discovered in Egypt, originally came from Palestine and Syria. 109 Also, a new, alphabetic script, probably invented in the mining region of Sinai toward the end of the patriarchal period, was beginning to be used more extensively in the period under discussion. Short inscriptions written in alphabetic script have been found at Lachish, Beth-shemesh, Shechem, and elsewhere. They suggest that the people of that time were eager to write and were using the new script, because of its obvious advantages over the difficult and cumbersome cuneiform or hieroglyphic scripts with their many hundreds of characters. The excavation of Palestinian cities dating from the period before the Israelites entered the country shows that the population had attained a high level of craftsmanship, especially in the building of city rock tunnels. The Jebusites, for example, dug a vertical shaft inside the city of Jerusalem, to a depth on a level with the spring Gihon, which was some distance outside the city in the Kidron Valley. From the bottom of this shaft they dug a horizontal passage to the spring, through which they were able to secure water from the spring in a time of emergency without leaving the city. A magnificent water tunnel was also excavated at Gezer, consisting of a gigantic staircase about 219 ft. long cut out of solid rock. This tunnel is 23 ft. high at the entrance and about 13 ft. wide, but diminishes greatly toward the end. The roof is barrel shaped, and follows the slope of the steps. It ends at a large spring 94 1/2 ft. underneath the rock surface, and 130 ft. below the present surface level. The toolmarks show that the work was done with flint tools, and the contents of the debris reveal that the tunnel fell into disuse not long after the Hebrew invasion. How the ancient citizens of Gezer knew that they would strike a powerful spring at the end of their tunnel is still a mystery. These engineering feats, which demonstrate the high level of material culture of the Canaanites at the time of the Hebrew invasion, are examples of many Canaanite accomplishments recently come to light. The Religion and Cult Practices of the Canaanites - Though it is true that the pre-Israelite population of Palestine had already attained a high cultural level by the time of the conquest, their religious concepts and practices were most degrading. The excavation of Canaanite temples and sacred places has brought to light many cult objects of Canaanite origin. At Ras Shamrah, ancient Ugarit, many Canaanite texts of a mythological nature have been found. Written in an alphabetic cuneiform script, they have shed much light on the language, poetry, and religion of the Canaanites of the middle of the second millennium B.C. They constitute our main source of information on the religion of the land Israel invaded and conquered. Palestine seems to have had a great number of open-air sanctuaries, called bamoth, “high places,” in the Bible. The Israelites were so attracted by these “high places” that they took them over and dedicated them to God, in spite of His explicit command that He be worshiped at one place only, the place where the sanctuary was situated (Deuteronomy 12:5, 11). Various prophets denounced these pagan places of worship (Jeremiah 7:31; 19:13; 32:35; Hosea 4:12, 13, 15; Amos 2:8; 4:4, 5), but it was most difficult to wean the people away from them. Even some of the best kings—Amaziah, Uzziah, and Jotham, for example—did not destroy them (2 Kings 14:3, 4; 15:4, 34, 35). One of the best-preserved high places excavated in Palestine was found at Gezer, about halfway between Jerusalem and the coast. It was an open place, without any traces of building activity. However, it contained several caves, of which some were filled with ash and bones, probably the remains of sacrifices, since the bones were of men, women, children, infants, cattle, sheep, goats, and deer. Two of the caves were connected by a narrow winding tunnel, so that one of them could be used as a sacred place where 110 the inquiring worshiper might consult an oracle. Every whispered word spoken in the smaller cave can be heard clearly in the larger one. It is not impossible that a cult object, perhaps an idol, once stood in front of the hole in the wall that connected the two caves, and that the worshipers imagined they received answers to their prayers in this place. Similar oracle places are known to have existed in Greece and Mesopotamia. In the middle of the main cave was a large block of stone, on which lay the skeleton of an infant, perhaps the remains of the last child sacrificed in this place. Aboveground a row of 10 stone pillars was found. The tallest of these pillars is almost 11 ft. high, the shortest, 5 1/2 ft. In Hebrew such a stone pillar is called massebah, “image” (see Levites 26:1; Deuteronomy 16:22; Micah 5:13), more correctly, “pillar” (RSV). It is not certain whether these pillars were connected with sun worship, or whether they were symbols of fertility representative of the “sacred” phallus erectus. Several altars were also connected with the high place, and on the rock floor were many cup-shaped holes probably used for the reception of libations, or “drink offerings.” Another well-preserved high place has been found on one of the mountains near Petra, the capital of the Edomites. Although this sacred place is of a much later date (1st century B.C.), it probably differed little from similar places of earlier times. A great altar was cut out of the virgin rock. A stairway of six steps leads up to its fire hearth. In front of the altar is a great rectangular court, with an elevated platform in the middle, where the slaughtering of the sacrifice took place. A nearly square water tank has been hewn out of the rock, for use in connection with ablution rituals. This high place also has characteristic cups for pouring out libation offerings, and nearby there are obelisk-shaped standing pillars without which a high place apparently would have been incomplete. Canaanite temples have also been excavated in Palestinian cities, such as Megiddo and Beth-shan. These sacred structures usually contain two rooms; the inner with a raised platform on which the cult image originally had stood served as the main sanctuary. However, the Canaanite cult was not limited to temples and high places. Numerous small stone altars found in Palestine show that the people had private shrines where sacrifices were offered. These stone altars were usually hewn out of one block of stone. The hearth was on the upper part, with four horns at the corners. Cult images have been found in great numbers in every Palestinian excavation. Most of these are little figurines representing a nude goddess with the sex features accentuated, showing that they were connected with the fertility cult, around which much of the Canaanite worship centered. Canaanite Deities - At the head of the Canaanite pantheon stood El, called “the father of years,” also “the father of men,” who was symbolized by a bull. In spite of his being the highest titular god, he was thought to be old and tired, and hence weak and feeble. According to a later Phoenician scholar, Philo of Byblos, El had three wives, Astarte, Asherah, and Baaltis (probably Anath), who were at the same time his sisters. Also in the Ugaritic texts, Asherah is attested as El’s wife. As patron of the sea, Asherah is commonly called “Asherah of the Sea,” but also “creatress of the gods,” and “Holiness,” in both Canaan and Egypt. She was usually represented in pictures and on reliefs as a beautiful nude prostitute standing on a lion and holding a lily in one hand and a serpent in the other. She seems to have been worshiped under the symbol of a tree trunk, “groves” in the KJV (2 Kings 17:10). She found ready acceptance among the Israelites, who seem to have worshiped cult symbols dedicated to Asherah almost continuously during the pre-exilic period, for they were in a deplorable state of apostasy most of the time. 111 Another important Canaanite goddess was Astarte, Heb. ‘Ashtoreth’, “the great goddess who conceives but does not bear.” She is depicted as a nude woman astride a galloping horse, brandishing shield and lance in her hands. The Phoenicians attributed to her two sons, named according to Philo of Byblos, Pothos, “sexual desire,” and Eros, “sexual love.” Astarte plaques of a crude form are numerous in Palestinian sites excavated, but it is significant that they have not been discovered in any early Israelite level. This is true of the excavations carried on at Bethel, Gibeah, Tell en—Nasbeh, and Shiloh, showing that the early Israelites shunned the idols of the Canaanites. Anath, the third major goddess of the Canaanites, was the most immoral and bloodthirsty of all deities. Her rape by her brother Baal formed a standing theme in Canaanite mythology, finding entrance even into the literature of the Egyptians. Nevertheless, she is always called “the virgin,” a curious comment on the debased Canaanite concept of virginity. Her thirst for blood was insatiable, and her warlike exploits are described in a number of texts. It is claimed that she smote the peoples of the east and the west, that she lopped off heads like sheaves, and hands so that they flew around like locusts. She is then described as binding the heads to her back, the hands to her girdle, exulting while plunging knee deep into the blood of knights, and hip deep into the gore of heroes. In doing this, she found so much delight that her liver swelled with laughter. Moreover, she enjoyed killing not only human beings but also gods. For example, the death of the god Mot is attributed to her. He was cleft by her with a sword, winnowed with a fan, burned in the fire, ground up in a hand mill, and finally sown in the fields. Baal, although not the chief god, played a most important role in the Canaanite pantheon. He was considered to be the son of El, the chief god, and a brother of Anath. Being held responsible for lightning, thunder, and rain, he was thought to bring fertility to the land of Canaan, which was entirely dependent on rain for agricultural purposes. At the beginning of the dry season, his devotees supposed, Baal was murdered by the evil god Mot, and the annual feast of his resurrection, probably at the time of the first rain, was an occasion of great rejoicing and festivity. Baal is the chief figure of all the mythological poetry of Ugarit, in fact, of all religious literature. When, in Elijah’s time, Israel had turned to Baal worship, his impotence was clearly demonstrated by the withholding of rain for three years. God designed His people to learn that the introduction of Baal worship would not increase the fertility of their land, but would actually bring famine. At Mt. Carmel, Elijah gave a conclusive demonstration that Baal was helpless as a rain god, indeed, that he was nonexistent. Besides the gods named, there was a host of other deities with minor functions, but space makes it impossible to give more than a cursory survey of the complex religion of the Canaanites, the various exploits of the Canaanite gods, their lust for blood, their vices and immoral acts. However, it may suffice to say that the Canaanite religion was simply a reflection of the morals of the people. A people cannot stand on a higher moral level than their gods. If the gods commit incest, adultery, and fornication, if they exult in bloodshed and senseless murders, their worshipers will not act differently. It is therefore not astonishing to learn that ritual prostitution of both sexes was practiced in the temples, that in these “sacred” houses homosexuals formed recognized guilds, and that on feast days the most immoral orgies imaginable were held in the temples and high places. We also find that infants were sacrificed on altars or buried alive to appease an angry god, that snake worship was widespread, and that the Canaanites wounded and mutilated themselves in times of grief and mourning, a practice that was prohibited among the Israelites (Levites 19:28; Deuteronomy 14:1). 112 Effects of Canaanite Religion - How their religious thinking influenced the Canaanites’ way of life is well illustrated by the story of Naboth’s death at the hand of Jezebel for refusing to give up his vineyard to Ahab (1 Kings 21). When Ahab’s request was rejected by Naboth, the king was deeply offended and grieved, but he saw no reason for doing anything against Naboth. His wife, however, a Phoenician princess and passionate worshiper of Canaanite gods and goddesses like Baal and Asherah, immediately proposed a way to have Naboth killed and his property impounded. In Ugaritic literature, a similar story is found. The goddess Anath desired to possess a beautiful bow belonging to Aghat. She requested him to give the bow to her in return for gold and silver. When Aghat refused to part with his bow and advised her to have one made for herself, she tried to change his mind by promising him eternal life. This being to no avail, she plotted his destruction and secured possession of the coveted bow. We do not know whether Jezebel knew this story, and whether she was influenced by it or not, but it is not strange that a woman who was educated in an environment where such stories were told about the gods would have no scruples about applying similar means to achieve her purpose. Because of the depravity of the Canaanites, Israel was commanded to destroy them. An understanding of the religion and immorality connected with Canaanite worship explains God’s severity toward the people who practiced it. The Crossing of the Jordan River - Bible critics declare that the story of Israel’s crossing the Jordan is an incredible myth, that it would be utterly impossible that the river should cease its flow for the space of time required for so vast a multitude to pass over. The fact is, history records at least two instances during the past 700 years when the Jordan suddenly ceased flowing and many miles of the river bed remained dry for a number of hours. As the result of an earthquake, on the night preceding December 8, A.D. 1267, a large section of the west bank opposite Damieh fell into the river, completely damming its flow for 16 hours. This is the very location where, according to the Bible record, “the waters which came down from above stood and rose up upon an heap” (see on Joshua 3:16). Near Tell ed—Damiyeh, the Biblical city of Adam, not far from where the Jabbok flows into the Jordan, the river valley narrows into a gorge that makes such an occurrence as the complete blocking of the river a comparatively simple matter. On July 11, 1927, the river ran dry again. A landslide near the ford at Tell ed—Damiyeh, caused by a severe earthquake, carried away part of the west bank of the river, thus blocking its flow for 21 hours and flooding much of the plain around Tell ed—Damiyeh. Eventually, these waters forced their way back into the usual channel. For historical data on these two instances see John Garstang and J. B. E. Garstang, The Story of Jericho [1940], p. 136, 137; D. H. Kallner-Amiram, Israel Exploration Journal, Vol. I [1950- 1951], pp. 229, 236. In the light of this evidence critics, reversing themselves, will no doubt now wish to dismiss the Jordan miracle of Joshua’s day as simply a natural phenomenon, the result of an earthquake. Any explanation, no matter how incredible, seems better to some men than admitting that God performs miracles. We would ask: How could Joshua know a day ahead that an earthquake would block the river 20 miles upstream? Even more incredible, how could he know the exact moment of the earthquake, in order to direct the priests bearing the ark to march forward so that their feet would reach the riverbank just when the water ceased to flow (see Joshua 3)? Are these Bible critics able to produce earthquakes? Or can they even predict the hour or the day when one will occur and regulate its effects so as to accomplish their objectives? The answer is No And this resounding No wipes out forever their foolish objections to the 113 simple Bible statement that a miracle occurred. Whether or not God caused an earthquake upon this occasion, we know not; we do know that He shakes the earth and makes it tremble (Psalms 60:2; Isaiah 2:19, 21) and that the elements fulfill His will (Psalms 148:8). But the very shaking of the earth, though described by men as an earthquake, is in this case of the Jordan truly a miracle. The Invasion of Canaan Under Joshua - Jericho was the first city that blocked the way of the invading Hebrews. The Jericho of Joshua’s time has since the Middle Ages been identified with the mound Tell es— Sultan, which is situated close to modern Jericho and not far from the river Jordan. In excavating the ancient ruins of the city Prof. John Garstang found the remains of city walls that showed signs of destruction he attributed to an earthquake. Various reasons led him to the conclusion that he had found the ruins of Joshua’s Jericho. But further excavations, in the 1950’s, under the direction of Dr. Kathleen M. Kenyon, yielded evidence that would assign those walls to an earlier century and uncovered no remains that could be assigned to Joshua’s time except a portion of a house and some pottery in the tombs outside the city indicating burials there in the 14th century. Unfortunately, the top levels of that mound have been so badly destroyed, particularly by erosion, that the later remains have been virtually obliterated. It is questioned whether the site will ever provide archeological evidence that will shed light on the Bible story of the fall of Jericho (Joshua 6). From the Bible, however, we know that this city, the first one conquered by the Israelites, fell as the result of a divine act of judgment that the Canaanites had brought upon themselves. The strongly fortified city was suddenly destroyed and its contents and population—with the exception of Rahab and her family— were given to the flames. The next city taken after the fall of Jericho was the little town of Ai (Joshua 8). Archeologists have identified Ai with the ruins of et—Tell, excavated during three seasons under Mme. Judith Marquet-Krause, from 1933 to 1935. However, this identification cannot be correct, since the city uncovered was one of the largest of ancient Palestine, whereas the Bible speaks of Ai as a place much smaller than Jericho (see Joshua 7:3). Furthermore, excavation has shown that et—-Tell was destroyed several centuries before the Israelite conquest, and had been in ruins for hundreds of years when Jericho fell to the Israelites. However, as Vincent has proposed, it is possible that the city ruins served as a habitation for a small population in the time of Joshua, because the name Ai means “ruin.” This view may be correct, or the real location of the town may yet be discovered. The Conquest of Central Canaan - With the fall of Jericho and Ai the central part of Canaan lay open before the invaders. When the Israelites proceeded inland they found to their consternation that they had been deceived by the inhabitants of Gibeon and other cities, with whom they had but a short time previously concluded an alliance of mutual assistance, not knowing that their new allies were inhabitants of Canaan. Hence, the Israelites could not take their cities, and were even obliged to assist them when they were attacked by neighboring city kings who resented the Gibeonite alliance with Israel (Joshua 9). To fulfill a command previously given by Moses, the Israelites went to Shechem, built an altar, and inscribed the law on a plastered stone monument (see Deuteronomy 11:29-32; Deuteronomy 27:1-8; Joshua 8:32-35). Half of the people stood on Mt. Ebal and the other half on Mt. Gerizim, while the blessings and curses prescribed by Moses were read to them. The Bible does not explain how it was possible for the Israelites to take possession of the region of Shechem, in the central part of the country. The impression, however, is gained that no hostilities preceded their taking possession of this section of 114 the land. Although the Bible is silent concerning events that led to the surrender of Shechem, an Amarna Letter (No. 289) written a few years later by the king of Jerusalem to Pharaoh probably contains information as to how the Israelites gained possession of the Shechem region. In this letter, the king of Jerusalem complains that the Habiru (Hebrews) had become so strong that there was danger that he and other kings who still withstood them would have to surrender their own cities as Shechem had been surrendered. The significant passage reads, “To us the same thing will happen, after Labaja and the land of Sakmi [Shechem] have given [all] to the Habiru [Hebrew].” There is therefore reason to conclude that the king of Shechem followed the example of the Gibeonites and surrendered without a fight. In order to punish those cities that had voluntarily surrendered to the Israelites, the Amorite king of Jerusalem made an alliance with four other princes of southern Palestine and threatened to take Gibeon. Responding to an urgent Gibeonite plea for help, Joshua marched against the five kings and defeated their armies in the memorable battle of Azekah and Makkedah, for which the day was lengthened in response to Joshua’s prayer. The five kings fell into Joshua’s hands and were killed, and in the ensuing campaign a number of Canaanite cities in the south were taken. However, no attempt was made either to annihilate the defeated populations or to occupy their cities. On the contrary, the Israelites, after taking Canaanite cities, apparently returned them to their inhabitants, and retreated to their camp at Gilgal on the Jordan (Joshua 10). Later, a campaign against a hostile alliance under the leadership of the king of Hazor, in the north, was undertaken. In the resulting battle of Merom (Lake Huleh) the Israelites were once more victorious. Although they destroyed Hazor completely and pursued their fleeing enemies, they made no attempt at permanent occupation of this part of the country, but left it to their defeated foes as they had the southland (Joshua 11). The only other military campaigns carried out during the period of the conquest were those of Caleb against Hebron, of his brother Othniel against Debir (Joshua 14:6-15; Joshua 15:13-19; Judges 1:10-15), and of the tribes of Judah and Simeon against Jerusalem (Judges 1:3-8). However, many of the cities taken during the several campaigns were not occupied, as, for example, Jerusalem (see Judges 1:8); cf. verse 21 and 2 Samuel 5:6-9, Taanach (see Joshua 12:21; cf. Judges 1:27), Megiddo (see Joshua 12:21; cf. Judges 1:27), Gezer (see Joshua 12:12; cf. 1 Kings 9:16), and others. The Biblical records tell also that whole regions, such as Philistia, Phoenicia, and northern and southern Syria (Joshua 13:2-6), remained unoccupied. The Conquest of Canaan a Gradual Process - The conclusion derived from these different statements is that during the period of the conquest an attempt was made only to gain a foothold. Various local kings and coalitions were defeated, because they contested the right of the Hebrews to settle in western Canaan. However, no serious attempts seems to have been made by the Israelites to dislocate all the Canaanites from their cities and strongholds, although a few cities were definitely taken into possession at that time. Having spent the last 40 years in the desert as nomads, the Hebrews seem to have been satisfied to settle down as tent dwellers in Canaan. As long as they found pastures for their cattle and were not molested by the native inhabitants, they had no desire to live in fortified cities like the Canaanites. Though Joshua divided the country among the 12 tribes, this division was largely in anticipation of their occupying fully the respective areas. This can clearly be seen from a study of the lists given in Joshua 15 to 21, in which 115 numerous cities are mentioned that were not possessed until centuries later. However, as the Hebrews became stronger, they made the Canaanites tributary (Judges 1:28) and eventually dispossessed them. This process was gradual and took centuries, not being complete before the time of David and Solomon. It is possible that in Acts 13:19, Paul refers to this long period of conquest, from Joshua to Solomon. According to the earliest New Testament manuscripts, this text reads, “When he had destroyed seven nations in the land of Canaan, he gave them their land as an inheritance, for about four hundred and fifty years” (RSV), meaning that it took them about 450 years before the whole land was actually taken into possession as an inheritance. This picture of a gradual conquest of Canaan by the Hebrews, from piecing together all the Scriptural evidence, is supported by historical evidence, as can be learned from the Amarna Letters and other extra- Biblical sources of that period and the ensuing centuries. The Amarna Letters, all written during the first half of the 14th century B.C., give us a good picture of what happened during that time. Many of these letters originated in Palestine and testify vividly to the chaotic conditions existing in the country, according to Canaanite views. Most instructive are the letters of Abdu-Kheba, the king of Jerusalem, who complained bitterly that the king of Egypt turned a deaf ear to his petitions for assistance, since the Habiru—probably the Hebrews (see on Genesis 10:21; Genesis 14:13)—-gaining power in the country, while he and other local rulers of the land were fighting a losing battle against them. In one letter (No. 271), he wrote: “Let the king, may Lord, protect his land from the hand of the Habiru, and if not, then let the king, my Lord, send chariots to fetch us, lest our servants smite us.” Venting his chagrin over the fact that all his pleas had been unsuccessful, and that he had received neither weapons nor forces, he asked in all earnestness: “Why do you like the Habiru, and dislike the [faithful] governors?” (No. 286). He warned the Pharaoh in the same letter: The “Habiru plunder all the lands of the king. If there are archers [sent to assist him in his fight] in this year the lands of the king, my Lord, will remain [intact], but if there are [sent] no archers, the lands of the king, my Lord, will be lost.” He then added a few personal words to the scribe who would read the letter to the Pharaoh, asking him to present the matter in eloquent words to the king, since all the Palestinian lands of the Pharaoh were being lost. These few quotations from the letters of Abdu-Kheba of Jerusalem, which could be multiplied many times, may suffice to show how the Canaanites themselves viewed the political conditions of their country during the time of the conquest and immediately after the period described in the book of Joshua. These letters reveal that many Canaanite princes, like those of Jerusalem, Gezer, Megiddo, Accho, Lachish, and others, were still in possession of their city states decades after the Hebrews had crossed the Jordan, but that they were in mortal fear that their days were numbered, and that the hated Habiru would take their thrones and possessions. This picture agrees well with that gained from a study of the Biblical records. However, the names of the kings of the Amarna Letters are not the same as those mentioned in the Bible as rulers of the same cities. The king of Jerusalem is called Adoni-zedec in Joshua 10:1, but Abdu-Kheba in the Amarna Letters. Gezer’s king was Horam, according to Joshua 10:33, but Yapahu, according to the Amarna Letters, etc. This difference is easily accounted for if the time element is taken into consideration. The Canaanite kings mentioned in Joshua were defeated and killed by the Hebrews very soon after the invasion of the 116 country began in 1405 B.C., whereas the kings mentioned in the Amarna Letters lived several years later, when the Hebrews had settled down in the country, and taken possession of several regions. That some of the cities already mentioned, like Jerusalem, Gezer, Megiddo, and others, remained in the hand of native princes or Egyptian governors for centuries after the invasion of the Hebrews is attested not only in the Bible but also by other records. The important Canaanite fortress of Beth-shan, for example, is mentioned in Judges 1:27 as an unconquered city among those allotted to Manasseh by Joshua. This fact is corroborated by a notice in an Amarna Letter (No. 289) that the ruler of Gath had a garrison in Beth-shan, which means that the Israelites could not have possessed the city at that time. Toward the end of the 14th century Seti I of Egypt occupied the city, during his first Asiatic campaign, and erected victory steles in its temples. The presence of a similar stele of Ramses II and other Egyptian monuments of the 13th century B.C. excavated in recent years in the ruins of Beth-shan, prove, furthermore, that this city remained in Egyptian hands for a long time while the Hebrews occupied great parts of the land. The same is true of Megiddo and some other cities. The period of the Judges - This period of approximately 300 years has been well characterized in the closing words of the book of Judges (chapter 21:25) as a time when “every man did that which was right in his own eyes.” It was a period of alternating strength and weakness, politically and religiously. Having gained a foothold in the mountainous parts of Canaan, the people of Israel lived among the nations of the country. They established their sanctuary at Shiloh, where it remained for the greater part of the period. Most of the people lived like nomads in tents, and possessed few of the cities of the country. They were split up into tribal units and lacked national unity, which would have given them strength to withstand the many foes about them on all sides. The song of Deborah shows clearly that even in times of crisis and dire need some tribes remained aloof from their afflicted brethren, if they themselves were not affected by the oppressors. Living thus among the Canaanites the Hebrews were brought into close contact with the religion of the country and its cult system. This seemed so attractive to many that great sections of the people accepted the Canaanite religion. The repeated periods of apostasy were always followed by periods of moral weakness, a situation that provided their more powerful enemies an opportunity to oppress them. In such periods of distress a strong political leader invariably arose and, driven by the Spirit of God, led His people—in whole or in part—through repentance back to God. Being usually a military leader at the same time, he will rallied one or more tribes around himself and liberated those that were oppressed. Each of these great leaders was called a “judge,” shophet in Hebrew. This title included more power and authority than the English word suggests. They provided spiritual and political leadership, as well as judicial and military functions. The Early Judges - The first of these judges was Caleb’s younger brother Othniel, who liberated his nation from an eight-year oppression by the king Chushan-rishathaim of Mesopotamia, probably one of the Mitami princes whose name has not yet been found outside the Bible—which is not at all strange in view of the fact that Mitanni source material is fragmentary. This period probably coincided with the last years of the Eighteenth Dynasty of Egypt—the reigns of Smenkhkare, Tutankhamen, Eye, and Harmhab—when one king followed another in rapid succession. It was probably about this time that Seti I, the first strong Pharaoh of Egypt in many years, invaded Palestine and crushed a Canaanite rebellion in the eastern part of the Valley of Esdraelon. That Canaanite 117 cities were restored to Egyptian suzerainty did not affect the Israelites, who probably had not taken part in the rebellion, and possessed no cities the Egyptians could claim as their own. However, it is possible that Seti I had an encounter with some Hebrews of the northern tribe of Issachar, because he mentions on a poorly preserved monument found at Beth-shan, that the “Hebrews [‘Apiru] of mount Jarmuth, with the Tayaru, were engaged in attacking the nomads of Ruhma.” Although Tayaru and Ruhma have not yet been identified, Jarmuth was one of the cities that Joshua allocated to the Levites in the territory of Issachar (Joshua 21:29). Seti I may thus have fought against some Hebrews of the tribe of Issachar, perhaps punishing them for attacking his allies, but the consequences for the Hebrews seem not to have been far reaching, or the Biblical records would have so indicated. However, it should never be forgotten that the book of Judges, reporting the history of Israel during almost 300 years, contains only a fragmentary record of all that happened during this long period. Ehud, the second judge, liberated the southern tribes from an 80-year oppression by Moabites, Ammonites, and Amalekites by killing Moabite king Eglon. The 80 years of rest that the southern tribes enjoyed after Ehud’s heroic act coincided in part with the long reign of Ramses II of Egypt. This Pharaoh marched through Palestine along the coastal road, which was not in Israelite hands, to meet the Hittite king at Kadesh on the Orontes at the famous battle of Kadesh. Here, both Ramses and the Hittites claimed victory. Otherwise, Ramses seems not to have been seriously concerned about his Asiatic possessions. He kept garrisons in the Palestinian cities of Beth-shan and Megiddo, which lay in the Valley of Esdraelon, and probably also in certain strategic coastal cities. So long as the Israelites did not contest his possession of these cities, their settlement in the mountainous parts of Palestine was of no concern to the Pharaoh. In several inscriptions, Ramses II does mention that Hebrew (‘Apiru) slaves were engaged in his various building activities in Egypt; hence, we conclude that Hebrews occasionally fell into the hands of his army commanders in Palestine. It is also possible that these Israelites were made slaves by the Canaanite king Jabin of Hazor, when for 20 years during the reign of Ramses II he oppressed the Hebrews. The heroic leadership of Deborah and Barak put an end to this unhappy situation. Gideon’s Judgeship - The 80 years of rest that had followed Ehud’s liberation of Israel from Moabite oppression in the south was broken by a Midianite oppression lasting 7 years. It was probably during this period also that Merneptah, son of Ramses II, made the raid into Palestine of which he boasts in the famous Israel Stele. Here he claims to have destroyed Israel, so that it had no “seed” left. His record obviously reflects the usual Egyptian tendency to exaggerate, and his claim to have utterly destroyed Israel is therefore not to be taken seriously. Nevertheless, it seems certain from his remarks that he encountered Israelites somewhere in Palestine upon this occasion. Gideon, one of the outstanding judges, liberated his people from Midianite oppression, smiting a great foreign army with a small band of faithful, alert, and daring Israelite warriors. The story of his exploits and judgeship reveals also that intertribal strife flared up from time to time, and that the people had a strong desire for a unified leadership, expressed in their offer of kingship to Gideon—an honor he wisely declined. Momentous events took place during the 40 years of Gideon’s peaceful judgeship. While Israel lived in the mountainous part of Palestine, the Peoples of the Sea moved along the coastal regions, during the reign of Ramses III, in their unsuccessful attempt to invade Egypt. Bloody battles on land and sea were fought during this time. The Egyptian victories over these invaders eventually turned the tide of this great 118 migration of peoples and saved Egypt from one of the gravest perils that ever threatened its national existence, prior to the Assyrian invasion. Some of the defeated tribes again turned northward toward Asia Minor, whence they had come. Others, however, settled in fertile coastal regions of Palestine. Among these were the Tjekker, in the vicinity of Dor, to the south of Mt. Carmel in the lovely Plain of Sharon, and the Philistines, who strengthened related tribes that had occupied some coastal cities of southern Palestine for a long time. The Israelites, who may have followed with great anxiety the momentous events that took place so close to their habitations, did not vet realize that these Philistines would soon become their most bitter foes. When Gideon died after a judgeship of 40 years, his son Abimelech, with the help of the people of Shechem, usurped the rulership by killing all his brothers and proclaiming himself king. His rule, however, lasted only three years, and ended, as it had begun, in bloodshed. It is questionable whether his so-called kingdom extended its power beyond the vicinity of Shechem. The Later Judges - After him came the judges, Tola of Issachar (23 years) and Jair of Gilead (22 years). No important events are recorded of their time, a fact that seems to indicate that the 45 years of their rulership were rather uneventful. After Jair’s death, two oppressions began at approximately the same time, one in the east by the Ammonites, which lasted for 18 years and was ended by the freebooter general, Jephthah, and one in the west of 40 years’ duration by the Philistines. This Philistine oppression had more disastrous effects on the Hebrews than any of the previous times of distress. As already noted, Jephthah made an important chronological statement (Judges 11:26) at the time he began his war of liberation against the Ammonites. He claims that by that time Israel had lived for 300 years in Heshbon and nearby cities which had been taken from the Amorite king Sihon under the leadership of Moses, and that the Ammonites had no right to contest Israel’s possession of these cities. Jephthah’s six years of judgeship must therefore have begun approximately 300 years after the end of the 40 years of desert sojourning, and hence about 1106 B.C. While the eastern tribes were afflicted by the Ammonites those in the west endured the fury of the Philistines. Having consolidated their position in the coastal region of southern Palestine, where they were not molested by the extremely weak successors of Ramses III of Egypt, the Philistines turned their attention toward the hinterland and subjugated the neighboring Israelite tribes, especially Dan, Judah, and Simeon. This oppression began at the time when Eli was high priest, in whose household Samuel grew up as a boy. Soon after the beginning of this oppression, Samson was born, and upon reaching manhood, he harassed the oppressors of his nation for 20 years, until they took him captive. Endowed with supernatural strength, Samson caused the Philistines much harm. If his character had been disciplined, he might have become the liberator of Israel instead of dying an ignominious death. It may have been during those years that the Philistines won the battle at Aphek and captured the ark, killing also the two sons of the high priest Eli. This battle marked the lowest point in the history of Israel during the period of the judges, some 300 years after the tabernacle had been moved by Joshua to Shiloh. Hence, the date for this event is about 1100 B.C. After the disastrous battle of Aphek, Samuel began his work as spiritual leader of Israel. However, he was not immediately ready to wage a successful war against the Philistines, with their superior strength and 119 war techniques. The oppression went on for another 20 years, but ended with the victory of the Israelites under Samuel at the battle of Ebenezer (1 Samuel 7:13). After Ebenezer, Samuel began a peaceful and highly successful judgeship over Israel. This must have continued for about 30 years, until he bowed to the popular demand for a king. Samuel’s sons, whom he had appointed as his successors, proved unfit as leaders and were rejected by the people. With Saul’s coronation as king of the entire nation the heroic age ended and a new era began. Prior to this time Israel’s form of government was a theocracy, since the rulers were, presumably, appointed by God Himself and led by Him in the performance of their task. The new form of government began as a kingship with the ruler appointed by God, but soon developed into a hereditary monarchy. (The theocracy formally ended at the cross. NOTE: It is not possible to assign exact dates for the various judgeships and for other events of this period. The dates here given are only suggestive. The dates given for Egyptian kings are approximately correct. Conditions During the Time of the Judges - The sorry conditions prevailing in Palestine during most of the time of the judges are also reflected in two literary documents from Egypt. These are so interesting and enlightening that a short description of their contents must be given here. The first is a satirical letter in which the journey of a mahar (an Egyptian envoy) through Syria and Palestine is described. The document comes from the second half of the 13th century B.C., and may have been contemporary with the Midianite oppression to which Gideon put an end. The document describes the Palestinian roads as overgrown with cypresses, oaks, and cedars that “reached to the heavens,” making travel difficult. It is stated that lions and leopards were numerous, a detail reminiscent of Samson’s and David’s experiences (Judges 14:5); (1 Samuel 17:34). Twice, thieves were encountered by the envoy. One night they stole his horse and clothing; on another occasion, his bow, sheath knife, and quiver. Also, he met Bedouins, of whom he says that “their hearts were not mild.” Shuddering seized him and his hair stood up, while his soul “lay in his hand.” However, not being himself a model of morality, he was caught in an escapade with a native girl at Joppa, and paid for his freedom only by selling his shirt of fine Egyptian linen. This story, written in the form of a letter, whether true or fictitious, shows a remarkable knowledge of Palestinian topography and geography. Among many other well-known places, it mentions Megiddo, Beth-shan, Accho, Shechem, Achshaph, and Sarepta. The story vividly illustrates the state of insecurity found in the country, where bad roads, robbers, and fierce-looking Bedouins were common. The description of the sad conditions met in Palestine reminds one of the experiences of the traveling Levite described in Judges 19, and the statement that “every man did that which was right in his own eyes” (Judges 21:25). The second story written in the first half of the 11th century B.C., at the height of the Philistine oppression after the ark was taken in the battle of Aphek, describes the journey of Wenamon, an Egyptian royal agent, to the Phoenician port city of Byblos to purchase cedarwood for the bark of Amen. Wenamon was sent by the priest-king, Heri-Hor of Thebes, and had been given a divine statue of the god Amen to protect him on the way and give him success in his mission. However, he was given only about 1 1/4 lb. of gold and 7 3/4 lb. of silver as money to purchase the desired cedarwood. 120 Wenamon left Egypt by ship, but when he reached the Palestinian port city of Dor, which was in the hands of the Tjekker, his gold and silver were stolen from him. He lodged a complaint with the local king, who refused to take any responsibility for the theft. After Wenamon had spent 9 days in Dor without finding either his stolen money or the thief, he stole about 7 1/2 lb. of silver himself, and then sailed for Byblos. However, the king of Byblos refused for 29 days to see him, and ordered him out of his city. On the 29th day after his arrival, one of the king’s pages had a visionary frenzy in the name of Amen and advised the king to grant Wenamon an interview. During this interview, the king was extremely impolite, and asked for official credentials, telling Wenamon that for a previous shipment of cedars 250 Ib. of silver had been paid. He made it clear that he was the master of the Lebanon, that he had no obligations toward Egypt, although he admitted that his people owed much to the culture of the Nile country. The king of Byblos finally agreed to send a shipment of cedar to Egypt, and received a shipload of hides, papyrus scrolls, royal linen, gold, silver, etc., from Egypt in payment. The desired cedars were then cut and loaded, at which time the Phoenician king reminded Wenamon that a previous emissary had waited 17 years at Byblos and finally died there without getting his cedar. This was intended to point out to Wenamon that in Asia the prestige of Egypt had dwindled to nothing, and that its ambassadors no longer deserved the respect they had formerly been accustomed to receive. When Wenamon was finally ready to leave the harbor of Byblos and set sail for Egypt, he found the Tjyekker waiting with their ships to catch him and his load of cedarwood. He managed, however, to flee with his ship to Cyprus, where he barely escaped death by the hands of unfriendly natives. Unfortunately, the papyrus breaks off at this point of the narrative, and the rest of the story is therefore not known. It must, however, have had a happy ending, or the Egyptians would not have written and preserved it. The story of Wenamon’s mission is also instructive in that it highlights the chaotic political conditions of Palestine during the period of the judges. It shows that Egypt had lost all authority in Syria, and that an Egyptian envoy, whose arrival in former ages would have spread awe, could now be treated with contempt and disdain. We see, furthermore, that traveling was insecure, that people robbed and were robbed, and that no one was ever sure of his life. Egypt in Decline—Dynasties Twenty-one to Twenty-five (1085—663 B.C.) The period under discussion shows Egypt at a very low level. Source material is scarce, and great gaps exist in our historical knowledge of this period. Also, Egyptian chronology for this period is uncertain, and depends on brief Bible references and Mesopotamian records. Since but a few of the Egyptian kings of this period are mentioned either in the Bible or in cuneiform sources, all dates preceding 663 B.C. are only approximately correct. Priest-Kings of the Twenty-first Dynasty (1085—950 B.C.) - The Twentieth Dynasty, the weak Ramessides, ended about 1085 B.C. Tanis, in the eastern Delta, remained the political center. There, Smendes, whose origin is obscure, managed to become king, while Heri-Hor, the high priest of Amen, proclaimed himself king of Thebes, the earlier Upper Egyptian capital. The two rival kings had little political power, and the cultural level of Egypt fell rapidly. Although a grandson of Heri-Hor married a daughter of a king of Tanis, political unity was not achieved. The low ebb of Egypt’s political power 121 during this period is apparent from the treatment Wenamon received on his mission to Byblos, as already noted. One of the last kings of this dynasty was probably Solomon’s Egyptian father-in-law (1 Kings 3:1). The Libyan Twenty-second and Twenty-third Dynasties (950—750 B.C.) - It is unknown how the change from the Twenty-first to the Twenty-second Dynasty occurred. The first king of the new dynasty, Sheshonk, the Biblical Shishak, was a Libyan army commander, and may have usurped the throne about 950 B.C. During the late Nineteenth and early Twentieth Dynasties Libyans had been brought to Egypt in great numbers as prisoners of war. Many were then used as soldiers in the wars of Ramses III against the Peoples of the Sea. They served a number of kings as mercenaries. Some achieved honor and office, as, for instance, a family in Heracleopolis in the northern part of Upper Egypt, of whom several members served as officers in the army and others became governors of Egyptian cities and districts. When Sheshonk came to the throne, he was able to do away with the priestly dynasty at Thebes. Making one of his own sons high priest of Amen, he once more bound Thebes, the religious center, to the monarchy and achieved political unity in Egypt. The new king was engaged for several years in restoring orderly conditions in the county, and was successful to a certain degree. As soon as he had a free hand in Egypt, Sheshonk turned his attention to Asia, where he made a determined effort to reconstitute the former empire. In this attempt, he was favored by the death of King Solomon and the splitting up of the kingdom of Israel into two rival states. Sheshonk’s Palestinian campaign in Rehoboam’s fifth year is briefly described in 1 Kings 14:25, 26, and 2 Chronicles 12:2-4. The Egyptians invested and spoiled many Judean and Israelite cities, among them the rich city of Jerusalem, whence Solomon’s treasures were removed to Egypt. Sheshonk erected victory steles in Palestine. A fragment of one of these has been found at Megiddo, and a statute of the king was unearthed in the excavations of Byblos. When Sheshonk returned to Egypt, he celebrated his triumph and had a list of conquered cities engraved on one of the walls of the great Amen temple at Karnak, where about 100 names of Palestinian cities have escaped the destructive forces of nature and man during the past three millenniums. Among these, we discover such well-known names as Taanach, Megiddo, Beth-shan, Mahanaim, Gibeon, Beth-horon, Ajalon, and others. Although the campaign was a temporary success, Sheshonk was not able to hold Asia and permanently force his will upon it. The attempt to reorganize the Asian empire was a failure. Egypt lacked its former strength, and had definitely become a second-rate power. The location of the tombs of the kings of the Twenty-first to Twenty-third Dynasty was unknown until Prof. P. Montet, the French excavator of the ruins of Tanis, discovered some royal tombs of the Twenty- first and Twenty-second Dynasties in that city. Some of the tombs were unspoiled. However, they did not contain such fabulous treasures as the tomb of Tutankhamen, although some beautiful gold and silver objects came to light in these tombs. A very fine golden bracelet from the tomb of Sheshonk’s grandson bears and inscription stating that it had been given to him by his grandfather. It may actually have been made of gold and came into Sheshonk’s possession from the treasures of King Solomon. The tomb of Sheshonk I has not yet been discovered. It may contain valuable information concerning his Asiatic campaign. Sheshonk’s successors of the Twenty-second as well as the Twenty-third Dynasty, probably all Libyans, were weak kings. The 15 kings of the 2 dynasties reigned for about 200 years (C. 950-750 B.C.), but Egypt was merely a shadow of its former self. It neither played a role in world politics nor produced any 122 works of architecture or art comparable to the products of earlier ages. Its real condition is fittingly characterized a little later by Rab-shakeh, the Assyrian army commander of Sennacherib who said, literally, to the men of Hezekiah, “You are relying now in Egypt, that broken reed of a staff, which will pierce the hand of any man who leans on it. Such is Pharaoh king of Egypt to all who rely on him” (2 Kings 18:21). Though his remarks actually referred to Egypt of the Twenty-fourth Dynasty, no words could better describe the political weakness of the Libyan dynasties. The Twenty-fourth Dynasty, of Sais (750—715 B.C.) - It is unknown how the Libyan rule of Tanis ended, or how it was replaced by the short-lived Twenty-fourth Dynasty of native Egyptian princes, but about 750 B.C. Lower Egypt found itself in the hands of Tefnakht of Sais, in the western Delta. Of this king, it is known only that he attempted to conquer Upper Egypt, which, with the important city of Thebes, was held by the Ethiopians. Of Tefnakht’s son Bocchoris, as the Greeks called him—his Egyptian name was Bakenrenef—we have hardly any contemporary information, but later Greek authors tell many stories about him. He was, according to these sources, a wise king and a great lawgiver. After a short reign of five years (720-715 B.C.) he was deposed by the first king of the Ethiopian Dynasty and burned to death. It is necessary to point out in this connection that we have only a very fragmentary knowledge concerning conditions in Egypt during this time. It is possible that several kinglets in addition to Tefnakht and Bocchoris ruled over sections of Lower Egypt. In 2 Kings 17:4, “So king of Egypt” is mentioned as having induced Hoshea to revolt against Assyria. Although one Egyptian monument (in the Berlin Museum) contains the hieroglyphic royal name “So,” and the Assyrian sources mention him under the name of Sib’u, we have no further information about this king who probably ruled over a small area of the Delta. The Ethiopian Kings of the Twenty-fifth Dynasty (C. 715—663 B.C.) - Nubia, today partly in Egypt, partly in Sudan, was generally called Ethiopia by classical authors. Hence, the Ethiopian kings of ancient times were Nubians and did not come from the Abyssinian highland, as the term Ethiopian might indicate. Nubia belonged to Egypt during most of its historical period up to the Twenty-first Dynasty. Although Egyptian kings occasionally had to subdue rebellions, Nubia usually had been rather quiet and had caused little trouble. However, the time of Egyptian rule ended in the 10th century B.C. during the time of the weak rulers of the Twenty-first Dynasty, when Nubia shook off the Egyptian yoke and founded an independent kingdom with its capital at Napata, near Mt. Barkal and the Fourth Cataract of the Nile. The Egyptian religion, which had been introduced to Nubia during the many centuries of Egyptian rule, was retained, and the Amen cult was practiced in a more conservative style than in Egypt itself. In his excavation of Napata, the American Egyptologist G. A. Reisner uncovered pyramids, temples, and palaces. He was able to reconstruct the history of Nubia from the 10th century to about 300 B.C. and to give us the list of kings who ruled in Napata in unbroken sequence until the capital was moved for some unknown reason to Meroé (about 130 miles [209 km.] north of Khartoum), where the Meroitic kingdom existed until A.D. 355 and in turn gave way to the Abyssinian power of Axum. After Nubia gained its independence in the 10th century B.C. and thereafter remained in isolation for about 200 years, it looked with envious eyes toward Egypt, whose political feebleness obvious to 123 everyone. About 750 B.C., the Nubian king Kashta marched north and took all of southern Egypt, including Thebes, the most famous and glorious of all Egyptian cities. The highest ecclesiastical power of the Amen temple at Thebes was Shepenupet II, the daughter of King Osorkon III of the Twenty-third Dynasty, called the “god’s wife.” The office of high priestess had already existed for a long time, and was usually held by a princess of royal blood, by way of securing the loyalty of the priesthood of Amen to the ruling house of Egypt. Kashta forced the officiating “god’s wife” to adopt his own daughter as her successor, and thus bound the priesthood of Amen and the tremendous possessions of that god to his dynasty. Piankhi, the son and successor of Kashta, felt that his rule over Upper Egypt was threatened by Tefnakht of Sais, for which reason he marched north and conquered the remaining part of Egypt. His campaign is described on a great stele, containing one of the most detailed and interesting historical texts that has come down to us. Although all Egypt was conquered by Piankhi, he withdrew from the Delta again and left Tefnakht in possession of it. Shabaka, however, the next Ethiopian king, put an end to the Twenty- fourth Dynasty by defeating and killing Bocchoris in 715 B.C., as has already been related. Piankhi, having conquered all of Egypt, made Thebes his capital. It was the last time that the old and venerated city became the center of Egyptian life and culture. Once more great building activities were carried on, as in the best days of the Eighteenth Dynasty. However, the new glory lasted only a little a little more than 50 years (715-663 B.C.), and came then to an inglorius end, as the Assyrians invaded Egypt and destroyed Thebes. Egypt in Decline - Piankhi’s successors were Shabakak, Shabataka, Taharka, and Tanutamon. According to recently published documents Taharka came to the throne about 690 B.C., at the age of 20, as coregent with his brother Shabataka. This co regency continued till the death of the latter six years later. From then on Taharka was sole ruler until 664 B.C., when his nephew Tanutamon ascended the throne. Taharka is known from the Bible under the name of Tirhakah (2 Kings 19:9). We are told there that Sennacherib, when besieging Libnah in Judea, probably after 690 B.C., heard that Taharka was approaching with his army to aid Hezekiah and save Judah from impending annihilation. However, there is no evidence that Taharka really intervened actively in Hezekiah’s favor. The rumor may not have been true. It is actually with reference to the Ethiopian Dynasty that the statement of Rabshakeh (2 Kings 18:21) was made, a statement that was true not only at that time, but also later, in the time of Nebuchadnezzar. Difficulties in other parts of the Assyrian Empire which required Sennacherib’s full attention elsewhere, and the catastrophe Sennacherib’s army suffered in Palestine, save Egypt temporarily and postponed the end that was evidently soon to come to the proud but feeble kingdom on the Nile. Esarhaddon, the next Assyrian king, conquered Egypt in 670 B.C. for seven years made it an Assyrian province. We have recovered the famous victory stele of Esarhaddon set up in the north Syrian site of Zenjirli. It depicts the kings of Tyre and Egypt (Taharka) as prisoners of the king of Assyria, the former being depicted as a larger figure than the latter, since the king of Tyre was considered more important than the king of miserable Egypt. On a stele found in Napata, Tanutamon, the last Ethiopian king who ruled over Upper Egypt, tells that a dream led him to attempt the conquest of Egypt anew. He succeeded in winning most of Upper Egypt and even took Memphis, the Lower Egyptian capital, but could not expel the Assyrian garrisons from the 124 Delta. His success was short-lived, however, and he had to retreat when Assurbanipal marched against him and conquered Thebes. This city, the most beautiful of all ancient Egyptian cities, was completely destroyed. Two of its tall obelisks were transported to Assyria to demonstrate to the Assyrians and the world that a new day had come, and that the Egyptian power had been broken forever. The words of the prophet Nahum reflect the tremendous impression that the destruction of Thebes, the queen of all ancient cities, made on contemporaries (Nahum 3:8). The Assyrian Empire (933—612 B.C.) The Assyrian Empire period is only an episode in the long history of this world, but to the student of the Bible it is of great importance because of the decisive role Assyria played in the history of the kingdoms of Israel and Judah. This importance can be seen from the fact that Assyria and its people are mentioned some 150 times in Scripture. Six illustrious Assyrian kings are mentioned by name in the Bible, and the names of 10 Hebrews kings—6 of Israel and 4 of Judah—appear in the royal Assyrian inscriptions. Furthermore, the fact that the kingdom of Israel came to its sad end at the cruel hands of the Assyrians, and that Judah almost shared Israel’s fate, should be reason enough for a careful study of Assyrian history. This enumeration of contacts between sacred and profane history at the time of the Assyrian Empire period shows clearly how important is a knowledge of the history of that nation for a correct understanding of the events that took place during the period of the Hebrew kings. The homeland of Assyria was situated on the upper Tigris, north of the Little Zab, one of the eastern tributaries of the Tigris. Thence, Assyria extended in a north westerly direction for about 80 miles along the river Tigris. The Assyrians moved their capital from one place to another several times during their history. Assur, the most ancient capital, was not far from the Little Zab, and on the west bank of the Tigris. A short distance north was Kar-Tukulti-Ninurta, founded by the king whose name it bore, Tukulti-Ninurta. At the confluence of the Great Zab and the Tigris lay Calah, now called Nimrud, and farther to the north Nineveh, the largest and most famous of Assyrian cities. This capital, about 50 miles from Assur, was oblong in shape, with walls of an approximate total length of 8 miles and with 15 gates. A few miles to the north of Nineveh lay the capital of Sargon II, Dur Sharrukin, now called Khorsabad. The Assyrians were Semitic Akkadians, closely related to the Babylonians as far as race, language, and civilization go. They were numerically a small nation, but distinguished themselves as ambitious merchants, daring and courageous warriors, and prudent though ruthless political leaders and statesmen. Assyria was stony, and lay near mountains where good stone could be quarried. Hence, much stone was used for the building of monumental and public edifices such as palaces and temples. The Assyrians became masters in the handling of stone, as the many huge slabs lining their palace and temple walls show. However, this art is particularly apparent from the winged, human-headed bulls or lions that flanked the city and palace gates. Each was hewn out of one block of stone and weighed about 40 tons. The art of cutting stone was practiced not only in the handling of monumental reliefs and sculptures but also in the engraving of smaller objects such as cylinder seals. These exhibit skilled craftsmanship. Assyrian Religion - The religion of the Assyrians was similar to that of the racially related Babylonians; in fact, many Babylonian deities were adopted and worshiped, as, for instance, Marduk, Ishtar, Tammuz, and others. The chief god was Ashur, the ancient local god of the city that carried his name. He was 125 depicted as a winged sun that protected and guided the king, his principal servant, but was worshiped also under the symbol of a tree representative of fertility. The influence of other nations was also apparent on Assyrian religion. In this way, some peoples, such as the Amorites, gained power over the Assyrians during the first half of the second millennium. Thus, the gods Dagan and Adad gained recognition. Other conquerors of Assyria, like the Indo-European Hurrians of Mitanni, left behind them their religious concepts. Hence, we find in Assyrian religion little that was purely national and much that had been borrowed from other cultures. In Assyria, the king was neither a god, like Pharaoh in Egypt, nor the representative of the god, as in Sumeria. He was Ashur’s chief priest and general, who carried out his god’s desires and military campaigns, periodically giving account of the faithful fulfillment of his duties through “letters to the god,” of which some have been preserved to the present day. Assyrian Chronology - The Assyrians invented a method of designating years that, in a modified form, was later followed by the Greeks and the Romans. High officials, including the king, were appointed once during life to serve for one year as limmu, an honorary office requiring the performance of no duties except that of giving his name to the year in which he was limmu. The Greek equivalent of the Assyrian limmu is the word eponym; hence, the chronological lists containing the names of limmu are called Eponym Canons. These lists are of great value in reconstructing the chronology of Assyria, particularly that of the period to 900 to 650 B.C. Assyria Before Tiglath-pileser I (to 1112 B.C.) - The princes of Assur had been vassals of the ruling dynasties of southern Mesopotamia when Illushuma (1850 B.C.), in the time of the dynasties of Isin and Larsa, made himself independent and succeeded in extending his power over great areas that previously belonged to his overloads. His son Erishum (1825 B.C.), and more so his great-grandson Sargon I (1780 B.C.), seem to have played with the idea of world dominion. This can be gathered from the name Sargon bore, in imitation of the great hero and founder of the empire of Akkad, and also from his program of political expansion. Successful military campaigns strengthened the young independent nation and extended its territory. Business relations were opened with foreign countries, and trading colonies and outposts were established. Through the archives of colonies in Asia Minor (the so-called Cappadocian tablets) much information concerning the extent of Assyrian commercial activities has become available. However, the short period of Assyrian independence ended soon after the death of Sargon I. Commercial connections with Asia Minor were broken, and Assyria itself became a bone of contention between two emerging powers, the Elamites and the Amorites. The Amorites Shamshi-Adad I (1749-1717 B.C.), who claimed that his father Ilukapkapu had been king of Assur, succeeded in making himself king of Assyria. Like his great contemporary, Hammurabi, the Amorite king of Babylon, Shamshi-Adad planned to become sole under of Mesopotamia, as his title reveal, “King of the Universe” being the most significant one. He conquered the great city of Mari on the Euphrates and made his son its king. A victory stele found in the Syrian city of Mardin reveals, furthermore, that he also extended his power over northern Syria. When he died, the strongest opponent of Hammurabi was gone. His son and later descendants were not able to continue his policies, and Assyria degenerated once more into a second-rate power. It is not certain that Hammurabi and his successors ever exercised sovereignty over Assyria. Next came the Hurrians of Mitanni, who overran Assyria and made it part of their empire. The Assyrian kings mentioned in the king lists for this period cannot have been more than vassals. It was Eriba-Adad 126 (1390-1364 B.C.) who began his reign as Mitanni’s vassal and referred to himself as priestly prince of Assur. Upon the death of Tushratta and the collapse of Mitanni, he once more became a free and independent king. In Ashur-ubalit I (1364-1328 B.C.), Eriba-Adad’s son, we find once more an Assyrian ruler who sought to advance the power of his country. He was a contemporary of the Egyptian revolutionary king Ikhnaton; in fact, two of Ashur-ubalit’s letters to that Pharaoh have been found in the Amarna collection. In the first, he calls himself merely king of the land Assur, but in the second, he designates himself as brother of the Pharaoh. By this, he claims to be great king, having taken the place in world politics formerly held by the king of Mitanni. Ashur-ubalit was an energetic ruler and knew how to achieve his aims. He occupied Upper Mesopotamia as far as Carchemish, and forced Kassite Babylonia to recognize his supremacy over southern Mesopotamia. It was necessary, however, for the work of Ashur-uballit to be repeated several times by his successors before Assyria’s power over all Mesopotamia was recognized even to a limited degree. Hence, we read in the royal annals that successive kings led repeated military campaigns against Hanigalbat, the name by which the land of Mitanni was known in later times. They fought also against the more powerful Hittites to the west. The fortunes of war were not always on Assyria’s side, and territories that had been gained by painful campaigns were often lost. However, these continual wars seem to have strengthened the martial spirit of the numerically small people of Assyria, and gained for it the respect of other great nations. As a result, the kings of the Hittites, Egypt, and Babylon were finally forced to recognize the little king of Assur as “brother,” in acknowledgment of his claim to be a great king. Thus, the 13th century saw three great Assyrian kings, Adadnirari I. Shalmaneser I, and Tukulti-Ninurta I. Adadnirari I (1306-1274 B.C.), of whom long inscriptions are known, was a great conqueror. He defeated Babylonia and established a new southern frontier of Assyria that incorporated the region of Kirkuk. He fought against the Guti and Lullupi in the Zagros Mts., and overran all Hanigalbat, destroying its capital and building and Assyrian palace there. Shalmaneser I (1274-1244 B.C.) practically repeated the campaigns of his father, and also defeated eight allied kings of the land of Urarti (later Urartu), the American region around Lake Van, in later times one of the most formidable enemies of Assyria. Adadnirari founded the city of Calah and moved the capital from Assur to the new city. The next king, Tukulti-Ninurta I (1244-1207 B.C.), who again moved the capital to a new location, Kar- Tukulti-Ninurta, was extremely temperamental and fanatical. He became the first Assyrian warrior-king whose ruthless methods of warfare are also well known from the later empire period. Elaborate historical records report his campaigns against Subartu in northern Mesopotamia, the Nairi lands of Urartu, where he claims to have defeated 43 local kings, the Guti and Elamites in the eastern mountains, the Ahlamu (Aramaeans) of the desert, and the Babylonian. He captured the Babylonian king and brought the sacred Marduk statute of Babylon to Assur. However, his rule over Babylon was of only short duration, because the Babylonians, supported by the Elamites, shook off the Assyrian yoke soon after the capture of their city. Tukulti-Ninurta’s end marks the conclusion of the first period of Assyrian conquests, which had now lasted for about a century. Assyria then declined under a series of insignificant kings. There are no 127 indications that the Sea Peoples, which at this time subdued the Hittite empire and invaded Syria, had anything to do with this period of Assyrian weakness, mostly during the 12 century B.C. Tiglath-pileser I and Later (1113—933 B.C.) - The Assyrian ideal of world dominion found a worthy champion in the person of Tiglath-pileser I (1113-1074 B.C.). The Assyrians apparently never lost sight of this ideal, which from the 14th century to the 7th was pursued consistently whenever circumstances were favorable. During the first years of his reign, Tiglath-pileser began to re-establish the earlier empire of Tukulti-Ninurta I. He reported his accomplishments in the now-famous documents he deposited in the foundation of the Anu and Adad temple at Assur, and which were used in 1857 to prove that the young science of Assyriology had come of age. Copies of these texts were then given to four scholars who, independently and correctly, translated each of them, thus proving that the riddle of cuneiform script had been solved. The king carried out campaigns in the northern Nairi lands, then went against the Mushki, who had recently pushed east from Asia Minor. Eventually, he reached the Black Sea, and also forced Malatia in Hanigalbat to pay tribute. After the completion of his northern campaigns, he turned southward, took the Babylonian cities Dur-Kurigalzu, Sippar, Babylon, and Opis, but allowed the defeated Babylonians to retain a certain amount of independence. When Tiglath-pileser marched into Syria to cut cedars of Lebanon for his buildings, the Syrian and Phoenician princes, among them those of Sidon and Byblos, paid tribute. However, Tyre, trusting in its island impregnability, refused. Arvad invited the king to a trip on the Mediterranean, where he hunted a sea monster. Even the Pharaoh of Egypt cautiously sent gifts to the powerful Assyrian monarch, among them a crocodile, which the king publicly exhibited in Assur. However, Tiglath-pileser found it difficult to keep back the pressure of the Aramaeans, who came against him in wave after wave. This Assyrian king was a true empire builder, and his kingdom was at least equal in importance to those of the Hittites of Egyptians of former ages. But there was one great difference between the former empires and the new one. By those earlier empires vassals had been considered as human beings, and a certain generosity was frequently shown toward defeated enemies. The Assyrians, however, had but one aim—to subject every nation to the might of their god Ashur. Accordingly, they left their foes the choice between unconditional subjection and annihilation. The Aramaeans, whom Tiglath-pileser’s military genius held in check, proved too strong for his successors. The Aramaeans met no resistance in Babylonia, and infiltrated more and more into the areas that the Assyrians had claimed as their own. For almost a century and a half after Tiglath-pileser’s death Assyria was pressed back to its home country on the Tigris and played the role of a secondary power, while the Aramaeans pressed their conquest of Syria and northern Mesopotamia and founded numerous city states. The Aramaean tribes of the south, better known as Chaldeans, in the meantime took over Babylonia and formed a dynasty which, though frequently interrupted by the Assyrians during the centuries that followed, nevertheless remained unbroken until the middle of the 6th century B.C. The Resurrection of Assyria From Ashur-dan II to Shalmaneser II (933—824 B.C.) - Another strong Assyrian king rose up in the person of Ashur-dan II (933-910 B.C.). As a worthy descendant to Tiglath-pileser I, he reorganized, first of all, Assyria’s military and economic forces, and then began the reconquest of the Aramaean parts of Mesopotamia. The royal annals tell of how the Assyrian kings 128 annually led their armies to the north and north west. The five kings following Ashur-dan II, Adadnirari II (910-889 B.C.), Tukulti-Ninurta II (889-884 B.C.), Ashurnasirpal II (884-859 B.C.), and Shalmaneser III (859-824 B.C.), each the son of his predecessor, seem to have been possessed by only one desire—the defeat of the Aramaeans and the reconquest of their territory. Perhaps no other century of antiquity saw so much bloodshed as the 9" and nowhere else were so many lives sacrificed as in northern Mesopotamia and Syria during the reigns of the five aforementioned kings. Hardly ever have treaties been concluded and broken so frequently as in this period. The people of the subject nations, who repeatedly witnessed the murder of their loved ones and the destruction of their homes and fields, seem to have considered the frequent Assyrian expeditions to be divinely ordained plagues (see Isaiah 10:5), whereas the Assyrian kings on their part seem to have felt it a sacred duty to avenge with fire and sword the continual rebellions of their subjects. Adadnirari II, having conquered the land of Hanigalbat, including its capital, Nisibis, broke with the custom of requiring annual tribute and made the land an Assyrian province. When Ashurnasirpal II reconquered this country following another revolt, he did it with such inhuman cruelty that a revolt in this region never again proved possible. He was successful in extending the Assyrian Empire once more to its approximately size of the time of Tiglath-pileser I. But there was one important difference—Assyria was now ruled with an iron hand, and mercy was unknown wherever Ashurnasirpal held sway. The empire was divided into provinces ruled by Assyrian governors. The provinces consisted of organized districts with cities as centers. The populations of these provinces were pressed by the Assyrian tax collectors to the point that they lived for only one purpose, to pour out tribute to satisfy the insatiable thirst of the Assyrian monarch. Shalmaneser III, who came to the throne at an advanced age in 859 B.C., not only knew how to keep his father’s empire intact but was successful in extending it into new areas. He was the first Assyrian king to have contact with the little kingdom of Israel. Israel had developed into a respectably large kingdom during the reign of David and Solomon, when Assyria and Egypt were too weak to interfere. However, the breakup of the Hebrew kingdom into two states after Solomon’s death (931/30 B.C.) coincided with the resurrection of Assyrian power when Ashur-dan II came to the throne in 933 B.C., and Assyrian eyes again turned greedily toward the west. Yet, as long as the battle was waged only against the states in northern Mesopotamia, Israel had not much to fear from the powerful state on the Tigris; but when the danger of being overrun came nearer and nearer with every new king and each new expansion of the Assyrian Empire, the kings of Israel have felt increasing alarm. Finally, they were drawn into this conflict, as Judah was also eventually. Whether Ahab, who is mentioned as one of the allies fighting against Shalmaneser HI at Qargar in 853 B.C., took part in the anti-Assyrian alliance of his own volition or whether he was forced to do so by Damascus (Syria) is uncertain. This will be discussed in the section on the history of the divided kingdom of Israel and Judah. From now on, royal Assyrian inscriptions mention Israelite kings rather frequently. During the next 130 years, there were many clashes of interest between the two powers, until the kingdom of Israel followed the example of other Syrian and Palestinian states in becoming an Assyrian province. It would lead too far a field to follow Shalmaneser III on his numerous campaigns, of which good records in word and picture are extant; nevertheless, a short outline of his military accomplishments is necessary in order to understand the political situation in Western Asia during the time of the prophets Elijah and 129 Elisha. The Assyrian king conquered, first, Til-Barsip, capital of the powerful Aramaean state of Bit- Adini on the upper Euphrates. The population was deported to Assyria, and Assyrian colonists were moved into the area. Til-Barsip was rebuilt and called “Shalmaneser’s castle.” Henceforth this city became the headquarters and point of departure for several campaigns against city states in Cilicia and Syria, whose conquest opened the silver mines of the Taurus Mts. and the forests of the Amanus Mts. to the land-hungry Assyrians. In Syria 12 allied princes, including Ahab of Israel, met Shalmaneser at Qargar in 853 B.C. Adadidri of Damascus (the second of three Ben-hadads mentioned in the Bible) was the leader. Although Shalmaneser claimed in high-sounding words to have won a brilliant victory, he could not hide the fact that his first encounter with the Syrian opponents had ended at best in a draw, perhaps even victory, for the allies. However, Shalmaneser did not forget his objective, and in 848 made a second attempt against practically the same coalition. Again, the allies withstood him successfully, and even his third campaign was not a full success. When Hazael followed Adadidri on the throne of Damascus, the Assyrian king marched up to Hazael’s capital and destroyed its palm gardens, but was not able to conquer the city. Jehu of Israel, who had usurped the throne and was not ready for a fight, thought it wise to pay tribute. This fact is depicted on the famous Black Obelisk of Shalmaneser, which was found in Calah and is now in the British Museum. The Assyrian king reached the Mediterranean at the Dog River near Beirut, farther south than any of his predecessors. There he had his picture cut in relief on rock. Shalmaneser III also gained some territory in the north and reached the sources of the Tigris, where he offered sacrifices. He did not, however, attack the strong kingdom of Urartu, which, under Sardur I, was determined to remain independent. Shalmaneser later entered Babylonian politics, upon an occasion when two brothers contested the throne. He allowed Babylonian politics, upon an occasion when two brothers contested the throne. He allowed Babylonia to retain its independence, but exhibited Assyrian power to the people of Lower Mesopotamia by marching down to the Persian Gulf, on the way accepting tribute in gold, ivory, and elephant hides from the region to the south of Babylonia, including the important Aramaean state of Bit-Jakin. The fame and awe of Assyria had become so great that all gates were opened to the king. Very seldom was so great success gained with so little effort. During the greater part of his reign, which lasted for more than 30 years, Shalmaneser enjoyed the faithful assistance of his commander in chief (turtan), Daian-ashur. During his last years, however, a serious revolt of the governors broke out and destroyed his lifework. From now on till his death in 824 B.C. he was scarcely able to maintain his position at Calah. The reasons for this revolt, led by one of Shalmaneser’s sons, are not clear, and lay either in the discontent with the old king’s decision concerning his successor or in his foreign or domestic policy. Period of Imperial Dissolution (824—746 B.C.) - Although the power of the empire declined during the last years of Shalmaneser III, there was no complete breakup of authority over the conquered areas. The next king, Shamshi-Adad V (824-810 B.C.), succeeded, in three campaigns, in restoring Assyrian prestige, and in this he was supported by the Babylonian king Marduk-zakir-shum. At this time begins a leaning toward Babylonia and its culture, which the Assyrians always unconsciously recognized as superior to their own. Shamshi-Adad took a Babylonian princess, Sammu-ramat, as wife and used the Babylonian language for royal inscriptions. Although he and his son both found it necessary 130 to conquer Babylonia repeatedly to punish acts of enmity, these two Assyrian kings never dared to incorporate, as a province, that famous land, considered the mother of Assyrian culture. When Shamshi-Adad V died in 810 B.C., his son Adad-nirari HI (810-782 B.C.) was too young for the kingship, and therefore his wife, Sammu-ramat, reigned a number of years for her son as regent. Her superior personality and the fact that she is the only woman ever to rule over Assyria made such a deep impression on her contemporaries and on later generations that under the name of Semiramis she became the central figure of numerous legends of antiquity that live on in Iraq to the present day. Several ancient works, such as aqueducts and monumental buildings, are attributed to her. A strange religious revolution took place in the time of Adad-nirari II, which can be compared with that of the Egyptian Pharaoh Ikhnaton. For an unknown reason Nabu (Nebo), the god of Borsippa, seems to have been proclaimed sole god, or at least the principal god, of the empire. A Nabu temple was erected in 787 B.C. at Calah, and on a Nabu statue one of the governors dedicated to the king appear the significant words, “Trust in Nabu, do not trust in any other god” The favorite place accorded Nabu in the religious life of Assyria is revealed by the fact that no other god appears so often in personal names. This monotheistic revolution had as short a life as the Aton revolution in Egypt. The worshipers of the Assyrian national deities quickly recovered from their impotence, reoccupied their privileged places, and suppressed Nabu. This is the reason that so little is known concerning the events during the time of the monotheistic revolution. Biblical chronology places Jonah’s ministry in the time of Jeroboam II, of Israel, who reigned from 793 to 753 B.C. Hence, Jonah’s mission to Nineveh may have occurred in the reign of Adad-nirari II], and may have had something to do with his decision to abandon the old gods and serve only one deity. This explanation can, however, be given only as a possibility, because source material for that period is so scanty and fragmentary that a complete reconstruction of the political and religious history of Assyria during the time under consideration is not yet possible. Adad-nirari III’s successors conducted several military campaigns westward, but they were not able to suppress the subject nations permanently, nor to keep back the growing power of Urartu, which took over more and more areas formerly belonging to the Assyrian Empire. A revolt in Assur in 763 B.C., and the inactivity of some kings, brought Assyria to the point of collapse. If a strong ruler—Tiglath-pileser I1— had not come to the throne, Assyria might have vanished from history more than a century earlier than it did. The Formation of the New Assyrian Empire by Tiglath-pileser III (745—727 B.C.) - Tiglath-pileser III came into power as a usurper during a palace revolt at Calah in 746, but he did not actually take the throne until the second month in 745. That he chose for his ruling name that of a great former empire builder reveals his ambitions and plans. Like the great Tiglath-pileser I, he systematically and consistently pursued the plan to re-establish the Assyrian Empire. The new king found himself face to face with three main problems of foreign policy which had to be solved in order to re-establish Assyrian power: (1) relations had to be clarified with Babylonia, which had fallen prey to the southern Aramaeans (Chaldeans); (2) Assyrian dominion over the Syro-Palestinian areas had to be re-established; (3) the power of Urartu, the great northern rival of Assyria, had to be curtailed. The way in which he solved these problems gives him the right to be called one of the greatest of Assyrian rulers. 131 The first task was a solution of the Babylonian question, which Tiglath-pileser carried out in two states. In the year of his accession, he went to Babylonia, defeated the Aramaean tribes that occupied great parts of the country, and deported them to other parts of his empire. The weak Babylonian king Nabonassar, whose power hardly reached beyond his city walls, was, for the time being, left unmolested. Two short- lived kings were tolerated on Babylon’s throne after Nabonassar’s death in 734 B.C., since Tiglath-pileser was engaged elsewhere and did not have time for Babylonia. As soon as he had his hands free, however, he set out to restore order to the chaotic political situation in Babylon, where Aramaean sheiks were the real rulers. He turned against them, decisively defeated them, and, in an act without precedent for an Assyrian king, “took the hands” of the god Marduk in token of accepting the kingship of Babylon—under the ruling name Pulu. Recognizing that Assyria would never be able to rule Babylonia, because of its own inferiority complex with respect to the superior Babylonian culture, he conceived a novel solution that consisted of uniting the two states as equals under the rulership of one king—who was thus monarch of both Assyria and Babylonia. Tiglath-pileser’s second task, the reconquest of Syria, was accomplished during the process of a number of military campaigns. He encountered strong opposition, especially at the cities of Arpad (now Tell Erfad), north of Aleppo, and Samal (now Zenjirli), whose conquest was time consuming and costly. Other city states surrendered only after bloody defeats. However, after three long campaigns the majority of the Syrian states once more belonged to the Assyrian Empire. Finally, Damascus and Israel were also defeated. The state of Damascus (Syria) was made into an Assyrian province, as were the northern and eastern parts of Israel and the coastal area of Palestine. Samaria, Israel’s capital, was left with the southern part of the country as a semi-independent vassal state. Hence, we read in the Bible and in royal Assyrian annals that Menahem, of Israel, paid tribute to Tiglath- pileser (Pul; 2 Kings 15:19), and of the replacement of Pekah by Hoshea. The king of Judah, who had sought Tiglath-pileser’s help against Samaria and Damascus, and who went to Damascus to be received as Assyria’s vassal (2 Kings 16:10), is also mentioned in the Assyrian records. It is therefore not astonishing that the first Assyrian king mentioned by name in the Bible is Tiglath-pileser. He appears there under his Assyrian as well as under his Babylonian name, Pul (2 Kings 16:7, 10; 2 Chronicles 28:20; 2 Kings 15:19; and 1 Chronicles 5:26, where the Hebrew text should be translated, “And the God of Israel stirred up the spirit of Pul king of Assyria, even the spirit of Tilgath-pileser king of Assyria”). Tilgath-pileser’s third task was the subjugation of Urartu, which he began by conquering the states allied with its king, Sardur I. By overrunning the northern Mesopotamian and Syrian city states, much of Sardur’s strength was broken. The decisive battle, however, was fought at Kummuh, west of the Euphrates, where Sardur was badly defeated but was able to escape to his capital Tushpa (now Toprakkale) at Lake Van. Although Tiglath-pileser’s subsequent siege of Tushpa was unsuccessful, Urartu’s power was broken, and the Assyrians occupied the greater part of Urartu, making of it the province Ulluba. After each conquest, the Assyrian king transplanted the native populations to other parts of the empire. This policy resulted in a large-scale forced migration of peoples. Tiglath-pileser planned and succeeded in breaking the nationalistic spirit of the various nations, by tearing them away from their motherland and the soil they loved. This exchange of nations was intended to create an empire whose people would no longer consider themselves citizens of Urartu, Israel, Babylonia, or Damascus, but as citizens of Assyria. 132 This singularly successful king thus initiated a policy followed by his Assyrian successors and later by the Babylonians. This policy came to have a decisive effect on the later history of the Near East. Shalmaneser V (727—722 B.C.) - Shalmaneser V, son of Tiglath-pileser, followed the policies of his father as closely as he could. Hence, as soon as he had come to the throne, he had himself crowned also as king of Babylon, where he bore the name Ululai. Unrest in the west forced him to turn his attention to Palestine soon after his accession to the throne, in order to keep that region within the empire. Hanno of Gaza, who had escaped to Egypt in Tiglath-pileser’s time, on hearing of Shalmaneser’s accession to the throne, returned and formed a coalition with Assyria’s vassal prince, Hoshea of Israel, with a usurper in Hamath, and with the rulers of the cities of Arpad, Damascus, and Simyra. Trusting in the help of Egypt, these several princes refused the payment of tribute to Assyria, and Shalmaneser was obliged to restore his authority in the usual Assyrian way. Part of this campaign was directed against the semi-independent but politically unreliable state of Israel, which the king planned to annihilate. He besieged Samaria for three years inclusive, and probably took the city near the end of his reign. Although Sargon II, the following king, claimed to have conquered Samaria, there is evidence that his claim is unjustified and that he attributed to himself what Shalmaneser V had accomplished near the close of his reign. As Shalmaneser’s army commander, Sargon may, however, have played an important role in the conquest of Samaria. As had by now become a custom, he deported the remnant of the kingdom of Israel to northern Mesopotamia (Habor and Gozan), to the motherland of Assyria (Halah), and to Median cities in the north eastern provinces (2 Kings 18:11). On the other hand, Babylonians from Babylon and Cuthah, and Syrians from Hamath and Sepharvaim were transplanted to repopulate the land of Israel (2 Kings 17:24). Sargon II (722-705 B.C.) - The new king was a usurper, and probably the murderer of his predecessor. Whatever the differences between Sargon and Shalmaneser may have been in domestic matters, in the field of external policies no change was contemplated or carried out, and Sargon closely followed the pattern set by Tiglath-pileser. His problems were similar to those of Tiglath-pileser’s reign, with the difference that the former king had come to the throne at a time of national weakness and had built up an empire from practically nothing, while Sargon had only to hold what he inherited. Sargon did have one additional problem, however, that of meeting a threat of invasion from Indo-European tribes pushing southward through the Caucasus and eastward from Anatolia. King Mita of the Mushki, the Phrygian Midas of Greek writers, was his chief opponent. By inducing Carchemish to revolt, Mita forced a showdown with Sargon. This obliged the latter to take that famous city on the Euphrates (717 B.C.) and deport its population, which had until now kept Hittite culture alive and had made use of Hittite hieroglyphs in writing. The Urartaean kingdom under Rusa I was sorely pressed by the Cimmerians and the Medes, a welcome situation to Sargon in that it made that much easier the conquest of this traditional enemy country to the north. Sargon’s Urartaean campaign, carried out in his eighth year, is described in such detail on a famous tablet now in the Louvre in Paris that we are able to follow the royal army almost daily on its march and during its battles. While the conquest of Urartu and its subsequent weakness seemed to have advantages for the time being, the elimination of a strong northern buffer state had also undeniable disadvantages. It brought Assyria face to face with new barbaric tribes that a hundred years later were primarily responsible for the death of Assyria. 133 About that time Babylonia received an extremely able ruler in the person of Marduk-apal-iddina, the Merodach-baladan of the Bible (Isaiah 39:1). He was an Aramaean of Bit-Jakin, against whom Sargon was powerless as the result of a grievous defeat at the hands of the Elamites, who supported Marduk- apaliddina. For 12 years Sargon was compelled to campaign in the west and north before he felt strong enough to turn once more against Babylonia. In 709 B.C., however, he succeeded in driving Marduk-apal- iddina out of Babylonia and making himself its king, as his two predecessors on the throne of Assyria had done. One year later he destroyed Dur-Jakin near the Persian Gulf, seat of the Chaldean state of Bit-Jakin, and made Marduk-apal-iddina’s home country an Assyrian province. Sargon had little trouble in Palestine, which, with the exception of Ashdod, a coastal city of Philistia, remained quiet. In the hope of receiving Egyptian, Edomite, and Judean assistance, its ruler tried to shake off the Assyrian yoke. As Isaiah predicted, the revolt was unsuccessful and the city was taken by Sargon’s turtan, “commander in chief” (“Tartan” in Isaiah 20:1). It may be mentioned in passing that Sargon’s name was completely unknown from secular sources prior to the deciphering of cuneiform inscriptions, and that his very existence, and thus the accuracy of Isaiah, had been doubted by higher critics. However, Sargon’s name was one of the first discovered in Assyrian records. This was the earliest discoveries concerning Assyria were made in Sargon’s own capital Dur Sharrukin, now Khorsabad, where immense quantities of sculptures and inscribed royal records were brought to light. Sargon’s last years are wrapped in mystery. But on one of his eastern campaigns his army suffered a serious defeat, and he seems to have lost his life on that occasion. Sennacherib (705—681 B.C.) - When Sennacherib came to the throne he was already trained in the art of ruling people, having been governor of the northern province of Amid during his father’s reign. His character differed from that of Sargon II. He took a keen interest in the technical improvement of war equipment and in new building methods that made Nineveh the most glorious capital of the Assyrian period. In politics, he showed a severity that knew no compromise, a weakness that made it difficult to rule successfully over a great empire and to keep together what he had inherited. The two outstanding events of his life to impress the memory of later generations—his senseless destruction of Babylon and his unsuccessful siege of Jerusalem—are, in the light of history, both considered political failures. When Sennacherib came to the throne, a revolt broke out among Syrian and Palestinian princes, who trusted in the help of Egypt. Sennacherib therefore marched to the west (701 B.C.) and was able to restore the former status in most places to which he came. When, after a long campaign, he finally camped at Lachish to make preparations for the siege of Jerusalem, he received tribute from Hezekiah of Judah, who in this way tried to appease the heartless king of Assyria. But Sennacherib would be satisfied with nothing less than the unconditional surrender of Jerusalem. The demand, however, was rejected by Hezekiah, and Sennacherib, whose presence was apparently required elsewhere, seems to have broken off the campaign. At least, he claims no more in his victory inscriptions than having shut Hezekiah in Jerusalem like a bird in a cage. He did not claim to have taken the city or its king. Judah was saved for the time being, and not threatened again until toward the end of Hezekiah’s reign. Hezekiah, encouraged by Sennacherib’s failure to take Jerusalem in 701 B.C., continued to participate in anti-Assyrian coalitions, which eventually brought the Assyrian armies back to Judea. For this second campaign of Sennacherib, made after Taharka’s accession to the throne of Egypt (690 B.C.), no cuneiform sources are available. A new demand for surrender made by the Assyrian king to Hezekiah was 134 rejected, with the encouragement and support of the prophet Isaiah. Although Isaiah had advised Hezekiah against participation in the coalition against Assyria, he was now, once the mistake had been made, on the side of the king and assured him that Sennacherib would “not come into this city, nor shoot an arrow there, nor come before it with shields, nor cast a bank against it” (Isaiah 37:33). It was not an Egyptian army that saved Jerusalem upon this occasion, but a miracle. “Then the angel of the Lord went forth, and smote in the camp of the Assyrians a hundred and fourscore and five thousand: and when they arose early in the morning, behold, they were all dead corpses” (verse 36). Even more troublesome than the west was Babylonia. Immediately after Sennacherib’s accession to the throne Marduk-apal-iddina returned from Elam, and with the help of the Elamite king Shutrup-nachunde occupied the throne of Babylon for almost a year. However, Sennacherib marched against Babylonia in 703 B.C., defeated Marduk-apal-iddina, and installed as ruler Bel-ibni, a native Babylonian who had been educated in Assyria. Shortly after Sennacherib’s disastrous campaign in the west, Babylonia revolted again. Thereupon Sennacherib conducted another expedition against the Babylonians, in which great parts of the country were devastated. Taking Bel-ibni prisoner, Sennacherib made his own son, Ashur-nadin-shumi, king of Babylon. However, the Elamites took Babylon in 694 B.C. and put Nergal-ushezib on the throne, but this king was captured a year later by Sennacherib. After further upheavals, the Chaldean Mushezib-Marduk ascended the throne in 692 B.C., and, according to the Babylonian Chronicle, defeated the Assyrian army sent against him. However, Sennacherib now became so impatient at the continual state of unrest in Babylonia that he determined to eliminate it as a trouble spot from his empire. Hence, when he captured the city in 689 B.C., he did what none of his predecessors had dared to do—he destroyed the Babylonian metropolis thoroughly and systematically, throwing the debris of temples and palaces into the river, so forcing it to change its course. Minor gods were smashed and the major ones taken to Assyria. This deed the Babylonian neither forgave nor forgot, and for it they took a terrible revenge about 77 years later, when they destroyed Nineveh. Sennacherib’s life was taken by his own sons, according to the Bible, the Babylonian Chronicle, and an inscription of Esarhaddon. Each of these records adds something to our fragmentary information on this heinous murder. Esarhaddon (681—669 B.C.) - Esarhaddon, whose mother was an Aramaean, reversed his father’s anti- Babylonian policies upon coming to the throne. Apparently belonging to a party that favored Babylon, he started out to rebuild the ruined city, although the Marduk statue was not returned until Ashurbanipal’s reign. Once more, the power of Marduk over Assur was demonstrated to an astonished world. With the conquest of Egypt of Esarhaddon the outward might of the Assyrian Empire reached its greatest height and remained so until its final decline began during the reign of Ashurbanipal. Esarhaddon’s first attempt to take Egypt in 673 B.C. was unsuccessful, and ended indefeat. But Taharka, an Ethiopian king of Egypt, surrendered two years later, and when Memphis fell almost without a battle the whole country lay open before the Assyrians, and the wealth of the Nile country streamed into Assyria. Esarhaddon installed 22 local princes as rulers over the country, and gave them Assyrian governors as supervisors. Returning from Egypt, the king had a relief of himself cut in the rocks at the Dog River near Beirut, where he found one left by his great predecessor, Shalmaneser III, and also had victory steles set up in several Syrian cities. One of these was found at Zenjirli, in which the king is shown leading the kings of 135 Tyre and Egypt by a cord as if they were wild animals. Heretofore no human being had ever possessed as great power as Esarhaddon. Neither Sargon of Agade (Akkad) nor Hammurabi had ruled over so many countries or peoples; but the signs of impending danger, already visible, troubled Esarhaddon. Barbaric nations such as the Scythians in the north west, the Cimmerians in eastern Asia Minor and Armenia, and the Medes in the east continued to gain strength. Anticipating trouble, Esarhaddon asked the sun-god whether these people would be successful or whether they could be kept back. Trying to remove one evil through another, he concluded a treaty with the Scythians against the Cimmerians and Medes and gave his daughter to the Scythian chieftain Bartatua, whom Herodotus calls Protothyas. In 672 B.C., Ashurbanipal was proclaimed crown prince of Assyria, and became virtually coregent with his father. Two years later, Shamash-shum-ukin, the older son of Esarhaddon, received the same dignity with respect to Babylon. Esarhaddon’s reign ended under a cloud. Egypt revolted, when Taharka of Ethiopia once more appeared on the scene, making it necessary for Esarhaddon to set out for the Nile to punish the rebels and restore order. He died in 669 B.C. on his way to Egypt. Ashurbanipal (669—627? B.C.) - Led now by Esarhaddon’s turtan, Sha-Nabu-shu, the Egyptian campaign was brought to a successful end. Necho, one of the rebellious princes who was brought to Nineveh as captive to receive punishment won the king’s favor and was sent back to Egypt as an Assyrian vassal. His son Psamtik took the Assyrian name Nabu-shezibanni. Another attempt was made to liberate Egypt from the Assyrian yoke, by Taharka’s successor Tanutamon, but it was likewise unsuccessful. Ashurbanipal took Thebes and thoroughly destroyed that beautiful city. A few years later Psamtik was able to shake off the Assyrian yoke and to restore Egypt’s independence. To hold Egypt in subjection proved to be so costly for Assyria at a time when it needed all its reserves to meet dangers from the west, north, and east that the Nile country had to be given up. Ashurbanipal also had trouble in Babylon, where his own brother Shamash-shum-ukin revolted. The revolt failed, however, Babylon was taken, and Shamash-shum-ukin died in the flames of his palace. Ashurbanipal then crowned himself king of Babylon. He also waged several successful wars against Elam, which had supported Shamash-shum-ukin, and against Arabia, Syria, and Palestine. He was thus able to keep his shaky empire together. He even had the rare satisfaction of seeing most of his enemies perish before he left the scene of action. Gyges of Lydia, who had supported Psamtik in his revolt, lost throne and life in his war with the Cimmerians. Another rebel, the Chaldean prince Nabu-bel-shumati, committed suicide in order not to fall into Ashurbanipal’s hands, and in Elam, a number of minor kings lost their lives in the several wars with Assyria that finally crushed the proud kingdom of Elam and leveled its capital city, Susa. The passing glory of Assyria and the wealth that poured into the royal coffers could not hide the fact that the days of that proud empire were numbered. So long as a strong man held the reins of government in his hands the coming catastrophe was postponed, but a careful observer could already see that a different situation would arise whenever a weak ruler should come to the throne. Ashurbanipal is especially well known as the collector of many books and the founder of the great library of Nineveh, which was discovered in the ruins of Nineveh in the middle of the 19th century. From this library, now in the British Museum, was derived much of our early information concerning Assyrian and 136 Babylonian history and religion. Later other great cuneiform collections found in the ruined sites of Mesopotamia have provided additional valuable information. As a prince, originally destined to become a priest, he received a careful scholarly and priestly training, and for this reason took an interest in collecting the literary wealth of his time. He preserved for later ages copies of many valuable texts, the originals of which have long since disappeared. The circumstances and date of his death are unknown. The year 626 B.C. was formerly given as the year of his death, and some thought that it was 631. Others say probably about 627. But since no Eponym Canon for his last years is known, the chronology of this period is somewhat uncertain. The End of the Assyrian Empire - Ashur-etil-ilani, a younger son of Ashurbanipal who owed his throne to Sin-shum-lishir, one of his father’s generals, ruled for the next five years or so. The new king held southern Babylonia, but could not prevent Nabopolassar, a Chaldean army commander, from taking Babylon and making himself king. Although he thus lost Babylon permanently, Ashur-etil-ilani had a happier experience in his fight against the Medes, whose king, Phraortes, fell in battle. It is uncertain how and in what year Ashur-etil-ilani was succeeded by Sin-shar-ishkun, generally held to be his brother. (Some scholars even consider the two names as belonging to one king.) Sin-shar-ishkun seems to have enjoyed a measure of success for a time. He campaigned against Babylonia, and even conquered Sippar. Also, the Medes under Phraortes’ son Cyaxares were beaten. It is a curious fact that now, having lost its former strength, Assyria received help from former enemies such as the Scythians and Egyptians, who feared that its fall might give birth to other powers even more dangerous than Assyria had been. Realizing Assyria’s weakness, and following the principle that attack is the best defense, Nabopolassar of Babylon went on the offensive soon after he had become an independent king. He had some military successes, but also several setbacks, as revealed in the Babylonian Chronicle that covers his first three regnal years. Lack of extant records leaves us in the dark about his successes and defeats during the next seven years. In 616 B.C., the year for which chronicles are again available, Nabopolassar was on the offensive and conquered Assyrian and Aramaean towns on the middle Euphrates, but proved unable to withstand an Assyro-Egyptian army, which drove him back to Babylon. The following year Nabopolassar made an unsuccessful attempt to take the old city of Assur. This campaign also failed. He was not yet strong enough to defeat Assyria single handed. However, the Medes captured Tarbisu and Assur in 614 B.C. and the Median king Cyaxares concluded an alliance with Nabopolassar that was sealed by the marriage of the Babylonian crown prince Nebuchadnezzar to a Median princess. This political alliance decided the fate of Assyria, and after a siege of three months Nineveh fell to the united Medes and Babylonians, in 612 B.C. Sin-shar-ishkun died with his family in the flames of his palace. Like Calah, Nineveh was destroyed so thoroughly that later generations did not even know of its location. The empire of Assyria was divided between Cyaxares and Nabopolassar, the former taking all the northern provinces, along with Assyria’s claims to Asia Minor, and the latter receiving nominal control of Mesopotamia, Syria, and Palestine. Actual control, however, could be won only through a show of power, and not simply by an understanding between the two victors. With Egyptian help, an Assyrian prince by the name of Ashur-uballit essayed to re-establish the Assyrian state, with Haran as its capital, but was soon evicted by the Medes and Chaldeans. Assyria, the scourge of the nations for many centuries, ceased to exist, and its citizens experienced the same cruel treatment their 137 rulers had meted out to many other peoples in the past. The words of Nahum, like those of other Hebrew prophets who had predicted the fall of the Assyrian Empire, were literally fulfilled: “O king of Assyria: thy nobles shall dwell in the dust: thy people is scattered upon the mountains, and no man gathereth them. There is no healing of thy bruise; thy wound is grievous” (Nahum 3:18, 19). Phoenicia From the Earliest Times to Nebuchadnezzar II Phoenicia, though not mentioned under this name in the Old Testament, had many contacts with the Hebrews, and the history of this country is of some importance to the student of the Bible, who finds frequent mention of Phoenician cities such as Tyre, Sidon, Zarephath (Sarepta), Gebal (Byblos), and Arvad (Aradus). The land of Phoenicia covered the narrow coastal strip of Syria north of the Bay of Acre and between the Lebanon mountain range and the Mediterranean, which consists of a number of small plains where the mountains recede from the sea, each of which was dominated by a maritime city. The coastal plain varies in width from 1/2 mile to 3 miles (.8 to 4.8 km.). In some places, as at the Nahr el—Kelb, the Dog river north of Beirut, the mountains drop precipitously to the sea, so that the road must be blasted out of the rocks. Anciently, the cities were built either on rocky islands off the coast—like Tyre and Arvad—or on the shore where land jutting out into the sea forms small bays in what is, for the most part, a straight coast line—as with Tripoli and Byblos. The country was well watered by a number of rivers from the Lebanon Mts., which in ancient times were heavily forested with cedars and other coniferous trees. Phoenicia was rich in grain, fruit, and wine, and as the principal exporter of cedarwood from the mountains and the products of the Syrian hinterland, it became the commercial clearing house of the ancient world. The Greek name for the land, Phoenicia, is related to one of its principal exports, a purple-colored dye material called phoinix, “purple,” or “crimson.” However, they called themselves Kena‘ani, that is, Canaanites, and their country Canaan, which agrees with Genesis 10:15-19, where the inhabitants of several Phoenician cities are listed as descendants of Canaan. There is not sufficient source material available for a complete history of Phoenicia, and its earliest history is completely shrouded in obscurity. One of the Phoenician cities, however—Byblos—appears in Egyptian records of the third millennium as an important city for the export of cedarwood. Excavations carried out in Byblos have shown strong Egyptian influence during the time of the Old (Egyptian) Kingdom. The later Tyrians claimed a tradition that their city had been founded about 2750 B.C., and the Sidonians claimed an even greater age for their city. The earliest mention of these important port cities of southern Phoenicia is found in the records of the Eighteenth Dynasty of Egypt, when all of Phoenicia was dominated by the rulers of the Nile valley. However, the fact that the Phoenicians had to pay tribute to Egypt and tolerate Egyptian garrisons in their cities did not materially affect their economic strength. Their foreign trade seems to have flourished, and their agents were found in Cyprus, on the coasts of Asia Minor, and in the Aegean Sea. Toward the end of the second millennium, they extended their economic 138 sphere of influence and sent ships to Sicily, Sardinia, North Africa, and Spain. Later, permanent colonies were founded in distant lands. Of these colonies, Carthage became the most famous. It grew so strong, in fact, that in course of time it dared to challenge the expansionism of Rome. Tartessus, in Spain, the westernmost point of Phoenician influence, was one of several places named “Tarshish,” or “smeltery,” to which sailed “ships of Tarshish” (Psalms 48:7; see on 1 Kings 10:22). Until the close of the second millennium B.C., Sidon had held the most important place among the Phoenician port cities, but during the first millennium Tyre took the lead and kept it for many centuries. It seems that Phoenicia never developed a unified government controlling the whole country, but that each large city had its own ruler and that its control extended to smaller communities adjacent to it. A number of rulers of Byblos are known from inscriptions found during the excavations of that city, but after the middle of the second millennium B.C., the political role of Byblos seems to have been at most a minor one. Hiram was the first ruler of Tyre whose name is known. He was contemporary with David and Solomon and assisted in the building of the Temple at Jerusalem. Also, his sailors participated with those of Solomon in expeditions to Ophir. One of Hiram’s later successors was Ethbaal, father of Ahab’s infamous wife, Jezebel. He had been a priest of Astarte before becoming king of Tyre, which may explain his daughter’s zeal for the religion of her native land, even when she became queen of Israel. During Ethbaal’s reign the struggle with Assyria began in earnest, that country which from the 9th century B.C. onward sought to subjugate piecemeal all lands to the west. Hence, at the battle of Qarqar in 853, we find the king of the Phoenician city of Arvad, with 200 soldiers, in the coalition against Shalmaneser III. However, most of the other Phoenician cities agreed to pay tribute. Thus for a time they maintained comparative independence and continued their lucrative overseas trade unmolested. An important episode in Phoenician history was the fight of Tyre against Shalmaneser V and Sargon II in the time of king Hezekiah of Judah. Tyre was besieged for five years and sorely hurt. It seems that the city was finally forced to surrender and once more made tributary. But Tyre rebelled again in Sennacherib’s time, and was unsuccessfully besieged. Yet, when Sidon followed Tyre’s example and rebelled against Esarhaddon, it was taken and destroyed (678 B.C.). Tyre remained independent a few years longer, but was finally forced back into the Assyrian fold by Ashurbanipal. When the tottering Assyrian Empire was replaced by the Neo-Babylonian, Tyre took advantage of the political difficulties of the transitional period, declared itself independent, and refused to send tribute to Babylonia. As a result, Nebuchadnezzar moved against the city. He took mainland Tyre but besieged the island city for 13 years without success. He allowed the king to remain on the throne, but appointed a Babylonian high commissioner to safeguard Babylonian interests. The Syrian States The name Syria is a geographical term designating an area that has varied in size from time to time. Present-day Syria does not include everything known as Syria in ancient times, and extends to areas that had never before been considered a part of it. In Roman times all the land from the Euphrates in the north to the Red Sea in the south was designated as Syria. At other times Palestine was thought of separately, 139 and parts of northern and central Mesopotamia were included. Generally speaking, however, the geographical term Syria designates an area bordered on the east by the great Syrian Desert, in the west by the Mediterranean, in the north by the Taurus Mts., and in the south by Palestine, with the line between Syria and Palestine running approximately straight from the sea north of Acre to the Jordan north of the now-drained Lake Huleh. The region thus marked out is intersected by two north-south mountain ranges. The western range is marked in the north by the Jebel Akra (5,241 ft.; 1,597 m.) and in the south by the Lebanon, which rises to more than 10,000 ft. (3,048 metres). The eastern range of mountains, called the Anti-Lebanon, ends in the south with Mt. Hermon (9,232 ft., or 2,814 metres). Between the two ranges lies a 12-mi.-wide (19.3 km.) highland valley, now called Beqa‘, “the split,” with its two rivers, the Litani, flowing south, and the Orontes, north. Both rivers eventually turn west and empty their waters into the Mediterranean. Several streams flow eastward from the Anti-Lebanon range and irrigate various oases of the Syrian Desert, of which Damascus, with its surrounding garden area, is the richest and largest. Since the coastal region of Phoenicia was isolated by mountains from the rest of Syria, it experienced a history somewhat different from that of the hinterland, and has been treated separately in the preceding section. Thus, politically, Syria consisted essentially of city states that flourished around oases such as those of Damascus and Aleppo and others such as Kadesh, Qatna, Hamath, or Alalakh (Tell ‘Atshanah) on the banks of inland rivers. The latter all lay in close proximity along the Orontes. The typical Syrian culture of later times is also found in Upper Mesopotamia, in the area which in the second millennium was known as the kingdom of Mitanni. As in the case of Phoenicia, little is known of the history of this area prior to the middle of the second millennium. Egyptian and Babylonian texts of the first half of that millennium B.C., however, occasionally mention the rulers of the cities of Syria, and from their names, we learn that they were Amorites, as were most of the rulers of Western Asia from 2200-1500 B.C. The Hyksos, who swept down to Egypt in the 18th century, passed through Syria on their way to the Nile valley and took possession of certain important cities, for instance Qatna, fortifying them in typical Hyksos manner with massive earth ramparts. In the 16th century all Syria was conquered by Thutmose III and remained under Egyptian control for almost a century. However, during the reign of Amenhotep III and Ikhnaton, some of the subject native tulers took advantage of Egypt’s weakness and made themselves independent. The strongest of these rebellious states was Amurru, of which we learn much from the Amarna Letters and the Hittite records of the period. During the time of the Nineteenth Dynasty a new rival for the possession of Syria arose, the Hittites, with the result that Syria frequently became a battlefield where the two opposing powers met. With the appearance of the Peoples of the Sea toward the end of the 13th century B.C., the Hittites vanished from history as a nation, but their remnants retained possession of some Syrian cities such as Hamath and Carchemish, and preserved Hittite culture for several centuries more. At that time the Aramaeans, who had lived in the plains of northern Mesopotamia for many centuries, moved south and either founded or took over a number of strong city states, of which Damascus and Zobah (north of Damascus) became the most powerful. It is for this reason that, from the time of David, these two states are frequently mentioned in contemporary Biblical records. David was able to hold them in subjection, but they regained their independence either during the reign of Solomon or immediately 140 after his death. From that time on the Syrian states were enemies of the kingdom of Israel, with the result that Israel fought numerous wars against the Syrians, especially against Damascus. From the 9th century onward, the Syrian states shared the fate of other nations of Western Asia, upon whom the kings of Assyria cast greedy eyes. For two centuries one Assyrian campaign after another was directed against one or more of these Aramaean states of Syria, to ensure a constant flow of tribute, until Tiglath-pileser HII inaugurated the policy of transplanting conquered nations to remote districts of the empire in the effort to replace national consciousness with loyalty to the Assyrian Empire. Hence, one Syrian city state after another vanished under the relentless onslaught of the Assyrian war machine. Finally, in 732 B.C. as one of the last, Damascus fell and became a province of Assyria. The fall of Damascus marked the disappearance of the characteristics Syrian culture from that area, which, in a somewhat changed form, was perpetuated for a time as a world culture. The Aramaic language spread with the dispersion of Syria’s population, and within two centuries after the fall of Damascus became a medium of communication, spoken or at least understood, from the southern border of Egypt throughout the lands of the Fertile Crescent and Persia, and even as far as the western border of India. Although the Syrians had never constituted a political unit, and had never been able to extend their control over extensive parts of the world, their language conquered the world in somewhat the same way as Greek did some centuries later. The United Kingdom of Israel (1050-931 B.C.) Previous sections of this chapter have covered the history of Egypt and Mesopotamia to the 7th century B.C. This section deals with the 120 years of Israel’s history under its first three kings, each of whom ruled approximately 40 years (2 Samuel 5:4; 1 Kings 11:42; Acts 13:21). Since their invasion of Canaan, the Hebrews had slowly grown in strength and taken root through continual struggle with the nations living in and around Palestine. They had lived in the land for about three and a half centuries when they felt the need of a unified government. Hitherto they had been guided by Spirit-led men called judges, without assurance that competent leadership would continue after the death of each judge. From a strictly human, political point of view, the popular desire for a hereditary kingship expressed in the time of Samuel (1 Samuel 8:5) was only natural. If Israel was to achieve its aim, it must remain in permanent possession of the country; and in order to do so it needed unity, continuity of leadership, and stable government. This eventuality had been foreseen by Moses, who laid down the principles according to which kings should rule (Deuteronomy 17:14-20). While under Saul the kingdom remained weak, owing to the young king’s inexperience and immaturity of character, under David, an indefatigable warrior and an able politician, it was built up into a formidable empire. It was not comparable with the empires on the Nile and the Euphrates, but was nevertheless impressive, controlling as it did most of the nations of Palestine and Syria. Built by David’s genius under the blessing of God, assisted by the weakness of the other great nations of his time, the empire of Israel remained intact for about half a century. Weaknesses became apparent even under Solomon’s generally peaceful rule, and his kingdom broke to pieces when death removed his strong hand. 141 Of permanent value, however, aside from the memory of a glorious past under two great kings, was the establishment of Jerusalem as a religious and political center for the nation. Its very name, “city of peace,” has exerted a magic influence on the minds of Hebrew people of all generations. Inasmuch as promises of the coming of Messiah were connected by Inspiration with the royal house of David, the idea of a God- appointed and God-guided kingship was never lost sight of. Saul (1050-1011 B.C.) - Saul, the son of the Benjamite, Kish, a man chosen by God for his deeply religious nature 1 Samuel 10:7, 10, 11; 14:37), his humility (1 Samuel 10:22), and a tendency to be generous 1 Samuel 11:13), was first secretly anointed by Samuel (1 Samuel 10:1), proclaimed king at Mizpeh (1 Samuel 10:17-24), and confirmed in office at Gilgal after his successful rescue of Jabesh- gilead from the Ammonites 1 Samuel 11). His kingdom consisted of a rather loose union of tribes, who followed him as king in times of emergency, but who otherwise decided their own affairs without interference from a central government. Early in his reign, his office differed little from that of a judge. Among other things, he still took care of his own cattle, even after he had been proclaimed king. Nevertheless, the idea of a real kingship was gradually developing. Saul planned that his kingship should be hereditary. He erected a castle on the site of his capital, “Gibeah of Saul,” now Tell el—Fal, 4 miles (6.4 km.) north of Jerusalem. His two-story citadel, measuring 170 by 114 ft. (51.8 by 34.7 metres), with outer walls 6 to 7 ft. (1.8 to 2.1 metres) thick, has been excavated by W. F. Albright. With its fortified walls and corner towers, it represents typical Hebrew construction of the time. The largest hall, probably the audience chamber where David played his lyre before the king, was 7 by 25 ft. (2.1 by 7.6 metres) Furthermore, Saul created the first, though small, standing army maintained by Israel. It consisted of 3,000 men, situated in 3 garrison cities (1 Samuel 13:2), with his uncle, or perhaps cousin, Abner, as commander in chief (1 Samuel 14:50). On the throne during the difficult period when the Philistines, by virtue of their superior weapons and military experience, tried to subjugate the Hebrews, the new king often found himself fighting against them, as well as against other nations. The first proof of his generalship was given in his rescue of the Transjordan city of Jabesh-gilead from the Ammonites (1 Samuel 11:1-11). Successful wars were also fought against the Amalekites (1 Samuel 15:4-8) and the Edomites in the south, the Moabites in the east, and the Aramaeans of the Syrian state of Zobah (1 Samuel 14:47). The lifelong threat to Israel’s existence, however, came from Philistia (1 Samuel 14:52), which maintained garrisons in various Hebrew cities, even in some close to Saul’s capital. The Philistines had a monopoly on the manufacture and sharpening of weapons and tools, so that at one time in all Israel only Saul and Jonathan possessed iron weapons (1 Samuel 13:19-22). They terrorized the Hebrews so much that the latter were habitually forced to seek refuge in caves and inaccessible mountain retreats (verse 6). The first great Israelite victory over the Philistines, one that resulted in their expulsion from the eastern hill country, was more a military episode than a real battle. When the Philistines had occupied the hills of Benjamin and taken Michmash, the Israelites retreated in disorder (verses 5-11). Michmash lies 7 miles (11.5 km.) north of Jerusalem at an altitude of about 2,000 ft. (610 metres), overlooking the deep gorge of the Wadi es—Suwenit to the south, which formed the pass of Michmash. While Saul was camped with 600 men at Geba, separated from the Philistines by the Wadi es—Suwenit, Jonathan and his armor-bearer climbed down the Rock Seneh on which Geba was built, crossed the wadi, and then climbed the steep 142 Rock Bozez, on which the Philistines were encamped at Michmash (1 Samuel 13:15, 23; 14:4, 5). In the Philistine camp Jonathan’s surprise attack created confusion which was increased by the Hebrews who came to Jonathan’s aid, with the result that the Philistines fled in panic (1 Samuel 14:11-23). The first major encounter between the Hebrews and the Philistines during Saul’s reign took place in the western hill country between Shochoh and Azekah, about halfway between Jerusalem and Ashkelon. David’s victory over Goliath on this occasion marked the beginning of a great series of victories over the hated Philistines. The chief results were increased liberty for the Hebrews and considerable wealth realized from the loot of the Philistines (1 Samuel 17). Unfortunately, for the nation and the royal house, Saul possessed an undisciplined character that became overbearing as a result of his successes. Because of his violation of the Levitical law and of divine orders he lost both the kingship and his own sanity. His last years—we know not how many—were spent under the shadow of insanity, which in turn led to the persistent attempt to kill David, who he knew was destined to be his successor. Having lost the friendship and guiding hand of his old counselor Samuel (1 Samuel 15:17-23, 35, he committed some of the most foolish and atrocious crimes, such as slaughtering the innocent priests of Nob (1 Samuel 22:11-21) and attempting to kill his own son Jonathan (1 Samuel 20:30-33). Known for his zeal in uprooting spiritism, he finally appealed to a witch for counsel the day before his death (1 Samuel 28:3-25). At a battle fought in the mountains of Gilboa, at the eastern end of the plain of Esdraelon, Saul and his sons lost their lives fighting against the Philistines (1 Samuel 31:1-6. This battle was so disastrous that all the gains of Saul’s long reign were lost to the Philistines, who once more occupied the cities of Israel and drove the panic-stricken inhabitants to their former mountain retreats (verse 7). David (1011-971 B.C.) - After Saul’s death, David was crowned king over Judah at Hebron (2 Samuel 2:3, 4). He had in times past been a captain in Saul’s army, and was at one time Saul’s son-in-law (1 Samuel 18:27), but had lived as an outcast in the forests and mountain caves of southern Judah, and in a Philistine city during the last years of Saul’s reign (1 Samuel 19 to 29). David, who had been anointed secretly by the prophet Samuel soon after Saul’s rejection as king, was exceptionally gifted as a warrior, poet, and musician (1 Samuel 17; 2 Samuel 1:17-27; 1 Samuel 16:14-23). He was also deeply religious, and although he fell into gross sin, he knew how to repent and regain divine favor (see Psalms 51). Hence, kingship was confirmed in perpetuity to him and his posterity, to culminate in the eternal kingship of the Messiah, who was a descendant of David after the flesh (Romans 1:3). The first seven years of David’s reign were confined to Judah, while Ish-bosheth, Saul’s fourth son, ruled over the remainder of the tribes from his capital, Mahanaim, in Transjordan. Relations between the two rival kings were bitter, and exploded in strife and bloodshed (2 Samuel 2:12-32). Saul’s army commander, Abner, was the real power behind the throne of Ish-bosheth, a weakling who fell victim to assassins immediately after the withdrawal of Abner’s support (2 Samuel 3 and 4). His real name seems to have been Esh-baal, “man of Baal” (1 Chronicles 8:33; 9:39), which suggests that when he was born Saul had departed so far from God that he worshiped Baal. For the inspired writer of 2 Samuel this name was so shameful that he never used it, consistently choosing, rather, to call Esh-baal, “man of Baal,” Ish-bosheth, “man of shame.” 143 David had made Hebron his capital and was there crowned king over all Israel after Ish-bosheth’s death, which marked the end of Saul’s brief dynasty. After David had reigned for seven and a half years, he set out to establish a new capital. He demonstrated remarkable political wisdom by selecting as a capital a city that had thus far belonged to no tribe, and hence would be acceptable to all. By conquering the Jebusite fortress of Jerusalem, on the border between Judah and Benjamin, and by establishing the political and religious center of the kingdom in a central location, yet off the main international highways running through the country, David showed commendable political foresight. Ever since that time, Jerusalem has been an important city, and has played a distinctive role in the history of the world. David’s reign is distinguished by an unbroken chain of military victories. He defeated the Philistines repeatedly (2 Samuel 5:17-25; 21:15-22; 23:13-17) and was able to free Israel completely from their influence. He limited them to the coastal area surrounding the cities of Gaza, Ashkelon, Ashdod, Gath, and Ekron. He also subjugated the Moabites, Ammonites, and Edomites (2 Samuel 8:2, 14; 10:6 to 11:1; 12:26-31; 1 Chronicles 18:2, 11-13; 19:1 to 20:3), and made the Aramaeans of Damascus and Zobah tributary (2 Samuel 8:3-13; 1 Chronicles 18:5-10). Other nations sought his friendship by sending gifts— such as the king of Hamath(2 Samuel 8:9, 10)—or by signing treaties—such as the Phoenician king of Tyre (2 Samuel 5:11). In this way, David was able to rule over all western and eastern Palestine, with the exception of the coastal region, and indirectly over great parts of Syria as well. Practically all the territory between the Euphrates and Egypt either was administered by David’s governors or was friendly or tributary to him. David’s domestic policies were not always so successful as his foreign policies. For tax purposes or for an assessment of the potential man power of his kingdom, he had a census taken that Joab, his general—as well as God—tesented (2 Samuel 24; 1 Chronicles 21 and 22 David, as some other strong political rulers before and after him, also occasionally fell victim to his lusts—see for example the Bathsheba episode (2 Samuel 11:2 to 12:25)—and as a polygamist shared the unfortunate results of this custom. One of his sons committed incest (2 Samuel 13), another, Absalom, became a fratricide and later revolted against his own father but died in the ensuing battle (2 Samuel 13 to 19). The rebellion of the Benjamite Sheba also caused serious trouble and bloodshed (2 Samuel 20); and shortly before David’s death Adonijah, one of his sons, made an unsuccessful attempt to gain the throne by a palace revolution (1 Kings 1). The strong personality of David, together with the unflinching support of those who were loyal to him, managed to overcome all divisive forces. The kingdom was transferred to Solomon as a strong unit. David’s fundamental loyalty to God and his willingness to repent and accept punishment for sin gained for him the respect of the prophets Nathan and Gad, and brought divine promises and blessings of a singular nature. One of his great desires, to build a temple to the God he loved, was not realized. However, he was promised that his son, who hands were not bloodstained as his were, would build the Temple. Hence, David bought the land for it, had a design made, and collected the funds, by way of assisting Solomon in carrying out the plan (2 Samuel 7; 1 Chronicles 21:18 to 22:5). Solomon (971-931 B.C.) - Solomon, the third ruler of the united kingdom of Israel, whose name was also Jedidiah, “beloved of Jehovah” (2 Samuel 12:24, 25, seems to have followed the Oriental custom of taking a throne name, Solomon, “peaceable.” His reign made this title not only appropriate but popular. For reasons not stated God chose Solomon to be David’s successor and David proclaimed him king during the course of a palace revolution aimed at placing his older son Adonijah on the throne (1 Kings 144 1:15-49). Although Solomon at first seemed to show clemency toward Adonijah, he did not forget the incident. Usually the slightest mistake Solomon’s opponents made cost them their lives. Hence, Joab, instigator of the plot, and Adonijah were both eventually executed, while Abiathar, the high priest, was deposed (1 Kings 2). Demonstrating unusual piety in early life, Solomon asked God for wisdom in the difficult task of ruling the new empire, the extent of whose political problems he seemed to realize. His wisdom, of which examples occur in Proverbs, Ecclesiastes, and Canticles, exceeded that of all other famous sages of antiquity (1 Kings 3:4 to 4:34). This fame attracted intellectuals of various nations to Solomon’s court, of whose visits that of the Arabian queen of Sheba seems to have made the greatest impression on contemporaries (1 Kings 4:34; 10:1-10). The kingdom Solomon inherited from his father extended from the Gulf of Aqabah in the south almost to the Euphrates in the north. Never before or after was Israelite territory so extensive. Since Assyria and Egypt were both very weak at this time, Solomon met no real opposition from his neighbors; and taking advantage of this situation, he ventured forth on great trading enterprises by land and sea that brought him wealth never before seen by his people. Hence, the splendor of his reign became legendary, as Matthew 6:28, 29 testifies. Since the Phoenicians already controlled Mediterranean trade, Solomon turned southward and developed commercial enterprises with Arabia and East Africa, carrying out his maritime expeditions with the help of Tyrian sailors (1 Kings 9:26-28). The city of Ezion-geber at the head of the Gulf of Aqabah served not only as home port for these expeditions but also, apparently, as a commercial center for copper mined in the Wadi Arabah (the area between the Dead Sea and Ezion-geber). Since Solomon also controlled numerous overland trading routes, Israel became the great clearing house for Egyptian chariots and linen, Cilician horses, and the various products of Arabia. Practically nothing entered Egypt from the east, or Mesopotamia from the south west, without enriching Solomon’s coffers (1 Kings 4:21; 10:28, 29). The king was also engaged in vast building enterprises. On Mt. Moriah, north of old Jerusalem, he built an acropolis comprising the magnificent Temple, erected in 7 years (1 Kings 6:37, 38), and his own palace, which was 13 years in building (1 Kings 7:1). He also built the millo’, or “filling,” thought by some to have been between Zion and Moriah, and repaired the wall of Jerusalem (1 Kings 9:15, 24). A chain of chariot cities was built throughout the country to guarantee its safety, and this required a large standing army and many horses and chariots—both costly items in the national budget (1 Kings 4:26; 9:15-19; 2 Chronicles 9:28). Excavations at Gezer and Megiddo have thrown light on these Biblical records. For his manifold enterprises the king depended on forced labor (1 Kings 5:13-18; 9:19-23), and on Phoenicians for skilled workmen and mariners (1 Kings 7:13; 9:27). The magnificent building projects and the vast requirements of the army put such a strain on Israelite economy that even Solomon’s immense revenue proved insufficient to finance the program, with the result that at one time he had to cede 20 Galilean towns to Phoenicia in payment for needed timber and gold 1 Kings 9:10-14). Following the custom of Oriental monarchs, Solomon had a large harem, and attempted to foster international good will by marrying princesses from most of the surrounding nations, including the Egyptians, and by permitting shrines dedicated to foreign deities (1 Kings 11:1-8 to be built in Jerusalem. 145 The Egyptian princess, who brought as her dowry the city of Gezer, which her father had conquered from the Canaanites, seems to have been his favored queen inasmuch as he built her a separate palace 1 Kings 3:1; 9:16, 24). But the outward glory of the kingdom, the sumptuous court ceremonial, the strong new fortresses throughout the country, the powerful army, and the great trading enterprises could not hide the evident fact that Solomon’s empire was ready to fall apart. There was unrest among the Israelites, because of high taxes and forced labor requirements, and among the subjugated nations, which were only waiting for a sign of weakness to break loose from Jerusalem. Although only three rebels are mentioned by name in the Bible, Hadad the Edomite, Rezon the son of Eliadah, and the Ephraimite Jeroboam (1 Kings 11:14-40), who came out openly in opposition to Solomon, events that occurred immediately upon Solomon’s death imply that there must have been considerable unrest even during his lifetime. Bible writers, who were more concerned with the religious life of their heroes, give as the main reason for the decline of Solomon’s power and the breakup of his empire, the king’s departure from the straight path of religious duty. Although he had built the Temple of Jehovah and at its dedication offered a prayer that reflected deep spiritual experience (1 Kings 8:22-61), he nevertheless fell into unprecedented polygamy and idolatry (1 Kings 11:9-11) that led to the adoption of foolish policies and so hastened the fall of his kingdom. No sooner had Solomon closed his eyes than the tribes of Israel broke into two factions and several of the subject nations proclaimed their independence. The Kingdom of Judah 931—609 B.C. and of Israel 931—722 B.C. The Kings of Judah; Rehoboam (931-913 B.C.) - With Rehoboam, Solomon’s rash son, the united Hebrew kingdom came to a close, never to be revived. When Rehoboam went to Shechem for the coronation, he learned of deep-seated grievances among his subjects over the excessive tax burdens and the forced labor his father had introduced. Rejecting the advice of experienced counselors to accede to the reasonable demands of the people, he threatened to increase their burdens and thereby provoked an open revolt of his northern and eastern subjects under the leadership of Jeroboam, who, on hearing of Solomon’s death, had returned from exile (1 Kings 12:1-20). Although he heeded the counsel of the prophet Shemaiah, not to fight his brothers at the time of the separation of the ten tribes, Rehoboam apparently fought several bloody wars with Jeroboam at a later time (1 Kings 12:24; 14:30). Also, in his fifth year he experienced the historic attack of Sheshonk (Shishak) I of Egypt (1 Kings 14:25-28), concerning which Sheshonk’s victory relief on the temple wall at Karnak still bears witness. This attack may account for the fact that the king of Judah strengthened the fortifications of a number of towns which guarded the roads leading to Jerusalem (2 Chronicles 11:5-12). Being, probably, the son of an Ammonite woman, Rehoboam followed his father in having a large harem and in promoting the worship of pagan gods, with all their abominable rites (1 Kings 14:22-24; 2 Chronicles 11:21). 146 TENTATIVE CHRONOLOGY OF THE DIVIDED KINGDOMS OF ISRAEL AND JUDAH Libyan Dynasties 950- | (Saul, 1050-1011, David, 1011-971, Solomon, 971-931) 750 Twenty- Rehoboam | 931-913 JeroboamI | 931-910 | Ashur-dan II 933-910 second Dynasty Abijam 913-911 Sheshonk I Asa 911-869 Nadab 910-909 | Adad-nirari II 910-889 Osorkon I Baasha 909-886 | Tukulti-Ninurta | 889-884 Takelot I Elah 886-885 Zimri 885 Osorkon Twenty- Omri 885-874 | Ashurnasirpal IT | 884-859 I third Dynasty Pedubast (Tibni) (885-880) Sheshonk | Sheshonk | Jehoshaphat | 872-848* | Ahab 874-853 | Shalmaneser III | 859-824 I IV Takelot II | Osorkon Jehoram 854-841* | Ahaziah 853-852 lll Sheshonk | Takelot III | Ahaziah 841 Joram 852-841 Il Pami Amenrud Athaliah 841-835 Jehu 841-814 Shamshi-Adad 824-810 V Sheshonk | Osorkon Joash 835-796 Jehoahaz 814-798 Adad-nirari III 810-782 Vv IV Amaziah 796-767 Jehoash 798-782 Semiramis (regent) 147 Azariah Jeroboam 793-753* | Shalmaneser IV | 782-772 Il Twenty- Twenty- (Uzziah) 790-739* | Zachariah 753-752 Ashur-—dan III 772-754 fourth fifth Dynasty Dynasty (of Sais) (Ethiopian) Shallum 752 Ashur-nirari V 754-746 750-715 715-663 Jotham 750-731* | Menahem | 752-742 | Tiglath—pileser | 745-727 Il Tefnakht Piankhi Pekahiah 742-740 Bocchoris | Shabaka Ahaz 735-715* | Pekah 752-732* Shabataka | Hezekiah 729-686* | Hoshea 732-722 Shalmaneser V 727-722 Taharka Sargon II 722-705 Tanutamon Sennacherib 705-681 Twenty— Manasseh 697-642* Esarhaddon 681-669 sixth Dynasty 663-525 Psamtik I | 663-610 Amon 642-640 Ashurbanipal 669- 627? Josiah Ashur-etil-ilani | 627?-? Necho IT 610-595 Jehoahaz 609 Sin-shar—ishkun | ?-612 Jehoiakim 609-598 Ashur-—uballit II | 612-609 Jehoiachin 598-597 Psamtik II | 595-589 Zedekiah 597-586 Babylon Apries 589-570 Nabopolassar 626-605 (Hophra) Amasis 570-526 Nebuchadnezzar | 605-562 Psamtik 526-525 148 Il * Except for Pekah, the earlier years of these reigns that coincide with the closing years of the preceding reigns represent coregencies. Pekah’s years have been reckoned from 752 B.C. although he took over actual control of the kingdom only after murdering Menahem’s son Pekahiah. Note—The dates of Assyrian kings are generally accepted today as fixed with reasonable certainty within a spring-to-spring year; Ashur-dan IT, for example, began to reign at some time between the spring of 933 and the spring of 932; few are more exact than that. The dates for Nebuchadnezzar’s reign are astronomically fixed. Regnal dates for Egyptian kings of the Twenty-second to the Twenty-fifth Dynasty are unknown, and the dates here given for the various dynasties are only approximate. The first kings of the Twenty-third Dynasty were contemporary with those of the Twenty-second. Regnal years, even those well established, are not given in exact form (as 931/30, etc.); hence allow the B.C. year to vary plus or minus I, unless the text gives specific accession dates. Abijam and Asa (913-869 B.C.) - The next king, Abijam, reigned but briefly (913-911 B.C.), had a war with Jeroboam I, and followed his father in all his vices (1 Kings 15:1-8). With Asa, Abijam’s son, a good king again came to the throne (911-869 B.C.). He removed from influence his grandmother, who had erected an image for Asherah, and banished the male prostitutes as well as idol worship (verses 10-13). After the first peaceful years of his reign, which he devoted to religious reforms, Asa was attacked by the Ethiopians under Zerah, probably Cushites from the eastern shore of the Red Sea (2 Chronicles 14:9-15). When Baasha of Israel occupied part of northern Judah, probably in the 36th year after the division of the kingdom (2 Chronicles 16:1), Asa did not dare to meet the northern army with his own inferior forces, but induced Benhadad of Syria to attack and weaken Israel. For this lack of faith in Jehovah’s help Asa was severely rebuked by Hanani the prophet (verses 1-10). Asa’s last years were marked by poor health (verse 12), and accordingly he appointed his son Jehoshaphat as co-ruler, as the chronological data indicate. Jehoshaphat to Ahaziah (872-841 B.C.) - Jehoshaphat (872-848 B.C.) continued the religious reforms of his good father. Although he failed to remove all the high places, he is credited with having the Levites and priests travel through the country and preach the law (1 Kings 22:43; 2 Chronicles 17:7-9). He terminated the long feud between Judah and Israel by allying himself with the dynasty of Omri, and married crown prince Jehoram of Judah to Ahab’s daughter Athaliah (2 Kings 8:18, 26), a union that unfortunately opened the door to Baal worship in Judah. Jehoshaphat also assisted the northern kings in their military campaigns. With Ahab he went against Ramoth-gilead (2 Chronicles 18:28), and with Joram, (See NOTE) king of Israel, against Moab (Kings 3:4-27). He also fought a strong confederacy of Edomites, Moabites, and Ammonites (2 Chronicles 20:1-30). Some nations, however, such as the Philistines and Arabians, were so impressed with Jehoshaphat’s accomplishments that they sought his friendship. His attempt to revive Solomon’s Ophir expeditions failed when his ships were wrecked at Ezion-geber (verses 35-37). NOTE: The names Jehoram and Joram are used interchangeably in the Bible. For the sake of convenience and clarity, however, Jehoram is used in this chapter to designate the son of Jehoshaphat, king of Judah, and Joram, to designate the son of Ahab, king of Israel (see 2 Kings 8:16). 149 Jehoram (854-841 B.C.), not to be confused with his contemporary, Joram of Israel, was associated on the throne with his father, Jehoshaphat. Nothing good is said of Jehoram. Influenced by his wicked and idolatrous wife, he encouraged Baal worship in Judah (2 Kings 8:18), fought unsuccessful wars with the Philistines and Arabians (2 Chronicles 21:16, 17; 22:1), and died of an incurable disease as Elijah had predicted (2 Chronicles 21:12-19). Ahaziah (841 B.C.) followed the corrupt ways of his parents, joined his uncle Joram of Israel in an unsuccessful war against the Syrians (2 Kings 8:26-29), and was mortally wounded in Jehu’s plot against Joram of Israel. He died at Megiddo, where he had fled for recovery (2 Kings 9:14-28). The Kings of Israel; Jeroboam I (931-910 B.C.) - Upon seceding from the dynasty of David, all the tribes except Judah, Benjamin, and Levi summoned Jeroboam, a political exile recently returned from Egypt, whither he had fled from Solomon (1 Kings 12:19, 20). Jeroboam was an Ephraimite chief who had served Solomon as foreman over a gang of workers engaged in building Millo. Resenting Solomon’s domestic policies, he had revolted. Encouraged by the prophet Ahijah of Shiloh, he apparently grew bold in his opposition, was probably denounced to Solomon, and consequently fled to Egypt to save his life (1 Kings 11:26-40). Jeroboam I reigned over the northern kingdom as its first king for 22 years (931-910 B.C.). He made Shechem his first capital, but later transferred it to Tirzah. Tirzah has not as yet been definitely identified, but may have been at the present Tell el—Far‘ah, about 7 miles (11 km.) north east of Nablus. Excavations have recently been carried out at this mound, which is larger than that of Megiddo, but definite clues as to its identification have not yet been found. Jeroboam had to fight continual wars with his dissatisfied southern neighbors, first against Rehoboam and then against Abijam (1 Kings 14:30; 15:7). His land seems also to have been devastated during Sheshonk’s campaign, although the Bible mentions only Judah and Jerusalem as the victims of attack. However, the evidence shows clearly that Sheshonk also invaded the northern kingdom as well, for he inscribed the names of many northern cities on his Karnak relief. Also a fragment of a victory stele of Sheshonk was discovered in the ruins of Jeroboam’s city of Megiddo. Jeroboam may not have kept his promises to Sheshonk and thus have invited this military action that was undertaken against him. Otherwise, it is not clear why Sheshonk, who had given asylum to Jeroboam as a political refugee, so quickly turned against him once he had become king. For political reasons Jeroboam introduced religious rites and practices that represented a departure from the pure worship of Jehovah. At Bethel and Dan he built temples and made young bulls to represent Jehovah in visible form (1 Kings 12:27-31). For two centuries, the worship of these golden calves became known as the “sin of Jeroboam.” Of all but three of his successors on the throne of Israel, it is said that they followed him in this apostasy. An inscribed potsherd found at Samaria throws a curious light on this calf worship. It contains the personal name of a man called Egeljau, meaning “Jehovah is a calf,” showing that the Israelites worshiped Jehovah under the form of a young bull, just as the Canaanites thought their god El to be a bull. Jeroboam also changed the principal festival month, the seventh of the Hebrew ecclesiastical calendar, to the eighth (verses 32, 33). From a study of Israelite chronology, it would also seem that a civil calendar was introduced at this time, which began in the spring, in contrast to the one in use in the southern 150 kingdom, where the civil year began in the autumn. Since the southern kings used the accession-year system in reckoning their regnal years, Jeroboam introduced the Egyptian nonaccession-year system, probably for no other reason than to be different. Jeroboam, who began his reign as a rebel against Rehoboam, and also revolted against God and His ordained mode of worship, built his kingdom on the weakest possible foundation. This was true in a political as well as a spiritual sense. Neither his dynasty, which came to an end with the death of his son, nor any of the succeeding dynasties lasted for more than a few years. The kingdom of Israel had 10 dynasties and 20 kings in the 208 years of its existence. Moreover, the nation never escaped from the religious impasse into which Jeroboam had led it. Sinking deeper and deeper into the mire of idolatry and pagan immorality, it was chewed up piecemeal by its enemies, Syria and Assyria, and eventually vanished. Nadab to Zimri (910-885 B.C.) - The wicked reign of Nadab, Jeroboam’s son (910-909 B.C.), was cut short when he was murdered by Baasha in the Philistine town of Gibbethon. Thus ended the first dynasty (1 Kings 15:25-29). This fearful precedent was repeated again and again, until ten different dynasties had reigned over Israel. Baasha (909-886 B.C.) continued to harass Judah, but lost the territory he acquired when he was attacked by Benhadad of Damascus, upon receipt of a bribe from Asa, king of Judah (1 Kings 15:16 to 16:7). Baasha’s dynasty ended like the preceding one. His son Elah (886-885 B.C.) was murdered by Zimri, one of his generals, in his capital Tirzah after a reign of less than two years (1 Kings 16:8-10). Zimri made use of his short reign of only seven days by killing all the relatives and friends of Baasha. Then Omri, another general of Elah who was proclaimed king by the Israelite army then engaged in a campaign against the Philistines, marched against Tirzah and took the city. Realizing that resistance was futile, Zimri refused to surrender to Omri, but set fire to the palace and perished in its flames (verses 11-18). Omri (885-874 B.C.) - Omri became the founder of a dynasty, four kings of which occupied the throne over a period of 44 years (885-841 B.C.). At first Omri had to fight another contender for the throne, Tibni, who had a considerable following among the people. It was only after four years of internal strife that Omri was able to exterminate Tibni and his followers (verses 21-23). This is apparent from the chronological statements in verses 15, 23, which assign the 7 days of Zimri’s reign to Asa’s 27th year, and Omri’s accession to the throne—as sole ruler—in Asa’s 31st year. Omri’s reign of 12 years was politically more important than the Bible records indicate. By selecting a Strategic site for his capital, Samaria, he did for Israel what David had done in the selection of Jerusalem. This hill, 400 ft. high, was situated in a cuplike plain and could easily be defended. It was apparently never taken by force of arms, and surrendered only for lack of water or food. Excavation has verified the fact intimated in the Biblical records that the site had been uninhabited before the time of Omri. Transferring his capital to this site, he began building extensive defenses that were completed by his son Ahab. Whether Omri personally had encounters with the Assyrians is unknown, but for the next 100 years, the Assyrian records refer to Israel as “the land of the house of Omri,” even long after Omri’s dynasty had vanished. His personality, political success, or business enterprises must have made him famous in the eyes of contemporaries and later generations. 151 Omri established cordial relations with his Phoenician neighbors, and married his son Ahab to Jezebel, daughter of the king of Tyre. This alliance introduced the worship of Baal and Asherah into Israel to an extent previously unknown (1 Kings 16:25). He also granted economic concessions to Damascus and allowed Syrian traders to have shops in Samaria’s bazaars (1 Kings 20:34). Since Israel received similar privileges in Damascus only after a military victory over the Syrians, it seems that Omri was defeated by the Syrians and ceded them certain territory and the economic concessions referred to. Omri was, however, successful in subduing Moab, as the lengthy inscription on the famous Moabite Stone admits, where Mesha, king of Moab, says, “Omri king of Israel, he afflicted Moab many days, because Chemosh was angry with his land”. How valuable the possession of Moab was for Israel can be seen from the tribute paid by Moab to Omri’s son Ahab. It is said to have amounted—probably annually—to “an hundred thousand lambs, and an hundred thousand rams, with the wool” (2 Kings 3:4). Ahab (874-853 B.C.) - With Ahab, the next king, a weak ruler came to the throne of Israel. He had no strength to resist his strong-willed Phoenician wife, who was determined to make her own religion supreme. By bringing from her homeland to the royal table hundreds of priests and prophets of Baal and Astarte, by introducing the immoral rites of the Canaanite cult system, and by persecuting and killing the worshipers of the true God, Jezebel caused a religious crisis of the first magnitude (1 Kings 18:4, 19). Because of this crisis and because of the fact that some of the greatest spiritual leaders of Old Testament times, Elijah and Elisha, lived and worked in Israel at that time, the Bible devotes much space to Ahab. Elijah was called of God to fight for the survival of true religion. A long drought of three and a half years, predicted by the prophet as a judgment of Jehovah, saw Ahab’s land brought close to economic ruin. The drought came to an end with Elijah’s victory over the Baal priests at Mt. Carmel, where a contest between the power of Jehovah and that of Baal was held (verses 17-40). But so long as Ahab ruled, the pagan cult of Baal flourished. It is remarkable that Ahab did not dare give Baal names to his children—all their known names, Ahaziah, Joram, and Athaliah, contain the abbreviated form of Jehovah. His subjects, however, had few scruples in this matter. Numerous personal names of that and subsequent periods were connected with Baal—Abibaal, Baala, Baalzamar, Baalzakar, and others—as the inscribed potsherds found during the excavation of Samaria show. Ahab became famous for the “ivory house” he built (1 Kings 22:39; Amos 3:15). Numerous beautifully carved ivory plaques found in the excavation of Samaria reveal that the interior of his palace was probably decorated with ivory. The designs are similar to those found in ivory decorations of Syria and Assyria. As a warrior, Ahab was moderately successful. Twice he defeated the Syrians. Loot from these two victorious wars enriched him tremendously, and won for him economic concessions in Damascus (1 Kings 20:21, 34). Hence, for a time, he became one of the most powerful rulers west of Assyria. When Shalmaneser III advanced into Syria, Ahab joined his former enemies to make common cause against the Assyrians, and mustered the greatest number of chariots of any of the allies. This fact is revealed in Shalmaneser’s list of his opponents in the battle at Qarqar, which is preserved on a historic rock inscription on the upper Tigris. The inscription states that of the 3,940 chariots fighting against the Assyrians 2,000 belonged to Ahab, whereas the other allies had mustered altogether only 1,940. Of the 52,900 foot soldiers Ahab furnished 10,000. When the battle at Qargar had checked Shalmaneser’s 152 advance, Ahab, conscious of his strength, immediately turned against Damascus to regain possession of the Transjordan city of Ramoth-gilead, but lost his life in that battle (1 Kings 22). Ahaziah and Joram (853-841 B.C.) - During the short reign of Ahab’s son Ahaziah (853-852 B.C.), who was fully as corrupt as his father before him, nothing important happened except perhaps the abortive expedition to Ophir made in cooperation with Jehoshaphat of Judah (2 Chronicles 20:35-37). Since he left no son, Ahaziah was succeeded on the throne by his brother Jehoram (852-841 B.C.). In his time Mesha of Moab revolted. Although a military expedition was undertaken in cooperation with Jehoshaphat of Judah, with disastrous results for Moab, Israel was nevertheless not able to re-establish control of that country, as the Bible record hints (2 Kings 3:4-27) and the inscription of the Moabite Stone claims. Joram fought several wars against the Syrians. Through the intervention of the prophet Elisha near disasters were twice averted (2 Kings 6 and 7), but Joram’s attempt to regain Ramoth-gilead from the Syrians was as much a failure as that experienced by his father, Ahab. Wounded by Hazael of Syria, he went to well-watered Jezreel to recuperate, where he was murdered by his army commander Jehu. The latter proceeded to wipe out the whole family of Omri, including Jezebel, and then usurped the throne himself (2 Kings 8:28, 29; 9:24 to 10:17). The Dynasty of Jehu (841-752 B.C.) - Jehu (841-814 B.C.), who had been anointed by a messenger of Elisha at Ramoth-gilead, not only put an end to the idolatrous dynasty of Omri but eradicated Baal worship as thoroughly as possible. For his righteous zeal in this respect he was commended by the prophet, and a promise was made that his descendants would sit on Israel’s throne to the fourth generation (2 Kings 10:30). Accordingly, his dynasty reigned over the country for about 90 years, nearly half the time of the nation’s existence. However, Jehu did not break with Jeroboam’s calf worship, and his reform was, as a result, incomplete. Breaking with the policies of his predecessors, Jehu voluntarily became a vassal of Shalmaneser III and paid tribute immediately upon coming to the throne. This event is depicted on the four sides of Shalmaneser’s Black Obelisk, now in the British Museum. The Hebrew king—the first of whom a contemporary representation exists—is shown kneeling before Shalmaneser, while his attendants carry as tribute “silver, gold, a golden saplu-bowl, a golden vase with pointed bottom, golden tumblers, golden buckets, tin, a staff for a king, [and] wooden puruhtu.” (The meaning of the words in italics is still unknown.) Probably Israel reversed its policy toward Assyria in order to secure Assyrian help against Israel’s chief enemy, Hazael of Syria. The 17 years of Jehoahaz’ reign (814-798 B.C.) were marked by continual wars against the Syrians, who oppressed Israel first under Hazael and later under his son Benhadad III (2 Kings 13:1-3). The result was that Israel lost much of its territory and its army, so that there remained only 10 chariots, 50 horsemen, and 10,000 foot soldiers (verse 7). A comparison of the 10 chariots of Jehoahaz with the 2,000 of Ahab reveals the great loss of power the kingdom had suffered in 50 years. It is not known who rescued Israel from its sad plight, because the “saviour” of verse 5 is not identified. Either his son Jehoash (see verse 25), or a king of Assyria, or some other person is meant (see on verse 5). The next king of Israel, Jehoash (798-782 B.C.), was more successful in his wars against the Syrians than his father had been, and in defeating them three times recovered all the territory lost by Jehoahaz (verse 25). Challenged by Amaziah of Judah, he was forced against his will to fight the southern kingdom—the 153 first war in 100 years between the two brother nations. He worsted Judah’s army at the battle of Beth- shemesh, captured the king, and victoriously entered Jerusalem. He broke down part of the city’s defenses, and carried vessels from the Temple, royal treasures, and some hostages to Samaria (2 Kings 14:8-14). The chronological data require a co regency between Jehoash and his son, Jeroboam II, for about 12 years, the only co regency in Israel for which there is evidence. Political prudence on the part of Jehoash may have led to this measure. Knowing the danger a state experiences when a sudden vacancy on the throne occurs, he probably appointed his son Jeroboam as co-ruler and successor when he began his wars of liberation against Syria. In this way, continuity of the dynasty was assured even if the king should lose his life during one of his campaigns. Jeroboam’s recorded reign of 41 years (793-753 B.C.) includes 12 years of co regency with his father, Jehoash. Unfortunately, little is known of his apparently successful reign. The Bible devotes only seven verses to his life (verses 23-29), but they indicate that he regained so much lost territory that his kingdom almost equaled the empire of David and Solomon in extent. With the exception of the territory held by the kingdom of Judah, the extent of his rule was practically the same as that of those great kings. He restored Israelite rule over the coastal and inland regions of Syria, conquered Damascus and Hamath, and occupied Transjordan south to the Dead Sea, which probably means that he made Ammon and Moab tributary to Israel. These tremendous gains were possible only because Assyria was suffering a period of political weakness and was unable to interfere. Jeroboam II was apparently a strong ruler, but lacked the prudence and foresight of his father. Hence, he made no provision to guarantee continuity of rule, and his kingdom broke up almost immediately after his death. His son, Zachariah, reigned for only six months (753-752 B.C.), and fell victim to the murderous plot of Shallum (2 Kings 15:8-12). Thus, ended Jehu’s dynasty, and thereupon the kingdom returned quickly to the political impotence that had characterized it during most of its short history. The Kingdom of Judah From 841 to 750 B.C., Athaliah to Azariah (Uzziah) - The period under discussion covers the history of Judah during the time of the Jehu dynasty in Israel. The end of Azariah’s (Uzziah’s) reign did not come in 750 B.C., but this date marks the approximate beginning of the new Assyrian Empire, when Israel and Judah became fatally involved in the expanding Assyrian conquests. Since Jotham, Azariah’s son, was appointed co-ruler with his father in 750 B.C., this date is a convenient boundary for this survey of the history of the kingdom of Judah. When Ahaziah of Judah was slain by Jehu, in 841 B.C., Ahaziah’s mother, Athaliah, seized the throne for six years (841-835 B.C.). A daughter of the cruel and unscrupulous Ahab of Israel, she had “all the seed royal” exterminated in order that her own rule might be assured. However, her henchmen missed the young prince Joash, who was rescued by the high priest Jehoiada and his wife Jehosheba, a sister of the late king (2 Kings 11:1-3). Joash (835-796 B.C.), having been educated in the home of Jehoiada, was placed on the throne at the age of seven, and Athaliah’s government was overthrown and the wicked queen killed (2 Kings 11:4-21). As long as the young king allowed Jehoiada to guide his affairs he acted prudently and piously, removing Baal worship and promoting extensive Temple repairs (2 Kings 12:1-16; 2 Chronicles 24:1-14). After Jehoiada’s death, however, he waxed indifferent, and even had his benefactor’s son Zechariah stoned to death for reproving him because of his evil deeds (2 Chronicles 24:15-22). When Hazael of Damascus 154 marched against him, he bought himself and his country off with some of the Temple treasures. This act of cowardliness, together with his murder of Zechariah and domestic and religious grievances, apparently resulted in deep-seated opposition to him. He was assassinated by his own servants and buried in the city of David, not in the royal sepulchers (2 Kings 12:17-21; 2 Chronicles 24:25). His son, Amaziah (796-767 B.C.), first of all disposed of the murderers of his father and consolidated his own position. Planning the reconquest of Edom, which had formerly belonged to Judah, he hired 100,000 mercenaries, but later discharged them at the direction of a man of God. With his own Judean forces he gained a victory over the Edomites and conquered the Edomite capital, Sela, probably Petra. Meanwhile the discharged mercenaries plundered the cities of northern Judah. As a result of his victory over the Edomites, Amaziah became overbearing and challenged Jehoash of Israel to fight against him. This unwise move had disastrous results, for Judah practically became a vassal of Israel. Having also turned away from the true God, he lost the confidence of his people. He was assassinated at Lachish (2 Chronicles 25:1-28). Amaziah was succeeded on the throne by his son, Azariah, whose second name—probably a throne name—was Uzziah (790-739 B.C.). His reign is described as upright, successful, and prosperous. He promoted the economic development of the country (2 Chronicles 26:10) and raised a large and well- equipped army (2 Chronicles 26:11-15). This enabled him to campaign against the Philistines and Arabians (verse 7), and to recover Elath (probably a tell in modern Aqaba) on the Gulf of Aqabah (2 Kings 14:22), as well, probably, as Edomite territory lying between Judah and the gulf. The Ammonites deemed it wise to buy themselves off with gifts (2 Chronicles 26:8). During his reign a severe earthquake must have occurred, one that was remembered for centuries as an outstanding event (Amos 1:1; Zechariah 14:5). The political weakness of Egypt and Assyria, which had assisted Jeroboam II in making Israel once more a prosperous and powerful nation, had likewise favored Uzziah, with the result that the two kingdoms, combined, possessed approximately the same area in 750 B.C. as that over which David and Solomon had ruled. This was the last period of Hebrew prosperity. The accession of Tiglath-pileser in 745 B.C. and the consequent rebirth of the Assyrian Empire marked the beginning of a rapid decline in power for both Israel and Judah. The Last Years of the Kingdom of Israel (752-722 B.C.), Shallum to Hoshea - After the assassination of Zachariah of Israel, last king of the powerful and long-lived dynasty of Jehu, a 30-year period of anarchy and political decline followed, bringing the rapid breakup and eventual extinction of the kingdom. Shallum, the murderer of Zachariah, followed his predecessor in death after a reign of only one month (752 B.C.). He was in turn assassinated by Menahem (2 Kings 15:8-15). Menahem (752-742 B.C.) was a cruel ruler who put down all opposition to his rule by extremely severe measures (verse 16). That the enormous Syrian territories that Jeroboam II once controlled had by this time been definitely lost is certain, although the fact is not mentioned in the Bible. Recognizing the power of Assyria as something he would not be able to resist, Menahem followed the wisest procedure possible under the circumstances, voluntarily paying enormous sums of tribute in order that he might be left in peace by Tiglath-pileser III. The latter was at that time restoring Assyrian rule to large sections of Syrian territory. Menahem’s tribute, levied from the population by a special tax, is mentioned both in the Bible (verses 19, 20) and in Assyrian records. 155 Pekahiah, Menahem’s son, was able to hold the throne for only two years (742-740 B.C.), when he was assassinated, like so many of Israel’s kings before him. His murderer, Pekah, who counted his regnal years from the time of Menahem’s accession to the throne, as the chronological data indicate, may have been related either to Jehu’s dynasty or to King Shallum, and therefore ignored the two last rulers by including their 12 years of reign as part of his own. Another possible explanation of the problems posed by Pekah’s chronological data may be that he ruled over an insignificant part of the country and did not recognize Menahem and Pekahiah as legitimate rulers. Whatever his reasons for usurping their regnal years may have been, it is quite certain that he enjoyed a sole reign of only about eight years (740-732 B.C.). Pekah discontinued the pro-Assyrian policy of his predecessors and concluded an anti-Assyrian alliance with Rezin If of Damascus and other Syrian rulers. He next moved against Judah to enforce its participation in the anti-Assyrian league. This campaign is known as the Syro-Ephraimite war. Although the confederates did great damage to Judah and annexed some of its territory, they failed to reach their aim. Ahaz of Judah asked and received the assistance of Tiglath-pileser of Assyria, who moved into Pekah’s kingdom, occupied the greater part of Galilee and Gilead, and deported the inhabitants of these regions to the east (2 Kings 16:5-9; 15:27-29). He also took the seacoast as far as Philistia. The Assyrian invasion broke the unnatural alliance between Israel and Syria. Tiglath-pileser attacked Syria, conquered Damascus, and captured King Rezin II (732 B.C.). Syria and the conquered parts of Israel were made Assyrian provinces and henceforth were administered by Assyrian governors. Hoshea (732-722 B.C.) - Pekah’s unhappy reign ended in disaster at the hand of an assassin, Hoshea, who ascended Israel’s throne as its 20th and last king (732-722 B.C.). Tiglath-pileser III claims to have set Hoshea on the throne, and indicates that Pekah’s rule was overthrown by his subjects as a result of his disastrous policies. Hoshea paid heavy tribute to Tiglath-pileser in exchange for the right of being tolerated as a vassal king of Assyria. The amount of annual tribute must have been an almost unbearable burden for the little state, which now consisted of but an insignificant portion of the former kingdom, and for this reason Israel revolted. Desperation may have been Hoshea’s chief motive in forming a hopeless alliance against Assyria with So, a weak king of the Twenty-fourth Dynasty of Egypt who ruled over part of that land at the time. Shalmaneser V, who had in the meantime succeeded his father, Tiglath-pileser I], on the throne of Assyria, laid siege to Samaria and took that strongly fortified city after three years (2 Kings 18:10). The fall of the city probably occurred in the last year of Shalmaneser V (723-722 B.C.). Sargon II, who claims in much later inscriptions to have captured Samaria during the first year of his reign, probably had no right to this claim, at least as king. He was apparently Shalmaneser’s army commander and may have actually carried out the conquest of the city and the deportation of the 27,290 Israelite captives. The fall of Samaria marked the end of the northern kingdom of Israel after a tragic history of little more than two centuries. Conceived and born in the spirit of rebellion, it had no chance of survival. Twenty kings with an average rule of 10 1/2 years had sat upon the throne, 7 of them as murderers of their predecessors. The first king had introduced a corrupted worship, setting up idolatrous representations of Jehovah, and all succeeding rulers followed him in this “sin,” some adding to it the worship of Baal and Astarte. Had it not been for the tireless ministry of such reformers as Elijah, Elisha, and other prophets, the kingdom of Israel might not have endured as long as it did. 156 The Kingdom of Judah From 750-731 B.C., Azariah (Uzziah) to Jotham - After a long and successful reign Uzziah contracted leprosy, which came to him as a punishment for having entered the Temple to offer incense (2 Chronicles 26:16-20). His son, Jotham, was then appointed coregent (2 Kings 15:5), a wise move to guarantee the continuity of the dynasty. The policy of appointing the crown prince as coregent was followed for more than a century, from Amaziah to Manasseh. The record of Uzziah’s leprosy shows that quarantine was imposed on a victim who contracted that disease, and that even a king was required to submit to enforced isolation during life and was given a separate burial when he died. In 1931 a tablet was found in the collection of the Russian Archeological Museum on the Mount of Olives at Jerusalem, which contains the following inscription in Aramaic, “Hither were brought the bones of Uzziah, king of Judah—do not disturb” The form of the script shows that the tablet was cut about the time of Christ or a little earlier, probably at a time when Uzziah’s bones, for some unknown reason, had been moved to a new resting place. Jotham (750-731 B.C.), after having ruled for his leprous father for 12 years, in his 16th year appointed his son Ahaz as ruler. Jotham lived but four years longer (see 2 Kings 15:33 cf. verse 30). Like his father, Jotham was a comparatively upright ruler. The three contemporary Hebrew prophets, Isaiah, Hosea, and Micah, probably exerted a good influence upon him. He witnessed the abortive invasion by Rezin of Syria and Pekah of Israel (verse 37), which was probably his reason for appointing Ahaz as coregent, but the major threat to Judah’s existence came after this time. Ahaz (735—715 B.C.) - Jotham’s son Ahaz remained impassive to the influence of the prophets and worshiped idols. He caused “his son to pass through the fire. ... And he sacrificed and burnt incense in the high places, and on the hills, and under every green tree” (2 Kings 16:3, 4). Distrusting and rejecting divine help in the Syro-Ephraimite war (Isaiah 7:3-13), he turned to Tiglath-pileser III and bought his aid with treasures taken from the Temple and the palace (2 Kings 16:7, 8). When Tiglath-pileser conquered Damascus, Ahaz appeared in his entourage. In Damascus, he became acquainted with the Assyrian mode of worship and proceeded immediately to introduce it into his own kingdom. Hence, he sent from Damascus instructions to Jerusalem to have an Assyrian altar made, like one he had seen there. This new altar replaced the one Solomon had set up for burnt offerings, and was kept in use for some time (verses 10-16). Ahaz, like his predecessors, seems to have appointed his son Hezekiah (729-686 B.C.) as coregent when he saw that the kingdom of Judah would probably become involved in trouble with Assyria. For Hezekiah’s reign, considerable information is available both in the Bible and from secular sources. The events described in 2 Kings 18 to 20 are paralleled in Isaiah 36 to 39 and 2 Chronicles 29 to 32. Other information is given in Jeremiah 26:17-19 concerning messages of the prophet Micah in Hezekiah’s time, and the inscriptions of Sargon II and Sennacherib serve as extra-Biblical source material for the two Assyrian campaigns of that period. Hezekiah (729-686 B.C.) - Hezekiah was a good ruler and initiated a series of religious reforms, probably after the death of his wicked father in 715 B.C. For these he was highly commended by the Bible writer (2 Kings 18:3, 4). He also established control over areas of Philistia, strengthened the national defense system, and encouraged trade and agriculture by building warehouses and sheepfolds (2 Kings 18:8; 2 Chronicles 32:28, 29). A remarkable technical accomplishment of his reign was the boring of a 1,749-ft. (6,533 metres) tunnel from the well of Gihon in the Kidron Valley to a lower pool inside the 157 city of Jerusalem (2 Chronicles 32:4, 30; 2 Kings 20:20). In this way he assured Jerusalem of a continuous supply of water. Even now, after more than 2,500 years, the waters of Gihon still flow through this tunnel into the Pool of Siloam. In 1880 boys wading through the tunnel accidentally discovered a Hebrew inscription, now in the Archeological Museum at Istanbul, which had been cut into the rock after the completion of the tunnel. It reads as follows: “{The tunnel] was bored. And this was the manner in which it was cut. While [the workmen were] still [lifting up] axes, each toward his neighbor, and while three cubits remained to be cut through, [there was heard] the voice one calling the other, since there was a crevice in the rock on the right side [and on the left]. And when the tunnel was bored, the stonecutters struck, each to meet his fellow, axe against axe; and the water flowed from the spring to the pool for 1,200 cubits, and the height of the rock above the heads of the stonecutters was 100 cubits.” Hezekiah, however, is best known for his faith in Jehovah at the time of one of Sennacherib’s invasions of Judah, which resulted in the miraculous destruction of a vast Assyrian army. Hezekiah had inherited the Assyrian vassalship from his father, but while the Assyrian kings were busily engaged in Mesopotamia, Hezekiah strengthened his defenses in the hope of shaking off the Assyrian yoke, with the help of the Ethiopian kings of the Twenty-fifth Egyptian Dynasty. The prophet Isaiah was vehemently opposed to such a policy (Isaiah 18:1-5; 30:1-5; 31:1-3), but proved unable to change Hezekiah’s mind. The king was determined to break with Assyria whatever the results might be, and accordingly severed his connections with the empire. As a result, he experienced several Assyrian invasions. The first invasion of Palestine, by Sargon II, was not accompanied by serious results, however. Judah lost nothing more than its coastal region. Isaiah in the meantime walked the streets of Jerusalem and solemnly but unsuccessfully proclaimed his prophecies against Egypt and all her allies (Isaiah 20). The first great blow came in 701 B.C., when Sennacherib invaded Palestine. His army went through the land like a steam roller, leaving in its path only destruction and ruin. Too late, Hezekiah reversed his policy and sent tribute to Sennacherib at Lachish. Sennacherib, however, demanded the unconditional surrender of Jerusalem. That he did not take the city is attested by his own words, which claim no more than that he laid siege to it. Events elsewhere in his vast domain apparently became more pressing, with the result that he lifted the siege and returned to Assyria. The sickness of Hezekiah, described in 2 Kings 20, must have occurred about the same time as the Assyrian invasion of his 14th year, 15 years before his death (2 Kings 18:13; 20:6; 18:2). That Isaiah, when promising Hezekiah healing, assured him also that the city would not be taken (2 Kings 20:6) implies that the sickness came shortly before Sennacherib’s campaign. This explains also, why Hezekiah was so friendly to the messengers of Merodach-baladan (Marduk-apal-iddina), the exiled king of Babylon, who, as a sworn enemy of Assyria, Hezekiah probably considered a welcome potential ally in his struggle for independence. Isaiah, however, who had warned against an alliance with Egypt, was as much opposed to one with Babylon’s king in exile. About ten years later, when Taharka of Egypt had come to the throne, Sennacherib returned to Palestine to force a showdown with the defiant Hezekiah. Sennacherib first dispatched a letter calling upon Hezekiah to surrender. The king of Judah, encouraged by Isaiah, refused this demand and saw his faith in 158 Isaiah’s sure promise of divine intervention rewarded. The great Assyrian army met with dreadful disaster before the gates of Jerusalem (2 Kings 18 and 2 Kings 19). Manasseh to Josiah (697—609 B.C.) - The last 15 years of Hezekiah’s life were probably occupied in rebuilding his devastated country. Some 10 years before his death he made his son Manasseh coregent as the chronological data indicate. Manasseh’s long reign of 55 years (697-642 B.C.) was filled with wickedness. He rebuilt the altars to Baal, served Astarte, used witchcraft, sacrificed little children, and “worshipped all the host of heaven” (2 Chronicles 33:1-10). The Assyrian kings Esarhaddon and Ashurbanipal mention Manasseh as their vassal. At some time during his reign, he must have rebelled, for one of these two Assyrian kings “bound him with fetters, and carried him to Babylon” (verse 11). Although it seems somewhat strange that he was taken to Babylon instead of to Nineveh, it should be remembered that the Assyrian kings of this time considered Babylon their second capital. Manasseh’s offense cannot have been very serious, for he was pardoned and restored to his former position (verses 12, 13). Assyrian officials had in the meantime administered the country and probably looted it thoroughly. That Manasseh, upon his return from Babylon to Judah, found an extremely impoverished country, is apparent from a document of that time wherein it is noted that the country of Ammon paid a tribute of 2 minas of gold, Moab, 1 mina of gold, while poor Judah paid only 10 minas of silver. The troubles Manasseh experienced at least had the advantage of bringing him to the point of conversion (verses 12- 20). His son Amon (642-640 B.C.) was fully as wicked as Manasseh had been before his conversion, with the result that his servants killed him after a brief reign of two years (2 Kings 21:19-26; 2 Chronicles 33:21- 25). Amon’s young son, Josiah (640-609 B.C.), ascended the throne upon the assassination of his father. Being religiously inclined, he introduced a number of reforms, beginning at the young age of 15 or 16 years to abolish high places, sacred pagan pillars, and Baal altars (2 Chronicles 34:3). During repair work on the Temple in Josiah’s 18th regnal year (623-622 B.C.) the “book of the law” was found. Becoming familiar with its precepts, he inaugurated a thorough purge of paganism and idolatry throughout the kingdom of Judah and in adjacent areas of the former kingdom of Israel (2 Kings 22 and 23; 2 Chronicles 34:6, 7). This indicates that he had established some kind of political control over territory that had, since 722 B.C., been an Assyrian province. Through the impotence of Assyria after Ashurbanipal’s death in 627 (?) B.C., and the rapid disintegration of the Assyrian Empire, the former territory of the ten tribes seems to have fallen into Josiah’s lap like an overripe apple. He applied his power and influence to secure religious reforms throughout Palestine, and might have succeeded except for his untimely death. This short survey of Judah’s history during the time of the new Assyrian Empire, from Azariah’s last years to Josiah, reveals a sad picture. Although Judah was spared the tragic fate that befell the northern kingdom, the country was bled white of all its resources by Assyria’s heavy demands for tribute. In Hezekiah’s time, a glorious and miraculous deliverance was experienced, but even then, a terrible price was paid for previous political blunders, and Judah found itself devastated from one end to the other. Only Jerusalem had escaped destruction. The writers of the Bible, who viewed the political history of their nation in the light of faithfulness or disobedience to God, show how the many misfortunes that came to Judah were the result of apostasy. Since half the number of kings reigning during this period were unfaithful to God, it is not surprising that the nation did not fare well. 159 Egypt in the Saite Period, Twenty-sixth Dynasty (663-525 B.C.) This period deals with a political revival of Egypt that continued for nearly one and a half centuries. In contrast to the previous period, when it was ruled by foreigners from the south, Egypt found itself once more independent, governed by Egyptians from the north. Since this dynasty originated in Sais, it is usually called the Saite Dynasty. The history of this period is based to a great extent on Herodotus’ account, and therefore lacks exactness in many details. For example, the battle of Carchemish, in which Necho II was severely defeated by Nebuchadnezzar—attested in the Bible and by archeology—is not even mentioned. The reasons for the defects in Herodotus’ history lie in the fact that he based his work, not on written records, but on oral information secured during a visit to Egypt about 445 B.C., when the events described lay 80 or more years in the past. Nevertheless, much correct information may be gained from a careful study of Herodotus’ reports, which, when sifted and compared with more nearly contemporary sources and with information given in the Bible, permit an approximately reliable reconstruction of the history of the period. Necho I, a city prince of Sais, perhaps a descendent of Tefnakht of the Twenty-fourth Dynasty, had been given the title of king by Esarhaddon for taking part in a rebellion against the Assyrians during Taharka’s time he was sent to Assyria as a prisoner, but succeeded in regaining the confidence of Ashurbanipal and was restored to his office and throne at Sais. Psamtik I (663—610 B.C.) - After Necho I had been killed by Tanutamon, his energetic son Psamtik I turned to the Assyrians for help. When the Ethiopian Dynasty was expelled from Egypt by the Assyrians, Psamtik received the kingship of Memphis as a reward for valuable services rendered during the campaign, and other parts of the country were put under the rulership of various local princes. However, when Ashurbanipal was busily engaged in settling the Babylonian revolt led by his own brother, Psamtik managed through clever moves and without great difficulty to rid himself of Assyrian control. With the help of Gyges of Lydia, he took Thebes in 655 B.C., and in 14 years all Egypt was in his hands. Psamtik established and maintained his rule with the help of mercenary forces. Greeks from the Ionian Islands, Jews from Palestine, Carians from Asia Minor, and others served in his army and manned his fortresses. He favored Greek colonists, and received an income tax of 20 per cent from the population, but left priests and soldiers tax exempt in order to retain the loyalty of these two most important classes, whose good will an Egyptian king needed. The culture of the time represented an imitation or revival of the classical period. Pyramids of the old kingdom were repaired, ancient titularies were revived, mortuary inscriptions of the pyramids were again copied and carved into tomb walls, and statues and reliefs were executed in the ancient style. After reuniting Egypt and re-establishing its political independence, Psamtik seems to have played with the plan of rebuilding the Egyptian Asiatic empire of the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Dynasties. In 640 B.C., he marched into Palestine, where he besieged the Philistine city of Ashdod for years; but the Scythian invasion of that time put an end to his dreams of empire. He was able to buy himself off by a heavy tribute and thereby avoided an invasion of Egypt. Having already overextended their lines of communication, the Scythians seem also to have welcomed Psamtik’s conciliatory advances, and were 160 apparently happy to call off the intended invasion without losing face. From Babylonian records, it is evident that Egypt assisted Assyria for several years during its last struggle against the Medes and Babylonians. Psamtik apparently wanted to keep Assyria alive as a buffer state against the new powers of the east. Necho II (610—595 B.C.) - When Necho II, Psamtik’s son, came to the throne, he pursued his father’s policies. He marched north in the spring or summer of 609 B.C. to aid the weak Assyrian forces of Ashur- uballit against the Medes and Babylonians. King Josiah of Judah, apparently an ally of the Babylonians, withstood him near Megiddo and died of wounds received there in battle. Necho’s march to the north failed to stave off the end of the Assyrian kingdom, as is implied by the Babylonian Chronicle. However, Necho’s army apparently did not suffer a defeat, because three months after the battle of Megiddo he was able from his temporary headquarters at Riblah in Syria to impose a heavy tribute on Judah and to remove Josiah’s anti-Egyptian son, Jehoahaz, who was replaced by Jehoiakim, his more pro-Egyptian brother (2 Chronicles 35:20-24; 36:1-4). A stele of Necho found at Sidon is also proof that he exercised some degree of control over Phoenicia during those years, while the Babylonian Chronicle records two Egyptian victories over Babylonian garrisons in the year 606/5 B.C. Having successfully eliminated Assyria, the Babylonians felt they must curtail Egyptian power. The aged and ailing Nabopolassar therefore sent Nebuchadnezzar, the crown prince, against the Egyptian army at Carchemish. In the ensuing battle, fought in the spring or early summer of 605 B.C., the Egyptians were twice beaten, first at Carchemish, and a little later near Hamath. In August, 605 B.C., when Nebuchadnezzar was the unchallenged master of all Syria and perhaps also of Palestine, he was ready to invade Egypt. At that time he received the report of his father’s death, and immediately returned to Babylonia. This saved Necho and Egypt. Although the Egyptian army, after the defeat at Carchemish, probably never saw the Euphrates again, it remained strong enough to inflict heavy losses on Nebuchadnezzar’s army once more in 601 B.C. Necho is credited with having begun a canal between the Nile and the Red Sea, in which project 120,000 men are said to have perished. He abandoned the work before completion, however, when his engineers convinced him that the Red Sea level was higher than the Mediterranean Sea, and that Lower Egypt would be flooded as soon as the waters of the Red Sea should pour into the finished canal. Recognizing this mistake, Darius I had this canal completed some 80 years later. It was in use for many centuries, the forerunner of the present Suez Canal. Herodotus tells us that in Necho’s time Phoenician sailors accomplished, in three years, the first circumnavigation of Africa. Psamtik II (595—589B.C.) - Of Psamtik II, Necho’s son, not much more is known than that he attempted to reconquer Nubia and that he once visited Palestine (John Rylands Demotic Papyrus, No. IX), probably to organize anti-Babylonian resistance. Jeremiah 27:3 may refer to the time of this activity, when envoys of different nations were gathered at Jerusalem, only to be warned by Jeremiah of the disastrous results of a revolt against the king of Babylonia. Apries (589—570 B.C.) - Apries, the Biblical Hophra (Jeremiah 44:30), continued his father’s work and actively plotted against Babylon. It was he who encouraged Zedekiah, king of Judah, in his rebellion against Nebuchadnezzar. He won a naval battle against Tyre and Cyprus, and occupied Sidon. All Phoenicia became subject to him for a short time. Egyptian antiquities found at Arvad, Tyre, and Sidon show how great his influence was throughout the coastal region of Syria. This success made such an 161 impression on the lesser states of Palestine that they put their trust in Egyptian arms and revolted against Babylon. Hophra actually made an attempt to relieve Jerusalem when it was besieged by Nebuchadnezzar’s army, but was not able to do more than draw the besieging forces away from Jerusalem temporarily (Jeremiah 37:5-11). An Aramaic letter probably written during the reign of Nebuchadnezzar by King Adon of Ashkelon (7?) was found a few years ago in Egypt. In this letter Adon told Pharaoh that the Babylonian army was marching along the coast of Palestine toward the south and that it had advanced as far as Aphek. He requested immediate help from Egypt in order to resist. The pathetic plea of a Palestinian ruler, who, like King Zedekiah, had listened to the false inducements of Egypt and rebelled against the Babylonian overlord, helps us to understand the terrible disappointment the people of Jeremiah’s time must have felt when all their hopes were shattered by the inactivity of the Egyptian army, or by the inadequate help it provided them in their fight against the Babylonians. This letter demonstrates how truly were being fulfilled Jeremiah’s prophecies, in which he had exhorted the nations surrounding Judah to serve Nebuchadnezzar faithfully and warned them of the terrible consequences if they rebelled against him (Jeremiah 27:2-11). During the course of a military revolt the army commander Ahmose was proclaimed king of Egypt by the soldiers. Apries, with the loyal section of his army, then fought against Ahmose, but was defeated, taken prisoner, and forced to recognize Ahmose as coregent. Two years later a quarrel broke out between the two rulers, which resulted in another bloody battle and the death of Apries, whom Ahmose great heartedly gave a royal burial. In 568 B.C., not long after Apries’ death, Amasis (Ahmose) seems to have been confronted with a serious threat in the form of a military campaign led by Nebuchadnezzar. Unfortunately, the only document recording this event is so badly preserved that we know nothing more than that Nebuchadnezzar marched against Egypt in his 37th regnal year. About three years earlier Ezekiel had prophesied that the Lord would give Egypt to Nebuchadnezzar as “wages” for his siege of Tyre. Although the result of the campaign of 568 B.C. against Egypt is unknown, it seems certain that Amasis suffered defeat (see Ezekiel 29:17-20). For the most part, however, the reign of Amasis (570-526 B.C.) seems to have been peaceful. He was a friend of the Greeks; and Naucratis, the Egyptian city where most of the Greeks resident in Egypt lived, became the chief trading center of the country. With his navy, this Pharaoh held Cyprus, and also concluded treaties with Croesus of Lydia, the Spartans, and, in 547 B.C., with Nabonidus of Babylon against Cyrus of Persia. After Ahmose’ long reign his son Psamtik II (526-525 B.C.) reigned for only a year. In 525 B.C. Cambyses, second king of the Persian Empire, conquered Egypt and deposed Psamtik. The country was then made a Persian satrapy. 162 The Neo-Babylonian Empire From 626 to 586 B.C. Babylonia had enjoyed a long and illustrious history before the Assyrians became masters of the Mesopotamian valley. The empire of Sargon of Akkad and that of the Amorite king Hammurabi had given a luster to Babylonia that survived the long centuries of political impotence during which the Assyrians ruled over this part of the ancient world. Babylonian language and script, its literature and culture, were considered the classical patterns; and for one reason or another Marduk, the god of the Babylonians, held a magic spell over all Mesopotamian peoples. The Assyrians conquered and occupied Babylonia repeatedly during the centuries of their supreme rule over Mesopotamia, but usually treated that country with respect. It was therefore never completely incorporated into the Assyrian Empire, and always enjoyed a status different from that of other subject nations. Sennacherib dared to destroy the city, but his contemporaries and even many Assyrians considered this such a sacrilegious and blasphemous crime that his son Esarhaddon rebuilt the city as soon as he came to the throne. This ancient and apparently immortal glory that surrounded Babylon made it possible for the Neo- Babylonian Empire to establish itself quickly in the minds of men after the downfall of the Assyrian kingdom, and gave its memory a luster that long survived its brief life of less than a century. The establishment of the new Babylonian kingdom by Nabopolassar and his campaigns against Assyria have been discussed in connection with the breakup of the Assyrian Empire. Since this chapter deals with ancient history only to 586 B.C., the year of Jerusalem’s destruction, the events of the last 45 years of the Babylonian Empire will be discussed later in this book. Sources - For reasons not yet entirely clear, few contemporary historical inscriptions of the Neo- Babylonian Empire period are known. Many economic texts shed some light on the period, and building inscriptions provide information on the extensive construction activities of the Babylonian monarchs. But no royal annals or display inscriptions yet found have been equal in any way to those of the Assyrian emperors. The deplorable absence of historical inscriptions and the scarcity of chronicles, earlier attributed to Babylonian reluctance to record political or military events, are more likely due to the accidents of preservation and discovery. The Babylonian Chronicle was long known and published in parts. In 1923 and 1956 collections of those from the Neo-Babylonian period were issued (including several hitherto unpublished portions found among the cuneiform tablets of the British Museum). This provides a year-by-year account of political events from Nabopolassar’s accession year to the year 11 of Nebuchadnezzar except for a break of seven years in Nabopolassar’s reign. The so-called Nabonidus Chronicle, although broken, gives an account of the happenings of a number of years during the reign of the last Babylonian king. On the whole, however, there are extremely few cuneiform records available for a reconstruction of the history of the new Babylonian period. It is therefore a matter of satisfaction that the Bible contains more detailed records of this period than of any other period of Bible history. The information provided in the books of Kings, Chronicles, Jeremiah, and Daniel, added to that found in Josephus’ works and that of the available cuneiform records, makes it possible to piece together a fairly clear picture of what happened in this significant period of the ancient world that marked the end of the kingdom of Judah. Chronology - The chronology of the Neo-Babylonian Empire is fixed. A tablet in the Berlin Museum contains the records of numerous astronomical observations made during the 37th year of 163 Nebuchadnezzar’s reign. When these records were checked by astronomers it became apparent that the phenomena described occurred in the Babylonian calendar year equivalent to 568/567 B.C., spring to spring. Since it is possible in this way to determine the 37th regnal year of Nebuchadnezzar to the exact day, in terms of B.C. dates, it is easy with the help of the tens of thousands of dated business documents of that time to reconstruct the complete reign of this monarch and of the other kings of the Neo- Babylonian Empire. Since the chronology secured in this manner agrees perfectly with the list of Babylonian kings contained in the Canon of Ptolemy, there is no doubt that the chronology of the new empire period is based on solid facts. Nabopolassar (626-605 B.C.) - Events exceptionally favored Nabopolassar, who had been an independent monarch over Babylonia under the last shadow kings of Assyria. He gained all for which Marduk-apal-iddina (Merodachbaladan) had fought hard for many years. He not only established a Babylonian empire under a Chaldean monarchy but also had the joy of seeing Assyria, his greatest enemy, fall in the dust. When Nineveh was destroyed by the Medes and Babylonians in 612 B.C., Cyaxares and Nabopolassar divided between themselves the territory of the fallen Assyrian colossus. Thus there fell to the Babylonian king an empire that, nominally at least, reached from the Persian Gulf through Mesopotamia, Syria, and Palestine, to the borders of Egypt. The Medes were satisfied to receive the northern and Anatolian provinces of the former Assyrian Empire. Furthermore, relations between the two new powers remained cordial and were never disturbed—as far as our incomplete knowledge of that period goes. Their mutual friendship was sealed by a marriage between Nebuchadnezzar, Nabopolassar’s son and heir, and the Median princess Amuhia (Amyhia). The years after the fall of Nineveh were used to consolidate the newly acquired territory and to crush the remnants of the Assyrian kingdom that fought for existence under their king Ashur-uballit II in the region of Haran, aided by Egyptian forces. For several years, the Babylonian king gained no decisive victory, though Assyrian strength must have been weakened. By 609 B.C. the Assyrian forces seem to have been completely eliminated, and from that time on are not mentioned any more as military opponents, but King Necho of Egypt had, through his victory over Josiah, come into possession of Judea, and had also occupied Syria and parts of northern Mesopotamia. Since Nabopolassar considered himself the heir to the territories that had belonged to the Assyrian Empire, he could not permit Egypt to remain in possession of the Asiatic territories occupied by Necho. By the end of 606 B.C., Nabopolassar had pacified his Mesopotamian possessions and could pay more attention to the Egyptian menace in the west, where the Babylonian garrison forces were sorely pressed. Since the aged king was ailing, the crown prince, Nebuchadnezzar, was entrusted with the campaign against the Egyptians. Decisive victories over the Egyptian army were gained first at Carchemish on the Euphrates, and a few weeks later near Hamath in Syria. In the summer of 605 B.C., Nebuchadnezzar was ready for the invasion of Egypt when news reached him of his father’s death on the 8th of Ab (approximately August 15, 605). This led to his immediate return to Babylon and his accession to the throne on Elul 1 (approximately September 7). Nebuchadnezzar II (605-562 B.C.) - In Nebuchadnezzar II, Nabopolassar had a worthy successor, and Babylon a successful and illustrious king. He carried out many military campaigns, especially against Judah, as we know from the Bible and from the recently discovered Babylonian Chronicle, and was able to pacify the countries belonging to his empire. Yet, he devoted most of his energies and resources to works of peace. His chief ambition was to make his capital the most glorious metropolis of the world. 164 Tremendous sums of money were spent in building palaces, temples, and fortifications; Nebuchadnezzar could say, “Is not this great Babylon, that I have built?” (Daniel 4:30). The Kingdom of Judah From 609 to 586 B.C. Chronology - Fortunately, the chronology of Egypt and Babylonia is well established for the period from Josiah to Zedekiah. Certain Judean regnal dates synchronize with Babylonian dates based on astronomical records; thus, the B.C. dating of the kings of Judah can be established with a high degree of accuracy. The most recently published portion of the Babylonian Chronicle moves five kings of Judah (Manasseh to Jehoiakim) a year earlier than dated in previous printings, but it confirms several key events and yields precise dates for the accessions of Jehoiachin and Zedekiah. Josiah’s Death, and Jehoahaz - In a previous section of this chapter, the history of Judah was traced as far as King Josiah’s time. A major part of his reign fell in the years of the disintegration of the Assyrian Empire, when the Assyrians were not strong enough to control their western possessions effectively and Babylonia had not yet taken over these possessions. Josiah took advantage of the situation to extend his influence, perhaps even political control, over considerable parts of the territory that had formerly belonged to the kingdom of Israel, and that had more recently been administered as an Assyrian province. For a time Josiah profited from the Mesopotamian situation. However, he watched with some apprehension the rebirth of Egyptian power. In view of the fact that Egypt was committed to the policy of preventing the complete collapse of Assyria, Egyptian forces must have traversed Palestine several times during Josiah’s reign. Josiah may have felt that Pharaoh had other plans than merely to keep Assyria alive—aspirations of rebuilding the former Egyptian Empire in Asia—and that he proposed to exchange military help with Assyria for political concessions in Syria and Palestine. It is unknown whether Josiah had actually made an agreement with Nabopolassar of Babylon and resisted Necho II in order to aid his Babylonian ally, or whether he took his stand merely on the basis of his conviction that if the Egyptians and Assyrians should defeat the Babylonians, Judah would be forced to submit either to Egypt or to Assyria. One or the other reason must have prompted his unfortunate decision to meet Necho and prevent him from marching north to assist the Assyrians. The battle took place at Megiddo, in 609 B.C. The date is based on the Babylonian Chronicle, which mentions the Egyptians as aiding the Assyrians at Haran in that year. Josiah was mortally wounded (see on 2 Chronicles 35:20-24), and defeated Judah had to submit to Egypt. However, at that time Necho hurried on to the north without following up his victory over Josiah. He was more concerned with a decision against Babylonia, since a victory there would give him a free hand in Palestine. In the meantime Jehoahaz, a 23-year-old son of Josiah, was crowned in Jerusalem by popular demand, though he was not the oldest (2 Kings 23:30, 31). He seems to have been known as one who would follow his father’s policies, being probably pro-Babylonian as his father had been, which to Pharaoh-Necho meant that he was anti-Egyptian. After consolidating his position in northern Mesopotamia and Syria, Necho decided to punish Judah for interfering with his plans, and accordingly summoned Jehoahaz before him at Riblah, in Syria. This demand and the fact that Jehoahaz obeyed show clearly that Judah must have suffered heavy losses in the battle of Megiddo, and that the country was powerless to resist Necho, who must by now have considered himself the unquestioned lord of Palestine. Necho took the young king, 165 after he had reigned only three months, and sent him a prisoner to Egypt. In his stead Necho appointed Eliakim, an older brother of Jehoahaz, under the name of Jehoiakim. The new king was apparently known for pro-Egyptian sympathies. A tribute of 100 talents of silver and 1 talent of gold was imposed, and this he exacted from the people (2 Kings 23:32-35). Jehoiakim (609—598 B.C.) - Jehoiakim’s 11 years as king (609-598 B.C.) were marked by gross idolatry and wickedness, which hastened Judah’s final downfall. The exact opposite of his pious father, he distinguished himself by various godless acts, even murdering a prophet (2 Kings 23:37; Jeremiah 26:20- 23). Jehoiakim was probably an Egyptian vassal until his third regnal year. In 605 B.C., according to the recently discovered Babylonian Chronicle, Nebuchadnezzar, crown prince of Babylon, was dispatched by his father to fight against the Egyptians in northern Mesopotamia. In two battles, at Carchemish and near Hamath, he decisively defeated the Egyptians, and was able to conquer Syria and Palestine. It must have been while following the defeated Egyptians toward their homeland that Nebuchadnezzar besieged Jerusalem and forced Jehoiakim to become a vassal of Babylon, taking a part of the Temple treasure and certain princes as hostages—among them Daniel and his friends (Daniel 1:1-6). News of his father’s death sent Nebuchadnezzar back to Babylon by the shortest possible route to take the throne, leaving in the hands of his generals the prisoners already taken during the campaign, with orders to retreat to Mesopotamia (Josephus Contra Apion i. 19). When a king died there was always danger of a revolt at home or of a usurper’s attempt to seize the throne. For this reason, Nebuchadnezzar did not want his army fighting in faraway Egypt at a time when it might be urgently needed in Babylonia. Since Nebuchadnezzar found no opposition at home he could immediately return to the task of bringing under full control the western territories that, as the result of the battles at Carchemish and near Hamath, had fallen into his lap. Hence, we find him campaigning in “Hatti-land,” as the Babylonians called Syria and Palestine, during each of the following three years. Resistance must have been light, because the only military action mentioned is the capture and destruction of Ashkelon. His campaigns may have served chiefly to organize the territory and collect the annual tributes. During these three years of comparative quiet, it would appear that Jehoiakim of Judah remained a loyal vassal of Nebuchadnezzar (2 Kings 24:1). However, since the annual tribute to Babylon rested heavily upon the land, he felt a strong urge to switch his allegiance to Egypt, which was regaining strength. This directed Nebuchadnezzar’s attention toward Egypt, the chief cause of the troubles with his vassals. A battle fought with the Egyptian army in Kislev (November—December), 601 B.C., seems to have ended in a draw, with heavy losses, because the Babylonians withdrew. The records tell us that Nebuchadnezzar remained at home during the following year and built up a new army before venturing out on a new campaign toward the end of 599 B.C. Yet in the meantime he allowed several of his western vassal nations, aided by some of his own troops, to raid and harass Judah (2 Kings 24:2). At that time, 3,023 Jews were deported to Babylon (Jeremiah 52:28). In December, 598, Chaldean troops probably were able to take Jerusalem. Once more Temple treasures were taken to Babylon (2 Chronicles 36:7). The king was placed in fetters, to be taken to Babylon (2 Chronicles 36:6) and punished for his rebellion. But this plan was apparently not carried out. Jehoiakim seems to have died before he could be deported, either from rough treatment at the hands of the Chaldeans or from natural causes. His body was cast outside the city gates and lay there exposed to heat and cold for several days before it received a disgraceful burial—like 166 that “of an ass” (Jeremiah 22:18, 19; see also 2 Kings 24:6; 2 Chronicles 36:6; Jeremiah 36:30; Josephus Antiquities x. 6. 3). Jehoiachin (598/97 B.C.) - Jehoiakim was succeeded by his 18-year-old son, Jehoiachin, who reigned only three months (598/97 B.C.). It is not known why Nebuchadnezzar proceeded to Jerusalem to take the new king prisoner. In any case the records inform us that Nebuchadnezzar’s army, shortly after Jehoiachin’s accession, began another western campaign. When Nebuchadnezzar arrived at Jerusalem, Jehoiachin surrendered himself, his mother, and his whole staff on Adar 2 (approximately March 16), 597, a specific date established by the Babylonian Chronicle. Nebuchadnezzar took Jehoiachin to Babylon as hostage and made his uncle, Zedekiah, king in his stead. Also he now transported to Babylonia all the remaining vessels of the Temple treasure, 7,000 soldiers, and all the skilled craftsmen he found. The latter would be useful in his extensive building enterprises. (See 2 Kings 24:8-16.) Jehoiachin, still considered the king of Judah, was more or less only a hostage in Babylon. This conclusion is based on the fact that there was agitation in Judah and among the captives in Babylon, who expected Jehoiachin to be returned to the throne and the sacred vessels to be brought back (Jeremiah 28:3, 4; and 29). Since the Jews in Babylon could not date events according to the regnal years of Jehoiachin without offending the Babylonians, they apparently labeled such events—as Ezekiel did—by the years of his captivity (Ezekiel 1:2; 40:1). These conclusions find some confirmation in archeological discoveries. Three clay jar handles unearthed at Beth-shemesh and Tell Beit Mirsim (probably Debir) all bear the imprint of the same stamp seal, “Belonging to Eliakim, steward of Jehoiachin.” These finds seem to indicate that Jehoiachin’s property had not been confiscated, but that it was administered in his absence by his steward. Furthermore, several tablets found in the ruins of Babylon, dated in the year 592 B.C.— five years after Jehoiachin’s surrender—contain lists of food-stuff provided by the royal storehouse for certain persons who were fed by the king. Among them Jehoiachin is repeatedly mentioned as “king of Judah,” together with five of his sons and their tutor Kenaiah. These facts—that Jehoiachin is called king, that he received 20 times as much ration as any other person mentioned in these records, and that any reference to his imprisonment is lacking—seem to indicate that he was held by Nebuchadnezzar for the time, in anticipation of the day when he should be restored to his throne, if and when conditions in Judah might make such a course of action advisable. At a later time, either in connection with the incidents described in Jeremiah 29 or at the time of Zedekiah’s rebellion, Jehoiachin was definitely imprisoned. This imprisonment continued until the 37th year of his captivity, when Nebuchadnezzar’s son, Amel-Marduk, the Biblical Evil-merodach, released and exonerated him (2 Kings 25:27-30). This event, however, falls in the period of the Exile and is therefore not within the limits of this book. Zedekiah (597-586 B.C.) - When Nebuchadnezzar put Jehoiachin’s uncle on the throne of Judah, he changed his name from Mattaniah, “gift of Jehovah,” to Zedekiah, “righteousness of Jehovah.” He probably did this so that this name might be a continual reminder to the king of his solemn oath of loyalty to Nebuchadnezzar, by his own God Jehovah (2 Chronicles 36:13; Ezekiel 17:15-19). Zedekiah, however, was a weak character; and although he was sometimes inclined to do right, he allowed himself to be swayed from the right path by popular demands, as the history of his reign clearly shows. 167 For a number of years—according to Josephus, for eight years (Antiquities x. 7. 3)—-Zedekiah remained loyal to Babylonia. Once he sent an embassy to Nebuchadnezzar to assure him of his fidelity (Jeremiah 29:3-7). In his fourth year (594/593 B.C.) he made a journey to Babylon (Jeremiah 51:59), being perhaps summoned to renew his oath of loyalty or possibly to take part in the ceremonies described in Daniel 3. Later on, being under the constant pressure of his subjects, particularly the princes, who urged him to seek the aid of Egypt against Babylon, Zedekiah made an alliance with the Egyptians (see Jeremiah 37:6-10; 38:14-28). In doing so he completely disregarded the strong warnings of the prophet Jeremiah. This alliance was probably made after Psamtik II had personally appeared in Palestine 590 B.C. and given all kinds of assurances and promises of help. Nebuchadnezzar, who had prudently refrained from attacking Egypt, was, nevertheless, not willing to lose any of his western possessions to Egypt. He therefore marched against Judah as soon as Zedekiah’s perfidy became apparent. Taking all cities of the country, he practically repeated what Sennacherib had done a century earlier, systematically devastating the whole land. From this unhappy period, come the famous Lachish Letters (see on Jeremiah 34:7) recently found in the excavations of that city. These letters, written in ink on broken bits of pottery, were sent by an officer in charge of an outpost between Azekah and Lachish to the commandant of the latter fortress. They vividly illustrate the deplorable conditions prevailing in the country at that time, and in many details corroborate statements made by Jeremiah, who lived in Jerusalem then. The siege of Jerusalem began in earnest on January 15, 588 B.C. (2 Kings 25:1), and lasted until July 19, 586 B.C. (2 Kings 25:2; Jeremiah 39:2), when the Chaldean army finally broke through the walls into the city, where unspeakable famine conditions prevailed. Once the 30-month-long siege was interrupted briefly by the unsuccessful attempt of the Egyptian army to defeat the Babylonians (Jeremiah 37:5). When the breakthrough came Zedekiah made an attempt to escape. In the confused fighting that followed the breakthrough, he managed to leave the city and reach the plain of Jericho, but was overtaken there. Carried to Nebuchadnezzar’s headquarters at Riblah, Zedekiah saw his sons killed; then his eyes were put out and he was sent to Babylon in chains. His chief ministers were executed and all others carried away (2 Kings 25:4-7, 19-21; Jeremiah 52:10). Jerusalem was systematically looted and then destroyed. The walls were torn down, and the Temple, the palaces, and all other houses were burned to the ground. The fire may have raged for three days in the unhappy city—August 15-18, 586 B.C.—as the two dates of 2 Kings 25:82 and Jeremiah 52:12, 13, seem to indicate. Most of the Jews were carried as captives to Babylonia, but some of the poorest of the country were left behind. Nebuchadnezzar appointed over them as governor a Jew, Gedaliah, at Mizpah (2 Kings 25:22; 2 Chronicles 36:20). Gedaliah as Governor (586 B.C.) - Gedaliah seems to have served as governor for only a short time, although the lack of a year date in 2 Kings 25:25 leaves it uncertain how long after the fall of Jerusalem he was assassinated. Jeremiah, who had been a prisoner in Jerusalem at the fall of the city, was released by Nebuchadnezzar’s army commander and joined Gedaliah at Mizpah. Also, several Jewish field commanders who had escaped from the debacle found their way to Mizpah. One of them, Ishmael, a relative of Zedekiah, a fanatical royalist, killed Gedaliah, his staff, and the Chaldean garrison of Mizpah, and tried to join the Ammonites, probably planning to continue the fight against Nebuchadnezzar with their help. This plan was thwarted by Johanan, another general of Zedekiah, who intercepted Ishmael and 168 liberated his captives. Ishmael escaped with eight men to the Ammonites, but Johanan and the remnants of the army that were with him, fearing Nebuchadnezzar, went to Egypt and forced Jeremiah and Baruch to join them. Thus ends Judah’s pre-exilic history. 169 CHAPTER SIX THE HEBREW CALENDAR IN OLD TESTAMENT TIMES Origin of the Hebrew Calendar Those who have Jewish neighbors know that they celebrate their New Year’s Day, which they call Rosh Hashana, in the autumn. If we ask a rabbi the date of Rosh Hashana, he will explain that it is the first of the Jewish month Tishri, but that it falls on different dates in our September or October in successive years, since it comes approximately at the new moon. The reason for this is that the Jews have a lunar calendar, now modified in form but originally reckoned by the moon. In ancient times, the appearance of the new crescent after sunset, following several moonless nights, marked the beginning of the first day of each new month. The rabbi may explain further that the New Year season lasts through Yom Kippur (the Day of Atonement), on the 10th of the month, the most solemn day of the whole year, when Jews attend special synagogue services. If we consult the Bible on these points, we find that New Year’s Day (called the Blowing of Trumpets) and the Day of Atonement are the 1st and 10th of the 7th month (Levites 23:24-32), not of the Ist month; and that the Passover, which always comes in the spring, is in the 1st month (Levites 23:5). We find the answer to this puzzling situation, and to other problems, by a study of the origin and nature of the Jewish calendar as set forth in the Bible and other ancient records. The early Hebrew calendar as given in the Bible was admirably adapted to the needs of an ancient people who had no clocks, no printed calendars, and, as far as we know, no astronomy. It was based on simple principles—the day beginning with sunset, the week counted by sevens continuously, the month beginning with the crescent moon, the year regulated by the harvest season. Of course such a calendar must be adjusted to keep the year in step with the seasons, but so also must our solar calendar, used in most of the world today. The difference is that our year is only about a fourth of a day less than the true year of the seasons, determined by the sun, whereas the common lunar year of 12 “moon” months is 10 or 11 days shorter than the true solar year. We adjust our solar-calendar year by letting the error run for 4 years, until a whole day is accumulated, which we add as the 29" of February. In the lunar calendar the larger error of 10 or 11 days is allowed to run until a month is accumulated; by adding a 13th month every 2 or 3 years (7 times in 19 years) this difference is compensated for. The Israelites did not possess the advanced astronomical knowledge required for the development of the modern solar calendar with its leap-year adjustments, but God instituted at the Exodus a simple yet efficient method of keeping the calendar year from moving permanently out of step with the seasons of the natural year. The Hebrews inherited the elements of the calendar from their Semitic ancestors, who from time immemorial had reckoned their months by the moon. To Abram, presumably, as to his Mesopotamian neighbors in Ur, each new month, and consequently the first day of the month, began with the evening of 170 the visible crescent moon, and his descendants would have no reason to change the practice. Even when they were in Egypt there was no need of their abandoning their evening-to-evening day and their lunar month for the 365-day Egyptian solar calendar, for these bearded Semitic shepherds, who were an abomination to the Egyptians, lived apart in Goshen and followed their own customs. Though they largely disregarded the Sabbath, they undoubtedly preserved the knowledge of this weekly holy day and of the lunar month—for even a slave brick maker can count seven days and can keep track of the return of the crescent. But it is quite possible that they became confused as to which new moon was to mark the beginning of the calendar year. If they had retained the method of adding a month periodically, as was done in Mesopotamia by the Babylonians and Assyrians, we have no record of it. Indeed, there is no mention of the practice in the Bible, although it is evident that the Mosaic calendar implies it. Either because they had lost track of the year, or because God wished to cut them off from the heathen worship associated with the Canaanite year that began in the autumn, God definitely pointed out the spring month from which they were to reckon the year. Shortly before the Exodus He instructed Moses that “this month shall be unto you the beginning of months: it shall be the first month of the year to you” (Exodus 12:2). There was no systematic code of calendar rules, but the civil and ceremonial laws given through Moses contain incidental references to the elements of the calendar. The Elements of the Hebrew Calendar The Day From Evening to Evening - The day began for the Hebrew in the evening, as we know from the rule that the 10th day of the 7th month was to begin on the evening of the 9th (Levites 23:32), that is, when the sun set at the close of the 9th day. The fact that the day ended at sunset is shown in the directions for purification: One who was ceremonially unclean 7 days went through certain purifying ceremonies on the 7th and was clean again “at even” (Numbers 19:16, 19); and one who was unclean until even was said to become clean “when the sun is down” (Levites 22:6, 7). Obviously then, if the 7th day of a period ends at sunset, then all the days of the period must end at sunset. The Week Marked Off by the Sabbath - The week was divinely marked out, even before the giving of the law, by the double portion of manna on the 6th day and the withholding of it on the 7th (Exodus 16). It was the only element of the calendar enshrined in the Decalogue, for the Sabbath has a moral aspect that is not connected with mere dates and calendars. It is a sign of allegiance to the Creator, and it was revealed to Israel as part of the moral law, and as a symbol of sanctification (Exodus 31:13), not only of Gods power to create, but also of His power to re-create. Therefore the week is independent of all calendars. Its purpose is not to reckon dates. Indeed, it is incommensurate with any calendar month or year. The Month Regulated by the Moon - The two Hebrew words for “month” are (1) yerach, related to yareach, “moon,” and (2) chodesh, literally “new one,” referring to the “new moon,” the “day of the new moon,” and thus a lunar “month,” from the root chadash, “to renew.” Yareach is used infrequently, the common word being chodesh. The month in which the Israelites left Egypt was set as the first of the year. This was called Abib, the “month of ears” of grain. It was the spring month of the opening Palestinian harvest, later called Nisan, as it is known to the present day (see Exodus 23:15; 34:18; Deuteronomy 16:1; 171 Esther 3:7). This was evidently a lunar month to which the Hebrews were already accustomed, because nothing is said of instituting a new kind of month. If the change had been from a solar to a lunar type, some sort of instructions as to how to reckon the new month would have been necessary. The innovation was merely that “this month” was to be the first, as it had presumably not been before. The first of the month was considered a special day, celebrated by the blowing of trumpets and by extra sacrifices (Numbers 10:10; 28:11-14). New moons are frequently mentioned along with Sabbaths and festivals (2 Kings 4:23; Isaiah 1:13, 14; 66:23, etc.). That the month began with the new moon is shown by an incident in the time of David. After Saul had sought his life, David tested the king’s attitude toward him by absenting himself from the royal table on a new moon feast. Saul said nothing on the new moon, but his wrath burst forth when David’s place was empty again “on the morrow, which was the second day of the month” (1 Samuel 20:24-27). Obviously, then, the first day of the month, as would be expected in a lunar calendar, was the new moon. Pre-Exilic Names of the Months - We have very little information about the Jewish months before the Babylonian Exile. There were 12 months (1 Kings 4:7), but we do not even know their names, except for the 1st month Abib (Exodus 13:4; 23:15; 34:18; Deuteronomy 16:1), the 2nd month Zif (1 Kings 6:1), the 7th month Ethanim (1 Kings 8:2), and the 8th month Bul (1 Kings 6:38). These were evidently Canaanite names; Phoenician inscriptions have been found that mention Ethanim and Bul. This is not surprising, since the Hebrew and Canaanite languages were closely related. More often the Bible refers to the months by number, previous to the Exile, rather than by name (Exodus 12:2; 16:1; 19:1; 1 Kings 12:32; Jeremiah 28:1; 39:2). Length of the Month - Nothing is said of the number of days in a month. In later times, the lengths of the months and the intervals between the 13-month years were calculated by astronomical rules and fixed in a systematized calendar. But in the beginning the months must have been determined by the direct observation of the moon. Since the phases of the moon repeat themselves every 29 1/2 days, approximately, the crescent would reappear in the evening at the close of the 29th or 30th of the month. Ordinarily the months would alternate 30 and 29 days, but this was not always true. There are not only minor variations in the motion of the moon that affect the uniformity of the intervals, but also weather conditions that sometimes prevent the visibility of the crescent. We are told in later Jewish writings that it was the custom to look for the moon at the close of the 29th. If it was visible in the evening sky after sunset, the day then beginning was reckoned as the first of the new month; if it was not yet visible, or was obscured by clouds, that day was the 30th. The day following the 30th always began the new month, even if the moon was still obscured by clouds. Thus, there could be two or even three 30-day months in succession, although this was not usual. The Moslems of the present day count their months by the observed moon (except that they use the Gregorian calendar also in their contacts with the Western world), and thus in isolated districts the lunar date may be one day behind or ahead of the date in a neighboring village. But the Jews, living in a relatively small area, seem to have had a centralized system controlled by the priests at Jerusalem. There are traditional accounts of witnesses reporting the appearance of the crescent, and of fire signals heralding the beginning of the new month from hilltop to hilltop throughout the land, so that all Israel could begin the month together. 172 In later times, certainly in the revised form of the calendar instituted some centuries after the time of Christ, the 6 months from Nisan through Elul ran 30 and 29 days alternately, and any adjustments required by the moon’s variation were made in the other part of the year, so as to leave the intervals between the festivals always the same. Such adjustments would not have been made while the beginning of each month still depended on the observation of the crescent. David’s remark that “to morrow is the new moon” (1 Samuel 20:5) does not necessarily indicate that the months were fixed in advance by calculation. David could have estimated it from the preceding month without being more than one day off, and he may have been speaking on the 30th, which would necessarily be the last day of the month. We have no way of knowing when any system of regular calculation came in, but it was probably a late development. The dates on clay-tablet documents from Babylonia, written many centuries after David, show no fixed sequence of 30-day and 29-day months, and Babylonian computations made in advance for a specific month often left a days uncertainty. Lunisolar Year - The number of months in a year was not specifically mentioned in the Law (for a later period, see 1 Kings 4:7), though that was probably taken for granted from the beginning, for both Egypt and Mesopotamia had 12 months. The 13th lunar month was always one of the 12 doubled. But 12 lunar months end approximately 11 days earlier than a complete solar year reckoned from the same starting point. Hence it would have become evident very early that in a series of uncorrected lunar years (such as the Moslems use to this day), the calendar would move gradually earlier in relation to the seasonal year, at the rate of about 11 days annually. Eventually it would make a complete circuit of the seasons and count an extra year in about 33 solar years, or about 3 years extra in a century. The effect on chronology is obvious. But no known Semitic calendar of ancient times was allowed to run uncorrected. The adjustment was made in Babylonia by the periodic intercalation, or insertion, of an intercalary month every few years—that is, by repeating either the 6th or the 12th month—at first in a rather irregular fashion, later in a 19-year cycle. Such a lunar calendar, of 12 and 13 months, adjusted in this manner to the solar year, is sometimes called a lunisolar year. It varies within a month in relation to exact dates in the solar calendar. That is why Easter, dated originally from the Passover, and still calculated by a lunar-calendar system, wanders over different dates in our calendar, within the range of about a month. Yet the lunisolar calendar, such as that of the Mesopotamians and the Jews, was nearer correct in a long series of years than the Egyptian solar calendar, which was reckoned as 365 days continuously without a leap year. It is true that a single Egyptian year of 365 days was nearer the true year than a Jewish or Babylonian year of 354 or perhaps 384 days, but the Egyptian calendar never corrected its smaller error, and therefore wandered off a day every 4 years, and accumulated this difference. On the other hand, the lunisolar calendar, with a larger variation each year, periodically corrected itself, so that a given number of Jewish years equaled the number of true solar years in the same period. There could never be an extra Hebrew year in 33 seasonal years, for every Jewish year had a Passover, held in connection with a harvest, and there can be only 33 harvest seasons in 33 years. The Year Regulated by the Festivals - The Hebrews needed no astronomical cycles to correct their calendar year so long as they kept the Passover as it was prescribed in the Law. Since God wished to give the Israelites a system of annual festivals to teach religious lessons in connection with seasonal events, He provided for a calendar system that would enable them to know in advance the regular times for these gatherings and to observe these feasts at the proper season. This lunar system, similar to that long used in 173 Mesopotamia, was easy enough to follow by observing the moon. Even the needed periodical correction could be determined in a simple fashion. Upon leaving Egypt, the Israelites had not accumulated a body of astronomical knowledge on which to base a dating system, and God did not give Moses elaborate technical instructions for regulating the calendar. He indicated the “month of ears” as the first month (Abib, or Nisan), and from it the simple directions for the spring festivals provided a rule for an accurate calendar. The clue to the correction of the lunar year to harmonize with the seasonal year was to be found in the rules that linked the Passover and the Feast of Unleavened Bread with Abib, the “month of ears” (Deuteronomy 16:1; Exodus 23:15; 34:18), and with the opening of the harvest. A sheaf of ripe grain was to be offered as first fruits during the Feast of Unleavened Bread (Levites 23:10-14), after which the new crop of barley could be eaten. Thus, the middle of Abib must not be too early for the beginning of barley harvest, the earliest grain that ripened in Palestine. And further, it must not be too late for the Feast of Weeks to come during the wheat harvest, seven weeks later, for the latter feast was called “the firstfruits of wheat harvest” (Exodus 34:22; cf. Levites 23:15-17; Deuteronomy 16:9, 10). Less specific are the references to the time of the Feast of Ingathering (or Tabernacles), in the 7th month as coming at the end of the harvest after the vintage (see Exodus 23:16; Levites 23:34, 39). But the emphasis is unmistakably placed on the exact timing of the month of Abib in the spring, the month from which all the others are numbered. The Barley Harvest the Key - In order to keep Abib in alignment with the barley harvest, it was occasionally necessary to insert a 13th month, as often as the error had accumulated (during two or three years) sufficiently to move the lst month too early for the grain to be ripe at the Passover season. A hypothetical example will illustrate this. The Israelites crossed the Jordan and observed their first Passover in Canaan in the time of harvest (Joshua 4:19; 5:10-12). The next year the feast would have shifted about 11 days earlier in relation to ripening time, and by the third year about 22 days earlier. By the third (certainly by the fourth) year Abib 16 would have moved out of range of the barley harvest, so that a sheaf of ripe grain could not be offered. Thus in that year the month that would have begun the new year would be a 13th month instead, later called Veadar (Heb.wa’adar, literally, “and-Adar’’), a second Adar; then the following new moon would begin Nisan (See note) late enough for ripe barley on the 16th. There is no proof of the use of the 13th month as early as Joshua’s day, but something like that must have happened if the Israelites followed the wave-sheaf rule literally. NOTE: Since the name Veadar has been introduced here for the 13th month, the term Nisan may as well be employed hereafter for the first month, as well as the other names that were taken over from the Babylonians after the return from captivity. The Bible more often designates the months by number only, and mentions but four pre-exilic month names. Therefore it is better to avoid burdening the reader with more than one name for a single month, and to employ from here on the better-known names that have been in use in Jewry from the Exile down to the present day. It must be kept in mind, however, that these later names were not actually used in the period covered by this chapter. Later Jewish tradition tells us that the priests responsible for the decision examined the crop in the 12th month, and that whenever it appeared that the barley would not be ripe by the 16th of the following month, they announced that the next month would be called Veadar, and that the month after this second Adar would be Nisan, the Ist month. Many authorities hold that throughout the Biblical period the Jewish month was based on direct observation of the moon, and that the insertion of the second Adar was determined by the Judean barley 174 harvest. Others find evidence in the postexilic period for the method of arbitrary calculation, such as a regular scheme of 30-day and 29-day months, and the 19-year cycle. Whenever computation was introduced, it was probably checked and regulated by observation for a long time afterward. Thus, the years instituted at the Exodus began with Abib, or Nisan, which was evidently to be kept in step with the barley harvest by the insertion of a 13th month every two or three years. The Religious Festivals Passover - The series of religious festivals (see on Levites 23) at the basis of the Jewish calendar began in the first month with the Passover (see on Exodus 12:1-11; Levites 23:5; Deuteronomy 16:1-7). On the 10th of the month, a lamb was selected for each family or group, and penned up until its slaughter on the 14th. Preceding the 14", all traces of leaven were removed from the houses, preparatory to the Feast of Unleavened Bread. Then on the afternoon of the 14", literally, “between the two evenings” (Deuteronomy 16:6), the Passover lambs were slain. With the establishment of the Temple, all sacrifices, including the Passover lamb, were required to be offered there (Deuteronomy 16:5, 6). Every male Jew over 12 years of age was required to attend, and many women and children came voluntarily. Thousands of pilgrims gathered at Jerusalem annually for the Passover and the seven-day Feast of Unleavened Bread that followed. (The term “Passover” was often used of the whole period.) Feast of Unleavened Bread - The 15th of the 1st month was the first of the 7 days of unleavened bread (Exodus 23:15; 34:18; Levites 23:6-14; Deuteronomy 16:3-8), sometimes called the first day of the Passover (Ezekiel 45:21). It was a festival sabbath, on which no work was to be done (Levites 23:6, 7; for the term “sabbath,” cf. verses 24, 32). This was not a weekly Sabbath, falling on the 7th day of the week; rather, it fell on a fixed day of the month, the 15th of Nisan, and consequently on a different day of the week each year. It was the first of seven ceremonial sabbaths connected with the annual round of festivals, which were distinctly specified to be “beside the sabbaths of the Lord” (Levites 23:38). These rest days were part of the ceremonial law; hence, unlike the 7th-day memorial of creation, were “a shadow of things to come” (Colossians 2:17), types to be fulfilled in Christ. On “the morrow after the sabbath”—the festival sabbath after the Passover—that is, the 16th of Nisan, came the ceremony of the wave sheaf, the first fruits of the barley crop. Until this ceremony was performed, it was unlawful to eat of the new grain. The Feast of Unleavened Bread ended on the 21st with another festival sabbath (Levites 23:8). Pentecost, or the Feast of Weeks - Seven weeks from the day of the wave sheaf, early in the 3rd month (later called Sivan), came the Feast of Weeks, celebrating the wheat harvest by the presentation of loaves in the Temple (see Levites 23:15-21; Deuteronomy 16:9-12). This was later called Pentecost, because it came 50 days (inclusive) after the offering of the wave sheaf (Levites 23:16). This was another ceremonial sabbath, and a feast that required the attendance of every male Hebrew (Deuteronomy 16:16). It is generally reckoned, as occurring on the 6th day of the 3rd month (Sivan), for that was the 50" day (inclusive) from Nisan 16 whenever the first 2 months had 30 and 29 days respectively, as was probably most often the case, and always the case after the number of days in each month became fixed. See also Exodus 23:16; Levites 23:16. 175 Blowing of Trumpets: the New Year (Modern Rosh Hashana) - Six months after the Passover the series of autumn festivals began with the Blowing of Trumpets on the 1“ of the 7th month (Tishri). The day, later called Rosh Hashana, the “beginning of the year,” was a festival sabbath (Levites 23:24, 25; Numbers 29:1). It celebrated the beginning of the civil year. This New Year’s Day was marked not only by the blowing of the trumpets but also by special sacrifices, almost double in number compared with the regular new-moon sacrifices (Numbers 29:1-6; cf. chapter 28:11-15; see also on Exodus 23:16; Numbers 29:1). Yet the months always continued to be numbered from Nisan, in accordance with the command of God at the Exodus, for the alignment of the year with the seasons depended on the Nisan new moon as located in relation to the barley harvest. But the civil and agricultural year, and the sabbatical and jubilee years as well, began by the older reckoning, with Tishri, the 7th month. If it seems strange that the year should be in any way considered as beginning with the 7th month, it should be remembered that in modern times we have the custom of beginning a fiscal year in some other month than January—often with July, our 7th month, and we date such a year as opening, for example, on “7(month)/1/1954.” So the Jews to this day celebrate their New Year’s Day on Tishri 1, at the beginning of the 7th month. Day of Atonement - The 10th day of the 7th month, the Day of Atonement (Yom Kippur), was and still is the most solemn day of the year. It was not only a ceremonial sabbath but also a strict fast day (Levites 23:27-32). According to the Babylonian Talmud, (see note) Tishri 1 (New Year’s Day) symbolizes the judgment: NOTE: The Talmud is a collection of Jewish traditions compiled between the 2nd and Sth centuries A.D. It consists of two parts: (1) the Mishnah, a codification of Jewish oral law, divided by subject into tractates, completed about the end of the 2nd century, and (2) the Gemara, a comment, exposition, and debate on the various sections of the Mishnah. Work on the Talmud was carried on at both Jerusalem and Babylon. The Jerusalem Talmud was completed in the 4th century, and the Babylonian Talmud, the more complete of the two, about a century later. “Mishnah. At four seasons [Divine] judgment is passed on the world: at Passover in respect of produce; at Pentecost in respect of fruit; at New Year all creatures pass before him [God] like children of Maron. ... “Gemara. ... It has been taught: ‘All are judged on New Year and their doom is sealed on the Day of Atonement. ...’ “R. Kruspedai said in the name of R. Johanan: Three books are opened [in heaven] on New Year, one for the thoroughly wicked, one for the thoroughly righteous, and one for the intermediate. The thoroughly righteous are forthwith inscribed definitively in the book of life; the thoroughly wicked are forthwith inscribed definitively in the book of death; the doom of the intermediate is suspended from New Year till the Day of Atonement; if they deserve well, they are inscribed in the book of life; if they do not deserve well, they are inscribed in the book of death” (The Babylonian Talmud, Soncion English translation, tractate Rosh Hashanah, 16a, pp. 57, 58; brackets in the original.) The Jews still regard the first ten days of the year, ending with the Day of Atonement, as somewhat a continuation of the New Year observance, an extra period of grace in which the sins of the preceding year can still be forgiven, a sort of extension of the deadline for closing one’s account with heaven. Even in our time, the Day of Atonement is considered the day of judgment, since it offers the final opportunity for 176 repentance. In the ancient ceremony of the 10th day, the sanctuary was cleansed of all the sins of the preceding year, which were thus symbolically removed forever from the congregation (Levites 16), and on these days the last opportunity was given for repentance. Anyone who was not right with God on that day was cut off forever (see also Exodus 30:10; Levites 16; 23:27, 29). On the Day of Atonement the trumpets blew to usher in the 50th year, or the jubilee (Levites 25:9, 10), and presumably the sabbatical years also. Feast of Ingathering, or Tabernacles - Then came the joyous Feast of Ingathering, or Tabernacles, celebrating the completion of the agricultural cycle with the vintage and olive harvest. During this festival, the people lived in “tabernacles,” or booths, of green branches in commemoration if their earlier wanderings as nomadic tent dwellers (Levites 23:34-43, Deuteronomy 16:13-15). This feast began with a ceremonial sabbath on the 15th of Tishri, and lasted 7 days; it was followed by another such sabbath, a “holy convocation,” on the 22nd (it might be called the octave of Tabernacles). The Feast of Ingathering was the third of the annual feasts at which all the males of Israel were required to gather at Jerusalem (see Exodus 23:16, 17; Exodus 34:22, 23). The tabulation gives for each month the time of its beginning, the dates of the feasts, and the principal seasonal events. For example, the first month, Abib (postexilic Nisan), begins at the new moon of March or April; on the Ist, 10th, 14th, etc., of that lunar month, respectively, occur the new moon, the selection of the lamb, the Passover, etc. and that month marks, approximately, the season of the latter rains, the barley harvest, etc. HEBREW MONTHS, FESTIVALS, AND SEASONS 1. Abib (Nisan)* March or April 1 New Moon Latter rains (Joel Exodus 23:15, 2:23) Nehemiah 2:1 10 Passover lamb selected. Exodus 12:3 14 PASSOVER killed “in the evening”; eaten “that night,” beginning of 15th. Exodus 12:6-8 177 15+ UNLEAVENED BREAD begins. Leviticus 23:6, 7 16 Wave sheaf | Barley _ harvest; offered. Leviticus | new crop may be 23:10-14 eaten 21 Last day of | Dry seasons Unleavened begins Bread. Leviticus 23:8 2 Zif [lyyar] 1 April or May 1 New Moon Kings 6:1 14 Passover for those | Wheat ripe in unclean in Ist | lowlands month. Numbers 9:10, 11 3. (Sivan) (Esther | May or June 1 New Moon Early figs 8:9) 6 PENTECOST, or | Hot weather Feast of Weeks. Waves loaves | Wheat harvest, offered, 50th day | general from Nisan 16. Levites 23:15-21 4. [Tammuz] June or July 1 New Moon Wheat harvest in mountains First grapes 5. [Ab] July or Aug 1 New Moon Olives in lowlands 6. (Elul) Aug or Sept 1 New Moon Dates, figs (Nehemiah 6:15) Vintage 7. Ethanim Sept or Oct 1 BLOWING OF [Tishri] 1 Kings 8:2 TRUMPETS, Rosh Hashana, or New Year. Levites 178 23:24, 25 10 DAY OF ATONEMENT, or Yom Kippur. Levites 23:27-32; Levites 16 15-21 FEAST OF | End of harvest INGATHERING or Tabernacles. Levites 23:34-43 22 Holy convocation. | Former or early Levites 23:36, 39, | rains Numbers 29:12, 35 Plowing begins 8. Bul [Marhesh- | Oct or Nov 1 New Moon Barley and wheat van or Hesvan] 1 sown Kings 6:38 9. (Chisleu or Nov or Dec 1 New Moon Winter rains Kislev) (Nehemiah 1:1) 10. (Tebeth) Dec or Jan 1 New Moon Lowlands green (Esther 2:16) 11. (Shebat) Jan or Feb 1 New Moon (Zechariah 1:7) 12. (Adar) (Esther | Feb or March 1 New Moon Orange ripe in 3:7) lowlands Purim) Esther | Barley ripe at 9:21-28 Jericho [13. Second Adar | March [14,15 Purim in 7 out of 7 times in 19 years] 19 years] + Annual ceremonial sabbaths (cf. Colossians 2:16, 17) in italics. * The first day of Abib always came in our March or April, and coincided with the new moon. Similarly, the month of Zif began in April or May. The other months of the Hebrew calendar follow the same pattern. Year Reckonings Spring and Autumn Beginnings of the Year - The Canaanite calendar begin in the autumn, as did the Jewish civil year; therefore we may assume either that the patriarchs used it while in Canaan, before Jacob and his family went to Egypt, or that the Israelites adopted it from their neighbors after the Exodus. The first alternative seems more likely, since Moses himself refers to an autumn reckoning in the book of Exodus, as will be seen. The Hebrews combined the numbering of the months from the spring, as instituted at the Exodus, with the year beginning in the fall, and thus had a double reckoning, the “sacred” year beginning with the first month and the civil year beginning with the 7th month. Josephus says that the ancient reckoning was from the fall, but “Moses, however, appointed Nisan, that is to say Xanthicus [the corresponding Macedonian month name], as the first month for the festivals, because it was in this month that he brought the Hebrews out of Egypt; he also reckoned this month as the selling and buying and other ordinary affairs he preserved the ancient order” (Antiquities 1 3. 3. Loeb ed.). “The End of the Year” in the Autumn - Even in the book of Exodus, which designates the spring month of Abib as the first month of the (“‘sacred’’) year, there are evidences for the beginning of the older and more familiar year in the autumn. These are references to its “end” in that season. The difference, however, is not great, since any year begins at the same point at which the preceding one ends. The Feast of Ingathering, or Tabernacles, in the 7th month (Tishri) is said to come “at the year’s end” (Exodus 34:22). Again it is referred to as “the feast of ingathering, which is in the end of the year, when thou hast gathered in thy labours out of the field” (Exodus 23:16). (See NOTE) Since it celebrated the bounties of the agricultural year that had just closed, it was identified as coming near the end of the year, although it actually began 15 days after the end, in the early days of the civil year that began on Tishri 1. 20 66 NOTE: The two words for “end” in these verses are tequpha, meaning a “circle,” “rotation,” “completion,” and se’th, meaning a “going forth.” The second is more exact, for the 7th month of the religious year is the “going forth” of the new civil year. In contrast to the “going forth” of the year in the autumn, the spring is called the “return” (teshubah, from shub, “to turn back”) of the year (1 Kings 20:22, 26). If the beginning of the year is thought of as its going forth on the circuit of the months, then the turning point, at which it begins to return to its starting point, is of course halfway round the circuit, six months later, in the spring. That this turning point is meant to indicate the spring is shown by another example of the word teshubah (2 Samuel 11:1). Here the phrase “after the year was expired” is a less literal translation of the Hebrew “at the return of the year,” and is defined as “the time when kings go forth to battle.” It is well known that military campaigns in the ancient Near East were started almost exclusively in the spring and carried on in summer, in the dry season, when transportation difficulties were at a minimum. We find ancient records of the annual campaigns of the rulers of Egypt, Assyria, and Babylonia. Thus both the “going forth” (autumn) and the “return” (spring) of the year are consistent in referring to the fall as the starting point. Agricultural Year - In Palestine and neighboring lands, the agricultural year has always begun in the autumn. After the spring grass has been parched and the soil baked by the long, rainless summer, the autumn rains moisten the soil for planting. This is the early rain, beginning perhaps in October and increasing in November. The wet season lasts through the winter ending with the “latter rain” of spring, which matures the grain (see Deuteronomy 11:14; Jeremiah 5:24; Hosea 6:3; Joel 2:23). The barley harvest in Palestine begins in the middle or end of April, and that of wheat comes in the next month, 180 followed by summer fruits, then grapes and olives in the late summer and fall. Note that from April/May to October there is dry weather for the successive harvests, as is shown by the following tabulation from Ellsworth Huntington, Palestine and its Transformation (London: Constable and Company, Ltd., 1911), page 34. The minute fractions of an inch listed between May and October show that the scant showers thus represented by these averages come so infrequently that these months may be considered actually dry. Average Rainfall at Jerusalem, in Inches January 6.41 May 0.25 September 0.03 February 5.05 June 0.008 October 0.37 March 4.18 July 0.00 November 2.38 April 1.60 August 0.004 December 5.53 Annual total 25.8 The only actual calendar document that comes from the pre-exilic period of Israel is a stone plaque from the century in which Solomon lived. It was found in Gezer, a city that the king of Egypt took from the Canaanites and presented to his daughter, Solomon’s wife. Written on this bit of limestone is a summary of an agricultural calendar, beginning in the fall. This “Gezer calendar” does not give month names, but lists the main activities of the farmer’s year month by month. Civil Year Reckoned From Tishri - Since the whole seasonal cycle of nature was regarded as beginning anew in the autumn with the return of the life giving rains, the basic idea of the new year seems to have centered in the fall. This made it inevitable that the civil year was thought of as beginning with Tishri, even though the months were always numbered from Nisan. The significance of Nisan stems from the fact that the whole alignment of the calendar year with the seasons was determined by the placing of the first month at the time of the barley harvest. It was logical to number as first, the month that followed the inserted 13th month, for in that way the sequence of numbers would never be interrupted. But the emphasis given the Ist of Tishri as the principal beginning of the year is evidenced by the blowing of trumpets, by the special sacrifices, surpassing those of Nisan 1, and by the connection of that day with the day of judgment. Regnal Years of Kings Reckoned From the Fall - In the time of the Hebrew kings the customary method of designating the years for dating purposes was to number them in series through each king’s reign. The formula for a date line was: “on the ofthe — =monthofthe __—yearofKing __.” There is evidence that these regnal years were reckoned from the autumn, presumably Tishri 1, in the united Hebrew kingdom (in the reign of Solomon), and afterward in the southern kingdom of Judah, in the time of Josiah; on the other hand, the spring year appears to have been employed in the northern kingdom of Israel. The usage of Israel is not indicated directly in the Bible narrative, but it seems to be a reasonable 181 deduction from the synchronism between the successive reigns of the two kingdoms as recorded in the books of Kings. Immediately after the captivity, there is rather inconclusive evidence for a spring reckoning of regnal years after the Babylonian fashion, but in the time of the re-establishment of the Jewish commonwealth and the revival of a national spirit under Ezra and Nehemiah, we find direct evidence of the autumn beginning of the regnal year. The regnal years used in dating were reckoned as they had been under the kingdom of Judah, but in the name of the Persian kings, whose subjects the Jews now were. Sabbatical and Jubilee Years - One of the distinctive features of the Hebrew laws was the provision for letting the land rest, that is, lie fallow, every 7th year. Just as the 7th day was the weekly Sabbath for man, the 7th year, at the end of a “week” of years, was a sabbath of rest to the land, when there was to be no sowing or reaping (Levites 25:2-7, 20-22). The 7th year was also the “year of release,” for the remission of debts (Deuteronomy 15:1-15). Then, after 7 “weeks” of years, the 50th year was the jubilee, when not only were all Israelite slaves to be released, but all lands sold during the period (with certain exceptions) were to revert to the original owners of their heirs (Levites 25:8-17, 23-34, 47-55). The purpose of this was to keep the family inheritances intact, so that the rich could never buy up the land and leave a landless class. Authorities differ as to whether the 50th year was added to the and leave a landless class. Authorities differ as to whether the 50th year was added to the 50th year was added to the 49, or whether it was, by inclusive count, also the Ist year of the next cycle. The 50th year was specifically mentioned as beginning in the autumn. The 7th year, though not so specified, was obviously similar, not only because it was in the same series as the 50th, but because a year in which there was no sowing or reaping must necessarily coincide with the agricultural year. The trumpets were blown to announce the jubilee on the Day of Atonement, the 10th of the 7th month (Levites 25:9). Since there is no logical connection between the jubilee year and the Day of Atonement ritual, it is probable that the later rabbis were right in saying that these years coincided with the civil calendar year, beginning on the 1" of Tishri. The provisions of the jubilee, involving the restoration of property and slaves, went into operation at the end of the 10th of Tishri instead of the 1“, because the first 10 days of the year were given over to New Year observances. That is, the jubilee began when the regular business of the civil year opened, on the day that began with the evening at the close of the Day of Atonement, the 10th of Tishri. Varying Lengths of the Lunar Years - It is to be noted that in all these various methods of reckoning years the basic unit of measure was evidently the lunar-calendar year of 12 months, corrected periodically to the solar or seasonal year by the 13th month. The common year of 12 months consisted of 354 days, but the adjustment to the moon sometimes required a 355-day year; and the periodic correction to the solar year required the addition of another month, and the lengthening of certain years to 383 or 384 days. This correction, if consistently applied as indicated by the barley harvest, never allowed the year to shift more than a month from its seasonal alignment. For this reason the number of Jewish calendar years over a long period, as has been pointed out always equaled the number of seasonal or solar years. The 360-Day Year Not Literal but Symbolic - It should be explained, for it is subject to misunderstanding, that the Bible gives no evidence whatever that the 360-day prophetic year of twelve 30-day months has anything to do with the Hebrew calendar year. There are a few ancient traditions that the year earlier contained 360 days. It is not clear whether these are a mere reflection of the Egyptian 182 solar year, disregarding the 5 extra days at the end, or whether they refer to a genuine 360-day year, which would have remained perennially out of step with both the moon and the seasons. But there are no solid facts on which to base such a method of reckoning, and certainly nothing to connect it with the Hebrews, who began the month with the crescent moon. The mention of a 150—day period during the Flood, which seems to be equated with 5 months, does not necessarily mean that the antediluvian calendar known to Noah had uniform months of 30 days each. The period has been interpreted also as indicating an unusual lunar year or a 365-day solar year. Whatever it was, it has no bearing on the lunar calendar used long afterward by the Hebrews. It is impossible to harmonize a 360-day year of 30-day months with months measured by the moon. In the very nature of the case a prophetic month or year, where the year-day principle is involved, must contain a fixed number of symbolic days if the length of the period is to be certainly known. Such a prophetic period cannot be based on a lunar calendar, whose months and years are variable. A reckoning by theoretical months of 30 days each would be understandable, and quite logical, for the idea that a month ought to have 30 days was implied in the later Jewish expressions used of the two types of months; a 30-day month was a “full” month, and a 29-day month was “hollow,” or deficient. It is possible, though there is no evidence, that the Hebrews used a theoretical 30-day month for business purposes, as did the Babylonians. Even today, we compute interest by a month of 30 days, although everyone knows that the months are not uniformly 30 days in length. The lengths of the prophetic month and year are not directly given in the Bible, but can be derived from several prophetic periods that are obviously equivalent. Since in these prophecies 3 1/2 “times” are 1260 days (Revelation 12:6, 14), and 42 months are 1260 days (Revelation 11:2, 3), they must be equal. Since 42 months are 3 1/2 years, then 3 1/2 times must be 3 1/2 years. Further, since 3 1/2 years and 42 months are each equivalent to 1260 days, one year of this type is obviously 360 days, and one month 30 days (for the prophetic interpretation of the 360-day year, see on Daniel 7:25). A century and a half ago many writers on the prophecies thought that the 360-day prophetic year was the Jewish calendar year, but they did not understand the nature of the lunar calendar used by the Hebrews. Such outmoded authorities should not be quoted; the prophetic month and year can be based on the Bible itself. New Calendar Problems After the Exile The Jews and the Babylonian Calendar - When the Jews returned to Palestine after the Babylonian exile, they brought with them the Babylonian month names in modified form. For example, Abib became Nisan, from Nisanu, the first month of the Babylonian year. Some authorities think that until after the Exile the Hebrews did not insert a second Adar—a 13th month—to correct the calendar. But the Passover had to be synchronized with the barley harvest; therefore the Jews, from earliest times, must have had a 13th month or its equivalent. It is clear that the Israelites were not faithful in observing the Levitical law, but there is no reason to suppose that they never observed the Passover throughout the centuries. Some think that the returning Hebrew exiles adopted the Babylonian calendar outright, including their 19- year cycle, and their exact system of inserting extra months. There is documentary evidence that the Jews after the captivity used the equivalent of the 19-year cycle, that is, the insertion of 7 extra months in 19 years, but there is no proof that they adopted the Babylonian custom of inserting a second Elul (the 6th 183 month) at times instead of a second Adar. Jewish authorities have always held that only the second Adar was used, and other authorities agree that in this they differed from the Babylonians. The reason for this was probably the fact that doubling the 6th month, Elul, instead of the 12th, Adar, would introduce an irregular interval between the spring and fall festivals, and thus cause confusion in attending the autumn feasts. The Bible gives no direct evidence on the question, but the command to keep the Passover in the Ist month, the “month of ears,” and to observe three feasts in the 7th month, strongly implies that the autumn feasts were intended to come 6 months after the month of ears, and therefore that there was no irregularity in the interval from Nisan through Tishri. In fact, a second Elul would have no significance in the Hebrew calendar, for the necessity for inserting the 13th month arose only from the requirement of keeping Nisan in line with the barley harvest. This could best be accomplished by adding a second Adar, just preceding Nisan. Placing the extra month 6 months earlier—if indeed the need for it could be predicted that far ahead—would have been of no advantage, and would have involved the disadvantage of interrupting the normal sequence of the festival months. The Nineteen-Year Cycle - The adoption of a 19-year cycle would have been very helpful in fixing in advance the time of the Passover. As long as the insertion of the 13th month could not be announced until the barley crop was examined in Adar, the month of the Passover could not always be known far enough ahead to avoid inconvenience to those who had to make their plans to attend. But a 19-year cycle would have enabled them to space 7 extra months in every 19 years in a regular sequence of 2-year and 3-year intervals, and to keep the Passover date within the known season of ripening barley. The calendar would be regulated systematically and the 13-month years, recurring at predetermined intervals in each cycle, would always be known in advance. This 19-year cycle can be explained as an expression of the relationship between solar and lunar years; namely, that 235 lunar months almost exactly (within an hour or two) equal 19 solar years. But 19 lunar years of 12 months, each would total not 235 but 228 months; therefore if an extra lunar month is inserted 7 times in every 19 years, the 19th lunar and solar years will end together. If, for example, the spring equinox fell on Nisan 1 in any given year, it would come on Nisan 1 again 19 years later. The Babylonians developed such a cycle experimentally. By the early 4th century B.C., they inserted the extra month always in the same years of each 19-year cycle: a second Addaru (Adar) in what we call the 3rd, 6th, 8th, 11th, 14th, and 19th years, and a second Ululu (Elul) in the 17th. (It is known which years had 13 months but not which years the Babylonians called the “year 1” of each cycle; hence these numerals are arbitrary.) The Jews, however, seem never to have employed a second Elul, but only the second Adar. The question of when the Jews adopted the 19-year cycle is not settled. Since that cycle was known in Babylonia along before the Christian Era, and many Jews lived there from the 6th century B.C., it would seem hardly probable that the Jewish rabbis who were in charge of the calendar would remain ignorant of the principles of calendrical calculation until the fixed calendar was introduced, long after Christ’s day. It is probable that such principles were known long before the traditional methods were abandoned. Up to the time of the destruction of the Temple, the barley harvest was the major factor, but after that, and especially after the Jews were driven away from Jerusalem, it was less relevant to the problem that the convenience of uniform calculation in widely scattered areas. 184 Although the Bible nowhere hints of any 19-year cycle, the barley harvest rule would automatically result in an average of 7 extra months in every 19 years. Thus the laws of the festivals, without specifying any calendrical rules as such, served to regulate the Palestinian calendar naturally and simply. Calculation of the Months Versus Observation - The question of the 13th month arose only once in two or three years, but the question of the beginning of the month was ever present. Especially after the captivity, when the majority of Jews remained in Babylonia, it was a very real problem to keep all the faithful observing the new moons and festivals together. The mere difference in the dating of documents was a minor matter, but the prospect of some Jews profaning sacred days while others were observing them was abhorrent to the pious. The sanctity of the Temple and the prestige of the priesthood kept the Babylonian Jews looking toward Palestine for authority in this matter. Thus the postexilic calendar, even as followed by those Jews who remained for centuries in Babylonia, was regulated in Jerusalem. The first day of the month—at least after each 29-day month—was announced by fire signals repeated from mountaintop to mountaintop to the outlying districts of Palestine, and even on to Babylonia. Eventually, however, false beacons, lighted a day early by the Samaritans, misled the distant Jews into beginning a new month after 29 days when the outgoing month should have had 30 days. Consequently, the fire signals were replaced by messages sent by runners. In Egypt, where fire signals could not be used, and afterward in all countries outside Palestine, the Jews came to observe new moons and festivals on two successive days, in order to be sure of having the right day. Even a month that followed a 29-day month could not be assumed to have 30 days; this doubt as to the first of the new month led to the observance of both the 30th and the day following. This custom was well known in Rome. Horace referred in his Satires (i. 9. 67-70) to the Jewish “tricesima sabbata, ” or “30th-day sabbath”: “Horace: ‘Certainly I do not know why you wish to speak secretly with me, you were saying.’ “Fuscus: ‘I remember well, but in a better time let me speak: today is tricesima Sabbata: do you wish to offend the circumcised Jews?’” After the lengths of the months became a matter of calculation, they could be known in advance without depending on direct observation. Unfortunately, we do not know when the change was made from observation to a regular sequence of 30-day and 29-day months. We have considerable direct evidence of postexilic calendar practice from dated Jewish documents found in Egypt, but the evidence from these sources has given rise to differences of opinion on the question of calculation versus observation. It is likely that the calendar officials employed methods of calculation while still retaining the practice of summoning witnesses to report the appearance of the crescent every month, or at least for the month of Nisan. Such traditional procedures would naturally be retained long after they had become unnecessary. During the period when the month depended on the observation of the crescent, or on confirmation by witnesses, there was uncertainty in distant places as to the correct day of the month, for, on account of certain variable factors, the actual appearance of the crescent could not be predicted. The failure to see a crescent on the evening after the 29th of the month might mean that the month should have 30 days, but it might also mean that atmospheric conditions unfavorable to visibility might delay its being seen in some 185 places later than in Jerusalem. And the difference in longitude between Palestine and Babylonia could sometimes mean that the crescent became visible in Jerusalem after it had already set for Babylonia (see next section). These elements of uncertainty operated even after the astronomical new moon, called “the moon in conjunction,” could be computed. The Moon and the Observed Lunar Month - The interval between the astronomical new moon and the visible new moon (or crescent), with which the ancient Semites began each month of their observed lunar calendar, is variable. As the earth moves in one year round the sun, the moon circles the earth 12 times and a fraction. During each revolution of the moon (which marks a lunar month), that body passes between the earth and the sun, and also passes the point on the opposite side of the earth from the sun. When we see it opposite the sun, with its face completely illuminated by sunlight, we say that the moon is “full.” When it passes between us and the sun, we do not see it at all because the side toward us is unlighted. When it emerges from between the earth and the sun and becomes visible to us in crescent form—that is, we see the edge of its lighted portion—we say that it is “new.” In order to understand this better, let us visualize an imaginary line connecting the center of the earth and the center of the sun. As the moon circles our globe, its path lies in a variable plane tilted at an angle in relation to that of the earth; therefore it is sometimes above and sometimes below the plane of the earth’s orbit as each month it passes between us and the sun and crosses the earth-sun line. If, as happens occasionally, the moon intersects this line, so that its shadow falls directly on our globe, observers within that shadow see its black disk darkening part or all of the sun in a solar eclipse. Most of the time, when it crosses above or below the imaginary line, it does not obscure the sun, but remains invisible, and therefore the exact time of the crossing (which astronomers call conjunction) cannot be observed. The time of conjunction, (the astronomical new moon) is given in almanacs and on some calendars, it is symbolized by a solid black disk. But it is not often that the crescent becomes visible in the evening sky on the day marked “New Moon” in the almanac. When the moon passes conjunction during the day, it is too nearly in line with the sun to be seen that evening after sunset. Only after an interval—averaging about a day and a half—does it move far enough past the sun to bring its lighted side toward the earth sufficiently to appear as a crescent. When the crescent becomes visible, it may be seen on one part of the earth just after sunset, but observers on other parts of the globe farther east, for whom the moon will have already set, cannot see the crescent until the next evening. That is why the lunar month, starting with the observation of the crescent, could sometimes begin a day earlier in Egypt or Jerusalem, for example, than it would in Babylon. The interval between conjunction and the visible crescent varies not only with the hour of conjunction and the locality, but also with the speed and angle of the moon’s course, which are variable. When it is slower, the moon takes longer—perhaps two or three days—to move far enough from the sun to be seen. Further, atmospheric conditions affect visibility, and in certain seasons, the crescent may be entirely obscured by clouds on the first evening, and so a 29-day lunar month might be given 30 days and the new month delayed one day. The Postexilic Month Names - After the return from Exile, the Babylonian month names were adopted, in slightly changed spelling, as has been mentioned. As for the beginning of the year, both fall and spring reckoning seem to be used in the postexilic books of the Bible. It is to be kept in mind that regardless of whether the year is reckoned from the autumn or from the spring, Nisan is always numbered as the Ist 186 month, Tishri the 7th, and Adar the 12th. Thus, the civil year begins with the 7 month and ends with the 6". This alignment of the months, and the approximate equivalents in our calendar, is made clear by the following tabulation: THE JEWISH CALENDAR (With postexilic month names derived from Babylonia) Order of the months Order of the months 1. Nisan March/April 2. Tyyar* April/May 3. Sivan May/June 4. Tammuz* June/July 5. Ab* July/Aug 6. Elul Aug/Sept 7. Tishri* Sept/Oct 7. Tishri* 8. Marheshvan* Oct/Nov 8. Marheshvan* 9. Kislev (Chisleu) Nov/Dec 9. Kislev (Chisleu) 10. Tebeth Dec/Jan 10. Tebeth 11. Shebat Jan/Feb 11. Shebat 12. Adart Feb/March 12. Adart March/April 1. Nisan April/May 2. Tyyar* May/June 3. Sivan June/July 4. Tammuz* July/Aug 5. Ab* 187 Aug/Sept 6. Elul * Month names not mentioned in the Bible. + In leap years a second Adar follows Adar, preceding Nisan. The Postexilic Year in the Bible - Ezekiel does not make it clear whether the years of his era, beginning with the exile of Jehoiachin, were reckoned from Nisan or from Tishri, or were counted by anniversaries from the date of the king’s captivity. But if Ezekiel, as is generally held, reckoned the year from the spring, he may have done so because he lived in Babylonia and used the official Babylonian calendar, which began the year with Nisanu (Nisan). Thus, his usage would have no bearing on Jewish calendar practice. Haggai, and presumably his contemporary and colleague, Zechariah (although the latter is inconclusive), are generally believed to have used the spring year, for if the events of Haggai 1:1 and 2:1, 10 are related in chronological order, the 7” and 9" months followed the 6th month in the 2nd year of Darius, as could not have occurred if the 7" month had begun a new year. The book of Esther, which identifies Nisan as the 1“ month, Sivan as the a and Adar as the 12" sheds no light on how the Jews reckoned the beginning of the year, since the dates in this book are given in connection with official acts of leaders in the Persian government. These events would presumably be dated in the Babylonian calendar, which the Persian rulers adopted from the time that Cyrus conquered Babylonia. In the time of Ezra and Nehemiah (Ezra-Nehemiah was originally one book), there is proof that the returned Jews counted the years of the king from the fall, presumably by the civil year beginning with Tishri. Nehemiah mentions Chisleu (Kislev, the 9th month) as preceding Nisan (the 1“ month) in the 20" year of Artaxerxes (Nehemiah 1:1; 2:1). Evidently, he was thinking in terms of the old regnal year of Judah and reckoning from the 7” month, Tishri, rather than the Persian new year in Nisan. Although the events mentioned in these two months occurred in the Persian king’s palace, the book was not written until after Nehemiah had gone to Jerusalem and engaged in the rebuilding of the Jewish community there. In such a situation—under the restoration of a Jewish administration at the ancient capital of Judah—it was natural that there should be a resurgence of patriotism, and a return to the old calendar and regnal year of Judah. Further, a document from a Jewish colony in Egypt, written in the same century with Ezra and Nehemiah, shows that these Jews in Egypt also used a Jewish calendar year beginning in the fall. Archeology and the Postexilic Calendar Jewish Documents From Egypt - This last-mentioned document is one of over 100, written in Aramaic on papyrus, that have been found been found on the island of Elephantine in the Nile River, in the ruins of a border garrison town settled by Jewish mercenaries and their families. These Aramaic papyri from Elephantine (sometimes inaccurately referred to as the Assuan Papyri) form one of the most interesting collections of ancient documents. They are wills, deeds, contracts, letters, and other documents, coming from the 5th century B.C., the century of Ezra and Nehemiah. In these papers we find not only references to the public and private affairs of the local Jews but also mention of such intriguing items as the Jews in Palestine, the Passover, an official mentioned in the Bible, and a Jewish temple on Elephantine built by the colonists. These papyri, some of which were found still rolled up and sealed, show us the exact form 188 of the language used by the Jews after the Exile—Aramaic, a language closely akin to Hebrew, used internationally in Babylonia and throughout the Persian Empire. They also show us the very spelling and handwriting, the ink and “paper,” of the sort used in the time of the returning exiles, and the legal phraseology of a royal decree of a kind similar to those quoted from the Persian archives in the book of Ezra—the Aramaic passages that were regarded by critics as proving the unhistorical character of the book. Indeed, these ancient papyri from Elephantine stirred up much difference of opinion, and were even regarded as forgeries in some quarters because of the unusual form of the date lines many of them bore— double dates in two calendars with sometimes apparently conflicting regnal-year numbers. But these double dates proved to be excellent evidence of their genuineness, for they synchronize the Egyptian and Jewish calendar dates in a way that enables us to calculate the very days on which they were written. These dates corroborate the chronology of the reigns of that period as reckoned in Ptolemy’s Canon. The Jewish colonists of Elephantine had been in Egypt before Cyrus’ successor, Cambyses, conquered the country and made it part of the Persian Empire. Whether they first arrived as exiles after the destruction of Jerusalem by Nebuchadnezzar, as did the group who took the prophet Jeremiah with them, we do not know; but the references to religion in these papers reveal the same conditions that Jeremiah deplored— the mingling of paganism with the worship of Jehovah. In the Jewish temple at Elephantine Jehovah was worshiped along with pagan deities. Not only are the dates and contents of these Jewish documents interesting; their date lines furnish information about the Jewish calendar of the period. Local Calendars Retained Under Persian Rule - When Cyrus the Persian conquered Babylon, he did not incorporate Babylonia into Persia under a provincial government; rather he annexed the kingdom to his earlier domain and took the title of king of Babylon in addition to his title of king of Media and Persia. In Babylonia the Persians adopted the language and culture of the country and took over the Babylonian calendar. In fact the Babylonian priests, the custodians of the accumulated astronomical knowledge of centuries, and of the calendar system, flourished under Persian protection and made further advance in the regulation of the calendar. Similarly, when Cyrus’ son Cambyses added Egypt to the Persian Empire, he continued the machinery of Egyptian government, but had himself crowned king of Egypt. Then he ruled the country through a governor who was nominally the viceroy of the Persian “Pharaoh,” retaining the local legal system and the Egyptian calendar. In later times the Romans were to follow the similar policy of allowing the use of various older local calendars in the eastern provinces, although eventually throughout the empire these calendars were adjusted to the Julian year of 365 1/4 days, that is, the local month names were retained but the lengths were adjusted to 30 and 31 days, etc., like the Roman months. Under Persian rule in Egypt it seems that legal papers were drawn up in accordance with the local laws and dated by the native calendar; these papyrus documents from Elephantine, with a few exceptions, bore date lines carrying the Egyptian month and day, and the regnal year of the Persian king reckoned by the Egyptian solar calendar (beginning with the month Thoth). This was a sensible procedure, for two ordinary citizens signing a contract in Egypt could not be expected to know when their payments should fall due or the contract expire if the date were given in terms of a foreign calendar. 189 But these particular documents were drawn up by Jews living in a Jewish community, using their own calendar, differing from that of Egypt. Therefore many of these papyri bore double dates, not only in the official Egyptian calendar, but also in the Jewish calendar. For example, one was dated “on the 18" of Elul, that is, the 28th day of Pachons, year 15 of King Xerxes.” This means that the document was signed on a day that was the 18th of the Jewish lunar month of Elul and was also the 28" of the Egyptian month Pachons in the 15th year of the reign of the Persian king Xerxes. Another reads, “on the 24" of Shebat, year 13, that is the 9" day of Athyr, year 14 of Darius [II] the king.” This gives two year numbers. The date was in year 13 in the Jewish calendar, but in the Egyptian calendar another year had already begun; hence this same date was in the Jewish year 13 and the Egyptian year 14 of Darius II. These double dates show that the various peoples of the Persian Empire used their own calendars. Although under Persian rule, the Egyptians retained their solar calendar (indeed, they always retained it, and bequeathed the 365-day year to Rome and, through Rome, to us). Further, the Jews, as a minority in Egypt, were free to use their own calendar, although it was different from that of Egypt. The legal dating for these documents seems to have been the Egyptian form, for if only one date was given, it was generally in the Egyptian formula, with the king’s year reckoned by the Egyptian calendar. Many of them, however, bore double dates, both Egyptian and Jewish. The Problem of Reconstructing an Ancient Calendar - Since the Egyptian calendar for this period is known, the Julian equivalent of the Egyptian date can be located. Even if the year is unknown it can be derived from the synchronism of the lunar with the solar date, for the lunar date, moving at least 10 days in one year, can agree with the Egyptian solar date only once in about 25 years. Thus these double-dated papyri can be dated in the Julian B.C. scale. By the use of these established dates as check points, a tabulation of the Jewish calendar as used in Egypt can be reconstructed for a large part of the 5th century with a greater degree of accuracy than can be done for that of Babylon, although the Babylonian calendar can be outlined, approximately, for a much longer period. For the Egyptian and Julian calendars. Since the dates of many of these papyri can be determined within the range of a day, in each case the dates of that whole month are known with the same precision. There is a possibility of a discrepancy of one day, sometimes two, in the exact dating of the other months of that year if the beginning of the month still depended on the observation of the moon. The time of the astronomical new moon (conjunction) for each of these months can be computed almost exactly from modern lunar tables but the interval between the invisible conjunction and the visible crescent is variable. If we wish to find the dates of ancient Jewish months, we can compute from astronomical tables the approximate times of conjunction for any year in antiquity, and can estimate the first of the new month by taking into account the hour of conjunction by Jerusalem local time, and the speed and angle of the moon. But we can never be certain of complete accuracy in reconstructing that ancient calendar year as it actually operated, for we cannot be sure that we know all the variable factors in the observation of the crescent, nor do we know whether the year was reckoned by calculation or observation during the period covered by the Aramaic papyri from Elephantine. R. A. Parker and W. H. Dubberstein have reconstructed an outline of Babylonian chronology, beginning in 626 B.C. In this monograph they have published Babylonian calendar tables covering a number of centuries, based on certain fixed dates and on certain 13th months attested from ancient records, and elsewhere on computed dates. These tables are very useful as an approximation. The user must allow for an uncertainty in some cases as to where the 13th months were inserted, and allow for an error of plus or 190 minus one day in some of the months. And this is reasonable accuracy for reconstructing an ancient lunar calendar. Since so many variable elements are involved in locating the first day of the month, the location of the remaining days in each month is similarly uncertain; consequently, the full moon (which can be fixed approximately by astronomical computation) does not always come on the same day of the lunar month. In the period of these papyri it varied from the 13th to the 15th. Even at points where an ancient record fixes beyond question a lunar date or series of dates, the calendar cannot be reconstructed beyond that particular year without the occasional possibility of being a month off if the location of the 13th month is unknown. Not until the early 4th century B.C. did the Babylonians insert their 7 extra months always in the same years of each 19-year cycle, and we do not know that the Jews had a similarly regular cycle. However, when there are ancient source documents, we can be fairly certain. If we have Babylonian tablets indicating that a particular year had 13 months, the calendar months of that Babylonian year can be identified with reasonable certainty; and if we have a synchronism identifying a day of a given lunar month with a day of a known calendar, as in the Jewish double-dated papyri from Egypt, even the days of that month can be known. That is why, for a considerable period in the 5th century B.C., the Jewish calendar as used by the writers of these papyri can be reconstructed with approximate accuracy. Such a calendar has been reconstructed by Lynn H. Wood and Siegfried H. Horn, giving the first day of each Jewish month from 472 to 400 B.C. Jewish Calendar in Egypt - A study of this tabulation and of the 14 double-dated papyri on which it is based makes clear the following 12 characteristics of the postexilic Jewish calendar: 1. These Jews dated by their own Jewish calendar, differing slightly from the Babylonian system. 2. Unlike the Persians, but like the Jewish repatriates at Jerusalem (Nehemiah 1:1; 2:1), they reckoned the years of the king’s reign from the autumn rather than from the spring. 3. Unlike the Egyptians, but after the old custom of Judah, they regarded the interval from the accession of the king until the next New Year’s Day as the “accession year”, after which the “first year” of the reign began. 4. They had adopted, in Aramaic spelling, the Babylonian month names, all 12 of which appear in these papyri. 5. Although there is no mention of a second Adar, the intervals between the dates of certain papyri indicate the use of a 13th month at various times. 6. If they did not know a fixed 19-year cycle as such, they evidently used its equivalent in that the intervals between these double-dated papyri imply an average of seven 13-month years in every 19 years. 7. These Jewish 13th months probably fell most often in the same years as in the Babylonian calendar. In the aforementioned Horn-Wood tabulation they are the same months as those in Parker and Dubberstein’s tables (Babylonian Chronology, 1956 ed.) with a very few exceptions, such as when the Babylonians inserted a second Elul instead of a second Adar in the 17th year of their cycle (as they came to do regularly—and, in later times, invariably—after the Babylonian cycle became fixed). 191 8. These Jews seem not to have used the second Elul. Of three papyri dated in 17th years, where we should expect it, two do not prove the practice, and one proves definitely that they did not reckon a second Elul in that year. 9. The evidence is not at present fully conclusive that the calendar was based on computation rather than observation of the moon, for the relation of the calendar dates to the moon have been interpreted in either way because of variable factors. But there are indications that it was computed to some degree. 10. Although there is no conclusive proof of computation of the lengths of the months at this period (No. 9), it is interesting to note that a possible fixed sequence of 30-day and 29-day months from Nisan to Tishri, which would have allowed the same number of days between Passover and Tabernacles, is compatible with the dates of these papyri. A reconstructed calendar based on this sequence is reasonably consistent with the actual motions of the moon. 11. The 1st of Nisan seems to have been kept, so far as the years represented by these papyri are concerned, from moving earlier than the vernal equinox. (See NOTE) That is, if the month following Adar began before the equinox, it was made the 2nd Adar, and Nisan was postponed until the next month. (This contradicts the later opinion of the rabbis that in the postexilic period the Passover came at the first full moon after the vernal equinox.) NOTE: Unless the divergence mentioned in note 5 is to be accepted. 12. There is no indication of the practice of adjusting the length of the year to prevent certain feasts from falling on certain days of the week, as was done in the later, fixed calendar published long after the time of Christ. The Jewish colonists in Egypt who wrote these papyri were in correspondence with their returned brethren in Palestine, but we do not know whether they were in close enough contact to enable them to keep the insertion of the 13th month in exact synchronism with the reckoning followed at Jerusalem. NOTE: Certain evidence, not conclusive, had led some scholars to believe that these colonists failed at one period to make the adjustment properly; that by inserting too few 13th months they allowed their calendar to diverge from the normal 19-year cycle, with the year beginning too early, and then, through closer contact with revived Judaism in Palestine, corrected the error by inserting the extra month more often. This could easily have happened, but the evidence is based on double dates that are inconclusive or disputed. If it did occur, it would be interesting to know the cause—possibly the fact that the barley harvest in southern Egypt, coming earlier than in Palestine, could not be depended on as a guide. It is remarkable that these double-dated papyri, which could not have survived at Jerusalem, but which have been preserved in the drier climate of a distant Jewish outpost in Egypt, have now come forth to give us a glimpse of the postexilic calendar in operation. These documents show the Jews (1) holding to their own way of reckoning, which was independent of that of their Egyptian neighbors; (2) differing from the Babylonian system of their Persian overlords, which many scholars have assumed that they slavishly adopted. Nor do these Jews seem to know anything of certain rules attributed to them by the much later traditions of the Mishnah and Gemara in the early centuries of the Christian Era. Different From Later Rabbinical Calendar The Jewish calendar and sectarian variants in the intertestamental and New Testament periods lie beyond the range of this chapter. But in the Mishnah, and then the Gemara, written in the early Christian centuries, we find a few bits of information concerning the Jewish calendar at the end of the 2nd century A.D. and 192 later, most of it in the form of traditions of earlier practices. It is in the Mishnah that we find accounts of the examination of witnesses before the Sanhedrin as to the appearance of the crescent, and the announcement of the new month to outlying regions by means of fire signals. The questions asked regarding the exact form of the crescent would seem to indicate that the first barely visible crescent was probably not counted; some say the “horned” phase, indicating that a longer interval might have been reckoned from conjunction to crescent. Other questions seem to indicate that the examiners were less interested in seeking information than in eliciting confirmation of knowledge that they already had by calculation, and that the formal procedure of visibly noting the new moon was carried on from precedent long after the principles to calculate its appearance were known. In the Talmudic arguments, some doubtless dating from as late as the 5th century A.D., later concepts are sometimes applied erroneously to earlier times; therefore these conflicting traditional authorities must be used with caution. For example, the belief that the 16th of Nisan could move back almost to the spring equinox is opposed to the facts of the barley harvest and to the evidence of the source documents from the postexilic period. Traditional references to the full moon of the Passover may indicate efforts to stabilize the month in relation to the full moon, at least in Nisan, but the 5th-century B.C. papyri give no hint of this. It is quite likely that in the period of the second Temple, the months were at least partly regulated by something more than simple observation from month to month, but we cannot be sure from the available sources how early and to what extent computation was employed. Eventually, after the destruction of Jerusalem by the Romans and the dispersion and persecution of the Jews by later emperors, the practice of regulating the calendar from Jerusalem was necessarily abandoned, and an arbitrary scheme was substituted, so that Jews in all lands could reckon the dates of the sacred feasts uniformly. Thenceforth the Jews in Babylonia or anywhere else could regulate the calendar by artificial means, regardless of the barley harvest in Judea or the appearance of the moon at Jerusalem. It was once thought that the calendar as revised, supposedly in the 4th century, had come down unchanged to the present day, but most authorities now think that the reform was a gradual growth, taking several centuries, incorporating earlier traditions and later developments. Some of the medieval disputes between the rabbinical advocates of the fixed calendar and the Karaites, who attempted to retain observation and the barley harvest rule, indicate that the question of the calendar was still a live issue. The present sequence of the seven 13-month years in each 19-year cycle, and the numbering of years consecutively from a supposed era of creation, (See NOTE) were not adopted by the Jews until the Middle Ages. NOTE: The 3rd, 6th, 8th, 11th, 14th, 17th, and 19th years of each cycle counted from a theoretical beginning in 3761 B.C. This means that 1975/76 is counted as the 17th year of a cycle, with a second Adar in the spring of 1976. 193 CHAPTER SEVEN Like all other ancient time records, those of the Bible present problems. In the first place, the records are often incomplete. In the second, we cannot always be sure that we know the method by which the ancients reckoned; for example, whether they reckoned the year as beginning in the spring or the autumn, or whether inclusive reckoning was used in such a phrase as “three years.” Again, it is not always possible to synchronize Biblical with secular chronology. For these and other reasons that might be given, it is not possible to prepare a complete and exact scheme of Bible chronology. However, it is possible to construct a tentative chronological outline, particularly for the reigns of the Hebrew kings, that can be of great help to the Bible student. The purpose of this chapter is to set forth reasons for the choice of the dates given in that outline. The following information surveys the source data, discusses the principles and methods used by scholars in constructing ancient chronology, and explains the application of these principles to chronological problems of this period of Bible history. It should be added that learned men have differed in their conclusions on Bible chronology, and that this chapter does not set forth in full any chronological scheme yet published. The Conquest of Canaan The Territory East of the Jordan - When the hosts of Israel turned finally from Kadesh toward the Promised Land they came to Mt. Hor, where Aaron died and where they mourned for him 30 days (Numbers 20:22-29). The date of his death was the Ist day of the 5th month, in the 40th year of the Exodus (Numbers 33:38). Thus, presumably, they did not leave Mt. Hor until the beginning of the 6th month. After several stops, they reached the territory of Sihon, king of the Amorites, east of the Jordan and the Dead Sea. Being refused passage, they conquered Sihon’s land from the Arnon to the Jabbok. They also took the territory north of the Jabbok, that is, Gilead and Bashan (Numbers 21:21-35), and then returned to camp east of the Jordan opposite Jericho. This must have been a short campaign, because after this occurred the incident of Balaam, the idolatry and punishment of the Israelites, and the numbering of the people, all before the Ist day of the 11th month of the 40th year, when Moses began his final discourses, recounting to Israel their past experiences and admonishing them as to their future course (Deuteronomy 1:3-5). Then Moses died, probably about the beginning of the 12th month, for after mourning for him 30 days (Deuteronomy 34:5-8) the Israelites proceeded on their way, in the first days of the first month, and crossed the Jordan on the 10th of the month (Joshua 4:19). This entry into Canaan on the 10th, and the observance of the Passover on the 14th, were obviously in the 41st year of the Exodus. Thus the period of the wanderings was one of 40 full years, extending from the midnight deliverance from Egypt on the 15th of the 1st month in the 1st year of the period, to the first Passover in the land of Canaan, 194 following the crossing of the Jordan in the 41“ year. But the conquest of Amorite territory before crossing the river occurred in the second half of the 40th year. This last date is important because it establishes, in relation to the Exodus, the date of the entry into Canaan, and pegs down a landmark from which a period is reckoned in the time of the judges— Jephthah’s 300 years from the occupation of Sihon’s city of Heshbon and its surrounding territory. The Conquest of Canaan Proper - In the 41st year, then, according to this Exodus reckoning, Joshua led the armies of Israel in several campaigns to subdue the land west of the river. His forces included a contingent from the tribes that were to settle in the Transjordan territory recently won from the Amorites. The land was not completely conquered during this war, for the Israelites could not drive out the inhabitants of many of the strongly fortified cities, and many of those conquered in the first campaigns were not held permanently. Yet the country was subdued sufficiently to halt opposition to the settlement of the Israelites. Even after “Joshua took the whole land,” and “the land rested from war’ (Joshua 11:23), he told the Israelites that “there remaineth yet very much land to be possessed” (chapter 13:1). Ending the armed opposition and allotting the land to the tribes was not the same thing as actually possessing the whole land; this was not accomplished fully until the time of David. But the first stage was completed in the matter of a few years. The Assemblies at Gilgal and Shiloh - After the division of most of the land had been completed, the Israelites assembled at Gilgal, where the Passover had first been observed and the tabernacle had been set up. On this occasion the aged Caleb asked for the region of Hebron as his allotment of territory (Joshua 14:6-15). He stated that he was 40 years old when he went with the spies from Kadesh-barnea (in the second year of the Exodus), and that now he was 85 years old. This occasion was therefore in the 46th or 47th year from the Exodus. Since the first campaigns east of the Jordan began in the 40th year, this would make the wars of Canaan last six or seven years. Further distribution of the land by lot (chapters 15-17) was followed by the setting up of the tabernacle at Shiloh (chapter 18:1). If this took place immediately after the assembly at Gilgal mentioned in chapter 14:6, it was soon after the seven-year war. This chapter uses a dating of the Hebrew kings that puts the spring of Solomon’s year 4 in 966 B.C., in the 480th year from the Exodus. Then the Exodus, in the Ist year of that period, 479 years earlier, was in 1445 B.C., and thus the conquest of Heshbon and the other Amorite territory late in 1406, the crossing of the Jordan in the spring of 1405, and the gathering at Gilgal after the war in Canaan, in 1400 or 1399. The uncertainty in this last date stems from the question of whether Caleb, in speaking of his age as 85, counted the years from the spring or the fall; he did not specifically refer to the years of the Exodus, but was reckoning his own age. (See note below) The Exodus reckoning, as an era, was used by Moses, but it does not seem to have survived as a means of dating, except in the case of Solomon’s 4th year (1 Kings 6:1). Although the months were always numbered from Abib (later called Nisan), in the spring, the years were generally reckoned from the fall. The gathering at Gilgal, presumably at a regular feast, could have been at the Feast of Tabernacles in 1400 B.C., the Passover in 1399, or the Feast of Tabernacles in 1399. NOTE: If Caleb was calculating the 45 years since he was 40 in terms of a chronological period based on Moses’ Exodus era, he probably was thinking of 45 years after the second year in which the spies went out. This would have been, by the practice so common in ancient times, 45 years inclusive, thus ending in the 46th, not the 47th, year of the period (or 1400 B.C., if we reckon the Exodus in 1445). But if he did this, he would have been 85 years old in the 46th year from the Exodus only if he counted his own age by the fall-to-fall year, and was speaking in the latter part of the 46th year, after an autumn new year had begun his own 195 85th year. But if, as seems more likely, Caleb was merely making a quick, oral computation based on his age, and was reckoning the 45 years only as years of his life, without regard to an era, he probably merely subtracted 40, his age when he spied out the land, from his present age of 85, and arrived at 45 years as the interval. Of course, this would be 45 years elapsed, not 45 inclusive. If he reckoned his age by years beginning in the spring, coinciding with the years of the Exodus, his 85th year would have coincided with the 47th year of the Exodus reckoning (or 1399/98 B.C.); if by fall-to-fall years, it would include half of the 46th and half of the 47th; therefore this occasion could have come in either 1400 or 1399. Following this meeting at Gilgal, the tabernacle was moved to Shiloh (Joshua 18:1), where the final allotment of territory was made to the remaining tribes. There is no indication of the interval between the meeting at Gilgal and the one at Shiloh. The tabernacle was moved not earlier than 1400, and presumably not much later than 1399. Joshua’s Death and the Ensuing Apostasy - The next chronological item, an uncertain one, is the death of Joshua at the age of 110 (Joshua 24:29). It was “many days” after the end of the war that Joshua called the people together, and told them, “Behold, I have divided unto you ... an inheritance for your tribes” (Joshua 23:4), and bade them farewell with, “Behold, this day I am going the way of all the earth” (verse 14). If this was soon after the division of the land at Gilgal and Shiloh, then Joshua was nearing 110 years of age at the time Caleb was 85, was about 65 when he acted as one of the 12 spies, and was a centenarian when he led the Israelites into Canaan. If, however, he was about Caleb’s age, his death took place 25 years after the end of the war. Thus the interval between the entry into Canaan and the first judge has a wide margin of uncertainty. In either case, we must allow a considerable period after Joshua’s death before the first judges, for it was after the apostasy of the generation that succeeded Joshua that the oppressions began, and the judges were raised up to deliver the Israelites. Apostasy was appallingly rapid (see on Judges 18:30 for the conditions in the lifetime of a possible grandson of Moses), but it must have taken at least several decades for the younger contemporaries of Joshua to die out. It was after “all that generation were gathered unto their fathers: and there arose another generation after them, which knew not the Lord, nor yet the works which he had done for Israel,” that “the children of Israel did evil” and forsook the God of their fathers, so that the Lord delivered them into the hands of their enemies, and then raised up judges who repeatedly delivered them and sought to bring them back to the worship of God (see chapter 2:10-16). The Period of the Judges The chronology of the period of the judges presents problems if we attempt to place all the events in consecutive order. There is no need to doubt the figures, but the problem of harmonizing them with the events described in the end of the book of Joshua and the beginning of 1 Samuel has given rise to varying opinions and solutions. The account is so abbreviated that we do not have all the facts concerning the relationship between the various judges and the intervening periods of oppression. The fact that the story of one judge is told without a hint that there was any other judge in another part of the land at the same time does not rule out the possibility of contemporary judges. The Data of the Book of Judges - The writer of Judges did not set out to give all the details of the history of his period; his purpose was to show how the Israelites repeatedly forsook God and fell a prey to their enemies, were in turn rescued and given another opportunity. Whether these events happened successively or contemporaneously in different sections of the country had no bearing on the lesson of the 196 book, and so the writer did not supply all the details of the timing, although he preserved carefully the number of years of each judge and of the periods of oppression. They are given as follows: Oppression under Cushan-rishathaim 8 . > 3:8 Deliverance by Othniel; the land rests 40 a 7 3:11 Oppression by Eglon of Moab 18 . 7 3:14 Deliverance by Ehud; the land rests 80 \ ie 3:30 Oppression by Jabin and the Canaanites 20 1 ee 4:3 Deliverance by Deborah; the land rests 40 7 e 5:31 Oppression by the Midianites 7 = . 6:1 Deliverance by Gideon; the land rests 40 = 8:28 Abimelech reigns over Israel 3 = “ 9:22 Tola judges Israel 23 % a 10:2 Jair judges Israel 22 e 10:3 Oppression by the Ammonites (and Philistines) 18 7 oy 10:7,8 Deliverance by Jephthah 6 7 “ 12:7 Ibzan judges Israel 7 * = 12:9 Elon judges Israel 10 - Ss 12:11 Abdon judges Israel 8 “ _ 12:14 Oppression by the Philistines 40 : Ss 13:1 Samson judges Israel 20 7 15:20 410 plus x The x years represent the unknown period, probably several decades, during which the Israelites “served the Lord all the days of Joshua, and all the days of the elders that outlived Joshua” (Judges 2:7), and then apostatized. Even leaving out the x years preceding the first oppression, we have a total of 319 years to the end of the 18 years of Ammonite invasion, which Jephthah spoke of as 300 years. This 319 plus x may well be 350 or more; and the total of 410 plus x for the whole sum of the years of the judges and the 197 intervening periods of oppression is probably more than 450. Evidently not all these periods were successive. Some Periods Overlap - The record clearly indicates an overlapping of some of these judgeships and servitudes. The 20 years of Samson fell within the 40 years of Philistine oppression, for “he judged Israel in the days of the Philistines twenty years” (Judges 15:20). Further, in connection with the statement that the Philistines oppressed Israel 40 years (chapter 13:1), it was foretold that Samson would only “begin to deliver Israel out of the hand of the Philistines” (verse 5). If, then, Samson’s 20 years are part of the 40, the total is reduced from 410 plus x to 390 plus x. But the 40 years of the Philistines oppression seem to have been partly contemporaneous with the 18 years of servitude to the Ammonites, for it is said that “the anger of the Lord was hot against Israel, and he sold them into the hands of the Philistines, and into the hands of the children of Ammon” (chapter 10:7). Then follows the description of the Ammonite oppression and the deliverance by Jephthah (chapters 10:8 to 12:7), and after this an enumeration of the three judges who succeeded him, evidently unimportant characters of whom little more is recorded than the duration of their judgeships, totaling 25 years (chapter 12:8-15); then chapter 13 returns to the 40-year Philistine oppression to recount the life of Samson, and how he “began” to deliver Israel from the Philistines. Thus the Scripture indicates that the Philistine oppression and the Ammonite oppression were contemporaneous. The Ammonites, inhabiting the Transjordan plateau toward the edge of the desert, swept over the eastern tribes of Israel (for Gad, Reuben, and half the tribe of Manasseh lived east of the Jordan), and continued their pillaging for 18 years. Finally, they invaded the territory of Judah, Benjamin, and Ephraim west of the Jordan (chapter 10:8, 9). The Israelites, thus harassed from the east, had no opportunity to employ their united strength to defend the west, where the Philistines on the southern portion of the seacoast raided Judah and Dan and threatened the western tribes. Other Periods Probably Contemporaneous - It is obvious that if some of these periods in the book of Judges were contemporaneous, as the record seems to indicate, it is likely that some of the others also were simultaneous, occurring in different parts of the land, even though we cannot tell which periods overlap and for how long. This seems all the more likely when we notice that these judges were widely scattered geographically: Othniel was from Judah, Deborah from Ephraim, Barak from Naphtali, Ehud from Benjamin, Gideon from Manasseh, Tola from Issachar, Jair and Jephthah from Gilead, east of the Jordan, Ibzan and Elon from Zebulum, Abdon from Ephraim, and Samson from Dan. During this period the tribes were living in widely scattered territories largely in mountainous terrain separated by areas held by Canaanites, whom they had never succeeded in driving completely from the land, and whose fortresses held the main routes of communication in the lowlands. It is doubtful that any of these judges ruled over any large portion of the Israelites. The record reveals that even in a time of crisis, when a deliverer was fighting to repel the oppressors, not all the tribes rallied to drive out the invaders. The reason may be that not all the tribes were oppressed at any one time, and that consequently the deliverers were more or less local. Jephthah’s 300 Years - Further, if Jephthah’s 300-year estimate of the time of the Hebrew occupation of the towns of the Amorites is anywhere near exact, there was necessarily an overlapping of the periods up to his time, for the total, excluding the time of Joshua and the surviving elders is 319 years. 198 It is not necessary to assume that Jephthah’s 300-year statement was exact, since he was at the time contending with the Ammonite invaders, and in the heat of controversy he doubtless did not stop to look up any records or consult a tribal “rememberer’” to get the exact figure, but used a round number. This number was likely rounded off to the hundred above the actual total rather than to less than the exact interval. But it is also possible that the elapsed time was exactly 300 years when Jephthah spoke. If it was, we have the exact date, in relation to the Exodus, since the towns of Heshbon were taken from Sihon, king of the Amorites, in the 40th year of the Exodus (1406/05 B.C., according to the dating of the Exodus utilized for this chapter). Then 300 years, inclusive, from the acquisition of that territory would be 1107/06 B.C. The Later Judges - If the 40 years of Philistine oppression ended with the battle of Ebenezer (1 Samuel 7:5-14), the most likely event to terminate this period, then the judgeships following Jephthah must have overlapped also, probably more extensively than those before him. Samson would be a contemporary of Jephthah; and Eli, who died after 40 years as judge (see chapter 4:4, 11, 18), 20 years before the battle of Ebenezer (see chapters 6:1; 7:1, 2, 11-14), must have been older than either Jephthah or Samson. If the ark was in Shiloh some 300 years, reckoned from a point 6 or 7 years later than the beginning of Jephthah’s 300 years, and was taken from Shiloh to the battle in which it was captured by the Philistines, then the death of Eli following this battle took place about the time of Jephthah. The ark, returned by the Philistines, was placed at Kirjath-jearim, where it had been 20 years at the time the Israelites won their decisive victory over the Philistines at Ebenezer. It was at that time that Samuel was made judge (chapter 7:6, 15-17). We are not told how long Samuel’s judgeship lasted, but we do know that it closed the whole period of the judges. Some take it as ending with the coronation of Saul, when the monarchy replaced the theocratic government of the judges, but some extend it to Samuel’s death, since he continued to function as a judge (chapter 7:15) although the judge was no longer the chief magistrate after the monarchy was set up. Nothing is recorded of Samuel’s age, except that he was born when Eli was no longer young; that he received his first message from God while he was still a boy; that he was old enough to be known as a prophet before Eli’s death (chapter 3), though he was apparently young enough to be passed by as judge until 20 years later (chapter 7). A fragmentary manuscript from a Dead Sea cave, containing parts of 1 Samuel | and 2, gives Eli’s age as 90, not at his death (as in LXX), but at some time after Samuel was placed in his care (see on chapter 2:22). If Samuel was about 3 when brought to Eli (see 1 Samuel 1:24), he was at least 11 when Eli died at 98. This fragment may preserve an original figure, later lost, but we cannot build on this assumption. Samuel was judge long enough to be an old man who had already relinquished at least part of his work to his sons before the Israelites demanded a king (chapter 8:1-5). If he lived through the greater part of Saul’s reign, as the record indicates, he must have been very old when he died. Samuel is the link between the period of the judges and that of the monarchy. Thus it would seem that the first part of the book of 1 Samuel covers a period contemporary with the last part of the book of Judges, presumably chapters 10-16. The Judges and the 480 Years - With such overlaps as are here indicated, it is entirely possible that the 40 years of wandering in the wilderness, the conquest of Canaan, the period of the elders that outlived Joshua, the subsequent apostasy, the various judgeships, some of them contemporaneous, including the judgeship of Samuel, and the reigns of Saul and David could have occurred within the space of 480 years, as indicated in 1 Kings 6:1. There is no way of computing exactly the length of the period of the judges, or the specific overlaps, but a tentative outline of the period that fits this chronology has been included in 199 the section on history. This outline is intended only as an approximation of what may have happened, but it demonstrates that the figures in the book of Judges can be reasonably interpreted by means of overlaps that agree with the historical situation and with the interpretation of the 480 years as the exact length of the period from the Exodus to and including the 4th year of Solomon. Those who follow the longer chronology of the judges, and make all the periods consecutive throughout, interpret the 480 years as the sum of the actual judgeships, excluding the periods of oppression or usurpation, and take the total period as being more than 500 years. This results in an earlier date for the Exodus. One system of dating formerly employed by some “fundamentalist” writers, with the successive periods of the book of Judges, arrives at a total of 594 years from the Exodus to the 4th year of Solomon by interpreting the 480 years as the total number of the “years of the Theocracy” during which Israel was really under God-appointed government, not counting the six periods of servitude and the three years of the usurpation of Abimelech. By overlapping Eli with the Philistine servitude and Samuel with Eli, it arrives at the x years of Joshua’s successors as 13 years by subtraction. This scheme, which requires assumptions concerning which there is no evidence, to say the least, has never gained standing in the world of Biblical scholarship. The marginal dates that have appeared in many editions of the KJV since 1701, derived from the chronology of Archbishop Ussher, first published in 1650, place the Exodus in 1491 B.C.; the first judge, Othniel, in 1406; and the beginning of Saul’s reign in 1095. This dating is arrived at by placing the 4th year of Solomon, as the 480th from the Exodus, in 1012 B.C. This B.C. date is based on interregna between the kings, also on Ussher’s conjecture that the completion of the Temple (1004) was 1,000 years before the birth of Christ. Many scholars regard the 480 years as merely meaning 12 generations, estimated at 40 years each. This would be equivalent to throwing out the number 480 entirely, for an estimate of 12 generations cannot be a basis for a specific time statement of an exact “480th year.” If “in the 480th year” is not meant to refer to a specific year, but to a general approximation, how are we to know that “in the eighteenth year of Jehoshaphat,” or “in the seventh year of Artaxerxes,” or “in the eleventh year of Zedekiah” is anything but an estimate? When the Bible gives exact statements of time, and on these statements can be built a detailed chronology without alteration, there seems to be no adequate reason for assuming that they are not based on exact data. It is admitted that Bible writers may use round numbers at times, especially in the case of the number 40, but such a possibility should not weigh against actual figures that harmonize with other figures to make exact synchronisms as they stand, nor is there any reason to doubt that when a writer puts an event in a certain specific year he means that very year. It is true that many writers who do not accept the Bible as accurate history revise the figures wherever they please, to suit their own theories. Some of them reduce the time of the judges to even shorter periods by regarding 1 Kings 6:1 as an error; those who place the Exodus in the 12th or 13th century must of necessity do this. But this is not constructing a chronology based on the Bible data; it is a revision of the Bible records according to each individual’s theory. Since this commentary is intended to explain the Bible, not to revise it, any chronology incorporated into it must be based on the Biblical figures; if they cannot be explained consistently, it must be admitted that we do not have a complete Biblical chronology. Therefore the 480 years are to be included in the picture. 200 This chapter employs the simpler interpretation of the so-called 480 years, inclusive (the phrase is not “A480 years,” but “the 480th year”), as literal and exact, ending with the 4th year of Solomon as the 480th year. The overlapping of the judges, which this reckoning requires, is accepted as a reasonable interpretation of the data, but no attempt is made to be dogmatic on the details of the judgeships. The outline in the history section shows what may have happened, but no one knows what actually did happen, nor does that fact diminish the value of the narrative for its readers. The United Hebrew Monarchy Reference has been made to the indefiniteness of our information on the relation of the beginning of the monarchy to the time of Samuel and the earlier judges. The Old Testament contains no clear statement as to the length of Saul’s reign, but any difference of opinion on this period would affect only the date of its beginning, for its end is fixed in relation to the reigns of David and the later line of kings. The Reign of Saul Variously Interpreted - The only information given in the Bible as to the length of Saul’s rule (unless 1 Samuel 13:1 is so regarded) is the remark of the apostle Paul, made in an impromptu sermon at Antioch: “And afterward they desired a king: and God gave unto them Saul the son of Cis, a man of the tribe of Benjamin, by the space of forty years” (Acts 13:21). Paul had just referred to two other time periods: (1) God’s deliverance of the Israelites from Egypt, when “about the time of forty years suffered he their manners in the wilderness,” and (2) another period of “about the space of four hundred and fifty years” (verses 18, 20; italics supplied). Some have concluded that, since Paul was thinking in round numbers, as indicated by the qualifying word “about” with these two numerals, he merely omitted to repeat the modifier with the third numeral; that he would naturally use round numbers in an oral summary, for he was not writing a history, or even consulting records for these figures. Even his phrase, “about the time of forty years” in the wilderness is an example of 40 used as a round number, since the duration of the Israelites’ wandering in the wilderness, after rebelling against God at Kadesh and being turned back, was actually only 38 years. On the other hand, the fact that the third number, unlike the first two, is not qualified by “about” leads some to think that it was meant to be an exact number in contrast with the others. If so, what period did Paul intend it to cover? Some think that it extends to the beginning of David’s rule over both Judah and Israel, more than 7 years after the death of Saul, and hence that the personal reign of Saul, in distinction from that of his house, was less than 40 years. The question as to whether Paul meant to indicate that Saul occupied the throne exactly 40 years cannot be settled, and it does not affect the historical accuracy of the account. The Ages of Saul, David, and Jonathan - The only reason for concern with the exact length of Saul’s reign is that a total of 40 years involves apparent difficulties as to the comparative ages of Saul, David, and Jonathan, difficulties that would be avoided if 40 were a round number for a considerably shorter period. If 40 is exact, then David was born a decade after Saul came to the throne, for at the age of 30 he succeeded Saul (2 Samuel 5:4). Then, if he slew Goliath when he was as young as 18—and he could hardly have been much younger—this event took place after Saul had reigned nearly 30 years. If the battle of Michmash, in which Jonathan took a prominent part (1 Samuel 13, 14), occurred in the second 201 year of Saul’s reign (see on 1 Samuel 13:1), as the KJV has been taken to imply (although it does not actually so state), Jonathan was presumably 18 or 20 years old about a decade before David was born. This makes the close and brotherly friendship between an 18-year-old David and a 46-year-old Jonathan seem entirely out of harmony with the narrative. Also, on this basis, Jonathan’s only son, Mephibosheth (or Merib-baal; 1 Chronicles 8:34; 9:40), who was 5 years old at the time of the battle in which Saul and his sons were killed (2 Samuel 4:4; cf. 1 Samuel 29:1, 11; 31:1, 2), would have been born when Jonathan was 53. This would be rather late for Saul’s heir apparent to be providing for the succession of his line. And if Jonathan was a grown man so soon after his father’s accession, Saul must have been between 75 and 80, at the very least, when he was killed in battle. None of this is impossible, but it would seem to be so unusual as to lend weight to one of two views: (1) that the figure 40 does not refer to the exact length of the personal reign of Saul, or (2) that he was quite young at the time of his accession and that the battle of Michmash must have come considerably later than the second year of his reign. Either of these two explanations would allow Saul and Jonathan to be much younger, thus eliminating the apparent difficulties in their ages. Various Explanations of Saul’s Reign - If Saul’s reign was less than 40 years, the question arises as to what evidence there may be for its length. Extending the 40 years to cover the time up to the coronation of David over all twelve tribes would subtract 7 1/2 years at the most. This is possible, but of course unproved. In one instance, Josephus attributes to Saul a reign of only 20 years (Antiquities x. 8. 4). In another instance, he has Saul reign 18 years during Samuel’s lifetime and 22 years after the death of the prophet (Antiquities vi. 14. 9). This latter statement shows variants in the manuscripts, two of the Latin texts reading 2 for 22, thus making this statement conform to the other. It has been suggested that the number 22 represents an emendation by a Christian copyist to make it conform to Paul’s statement, but this is of course merely a conjecture. There seems to be no textual question about the statement from Antiquities x. 8. 4. Now, if Saul reigned only 20 years, then David, who was 30 when he came to the throne (2 Samuel 5:4), would have been 10 years old at Saul’s accession. There is general agreement that David was only about 18 when he slew Goliath; he was young enough to be left at home with the sheep instead of being in the army (1 Samuel 17:13, 14, 28, 33, 42), yet old enough to fight wild beasts (verses 34-37), and is referred to as a valiant man of war (chapter 16:18). Consequently, there would be only about eight years between the beginning of Saul’s reign and the battle with Goliath. In that case, Samuel could have died about 18 years after Saul’s accession. Some regard eight years as a rather short period for the events related before the Goliath incident, and similarly object to only two years between the death of Samuel and that of Saul, since David spent a year and four months of that time among the Philistines. But the interval after Samuel’s death could hardly have been much more than two years, unless 1 Samuel 25 and 26 have omitted many events. The only incidents recorded between Samuel’s death and David’s flight to Philistia are his journey to Paran, his encounter with Nabal, and his second encounter with Saul. These incidents would not seem to require more than eight months. If, as some think, 1 Samuel 13:1 gives the incomplete remnant of a statement of the length of Saul’s reign, and the original numeral ended in two (“... and two years he reigned”; see on 1 Samuel 13:1), it could have been 22, although 32 would seem more likely as an equivalent of the round number 40. In view of 202 the aforementioned observations, what is to be done with Paul’s statement assigning 40 years to the reign of Saul? Either this is a round number or it is not. If it is, the relative ages of David, Saul, and Jonathan can be made to appear more reasonable, but any attempt to arrive at an exact figure for the reign will be only speculation. If it is not a round number, the period is 40 years, and the unnatural disparity of ages must be accepted if we are to construct this chronology on the Bible data. Later Chronology Not Affected - In either case, any difference of opinion on the duration of Saul’s reign has no effect on the date of the end of that reign or on the dates of the reigns of David and the later kings. Regardless of which scheme of chronology is preferred for the kingdoms of Israel and Judah, the B.C. dating pivots on synchronisms in the latter part of the period; consequently shortening Saul’s reign would merely move his accession later, and allow that much more time for the judges. The Reign of David - There is no question about the length of David’s reign. Here 40 is obviously not a round number, for it is the sum of 7 and 33, and there is actual mention of an event in the 40th year of David (1 Chronicles 26:31). The extra six months (2 Samuel 5:4, 5) offer no problem. It could be possible that David’s entire reign, from the time that he became king in Hebron until he died, was exactly 40 years and 6 months; it is not necessary, however, to suppose this, since the reigns of ancient kings were customarily counted by calendar years; and if one died at any time in his 40th calendar year, he was said to have reigned 40 years, as will be explained later. It is more likely that the six months were his “beginning of reign,” or “accession year”—the interval between his coming to the throne and the next New Year’s Day, from which his “year 1” would begin. If the Philistines went up against Saul in the plain of Jezreel at the usual season when “kings go out to battle” (1 Chronicles 20:1), Saul’s death, followed by David’s accession in Hebron, would have occurred in the spring, and David’s first full year of reign would have begun about six months later, at the beginning of the year in the autumn. Solomon Made King by David - At the end of David’s reign, “when David was old and full of days, he made Solomon his son king over Israel” (1 Chronicles 23:1). At this time, he appointed officers for the Temple service and for the affairs of Israel “in all the business of the Lord, and in the service of the king” (chapter 26:30). This seems to have taken place “in the fortieth year of the reign of David” (verse 31). In the last chapter of the book the reign is summarized as 7 years in Hebron and 33 in Jerusalem (1 Chronicles 29:27). This would imply that Solomon’s joint reign with his father continued for part of the 40th year, for if it had extended into the 41st, David would have been reckoned as reigning 41 years. This 40th year must have been counted also as Solomon’s “accession year,” or “year of the beginning of the reign.” Solomon’s Years From Autumn to Autumn - The reign of Solomon furnishes an important clue to the reckoning of the regnal years, that is, the years of the king’s reign, as beginning in the autumn, in his day at least. It is explained in the section on the Hebrew calendar that there were two beginnings of the year: The religious year began with the 1st of Abib (Nisan), in the spring, and the civil year with the Ist of Ethanim (Tishri), (See note) in the autumn. Since the months were always numbered from the spring, the civil fall-to-fall year began with the 7th month, with the numbers running 7—12 followed by 1—6. Thus, the first month came after the middle of the civil year. NOTE: Rather than confuse the reader with alternate names, the months will be referred to hereafter by the more familiar (and still used) postexilic names—Nisan for the Ist month, Tishri the 7th, etc., even though it is recognized that these were not used until after the period of the kings ended. 203 The Temple was begun in the 2nd month of the 4th year of Solomon, and was completed in the 8th month of the 11th year (1 Kings 6:1, 37, 38). In view of the well-attested fact that the ancients were in the habit of reckoning inclusively, it seems surprising that an interval from the 4" to the 11" year should not be expressed here as 8 years. But since the beginning and ending dates are given, it is to be presumed that the reckoning was not by complete regnal years, but by anniversary years, that is, years reckoned from the date of the event that marks the beginning, the 2nd day of the 2nd month. If the 7 years are reckoned inclusively from the 2nd month of the 4th year of the reign, the completion of the Temple falls in the 11th year of the reign if the regnal years begin in the fall, but not if they begin in the spring. This has been understood as evidence that Solomon’s regnal years were reckoned from the autumn, presumably Tishri 1. Solomon’s Fourth Year Used as Basis for Exodus Date - This date of the beginning of the building of the Temple on “the second day of the second month, in the fourth year of his reign” (2 Chronicles 3:2) is important in relation to the time of the Exodus. According to the chronology of the kings employed in this commentary, the 40th and last year of Solomon’s reign was 931/30 B.C., counted from autumn to autumn; therefore the 4th year of the reign, 36 years earlier, was 967/66 B.C., also beginning presumably with the autumn New Year’s Day, the first of Tishri, the 7th month. Since the Hebrews always numbered their months from the spring, even though the civil year began in the fall, the 2nd month, Zif, came in the spring of 966 B.C. But this event in the month of Zif is also dated “in the four hundred and eightieth year after the children of Israel were come out of the land of Egypt” (1 Kings 6:1). Thus, we have a synchronism between two dating scales—the regnal years of Solomon and the years of the Exodus era. Since the deliverance from Egypt took place in the middle of the 1st month in the 1st year of the Exodus reckoning, that departure can be placed 479 years earlier than the Ist month of the 480th year, that is, in the spring of 1445 B.C. Thus Solomon’s reign, as dated from the later reigns of the divided kingdom, gives us in turn a date for the Exodus if we accept the 480th year as an exact figure. Methods and Principles of Reckoning Before considering the period of the divided kingdom, which followed the death of Solomon, it may be well to pause for an explanation of the methods used in reckoning ancient reigns, and of certain terms and principles that will be used in the later discussion of the reigns of Israel and Judah. Chronology Built Upon Synchronisms - The chronological data in the books of Kings are given mostly in two types of time statements aligning the reigns of the two neighboring kingdoms of Judah and Israel, that is, (1) accession synchronisms, or statements dating the accession of one king in a certain regnal year of the contemporary ruler in the other nation; and (2) the lengths of the reigns. A typical example is seen in the record of the accession of Amaziah of Judah during the reign of Jehoash (Joash) of Israel: “In the second year of Joash ... king of Israel reigned Amaziah ... king of Judah. He was twenty and five years old when he began to reign, and reigned twenty and nine years in Jerusalem” (2 Kings 14:1, 2). We are told later that Amaziah outlived Jehoash 15 years (verse 17); and then comes the next accession synchronism, the statement of the accession of the next king of Israel, Jeroboam II, during Amaziah’s reign: “In the fifteenth year of Amaziah ... king of Judah Jeroboam ... king of Israel began to reign in Samaria, and reigned forty and one years” (verse 23). 204 Similar synchronisms are given for the other kings. Since the accession of each is synchronized with a regnal year of his contemporary neighbor, and the length of each reign is given, it is possible to construct an outline of the chronology of the two kingdoms based on these interlocking synchronisms. A graphic method of constructing such chronologies is to start with two parallel scales of years in diagrammatic form, and to lay out on them the two series of reigns of Israel and Judah so that (1) the accession of each king is synchronized with the corresponding year of the contemporary ruler of the other kingdom, and (2) the recorded length of each reign is allowed for. If the pattern is correct, the end of each reign and the beginning of the next will come in the prescribed year of the reign of the other kingdom as recorded in the Bible. Sometimes the figures in Kings can be interpreted in only one way; then the alignment is easy to determine. But in other instances more than one interpretation may be made, and various possibilities must be tried out. To begin with, this is largely a trial-and-error procedure. Where the lengths of the reigns do not fit the scheme, many have concluded that the text was erroneous. But it must be considered that there is more than one method of reckoning involved, that Israel and Judah did not necessarily use the same systems. In order to work intelligently it is necessary first to understand the methods and principles of reckoning that may have been used by the writer of Kings or in his sources. To illustrate from the time statements just quoted, relating to Amaziah and his contemporaries, the following questions must be answered—and they are not so simple as they may seem at first glance. How did the writer count the 15 years that Amaziah lived after the death of Joash? (See next section.) If Amaziah reigned 29 years, in what year of his reign did he die? What is meant by his 15th year? When does a king’s “first year” begin? Did the 15th year of Amaziah in Judah exactly coincide with the Israelite year in which Jeroboam II came to the throne? The task of finding the answers to such questions is complicated by the fact that Judah and Israel did not employ identical systems of reckoning. The general principles of ancient reckoning that explain these questions will be found in the following paragraphs. Years Counted by Inclusive Reckoning - As already pointed out, the common mode of counting employed in the Bible seems to have been inclusive reckoning, that is, counting both the first and the last unit of time in calculating an interval. This method was also used generally by other ancient nations, as is shown unmistakably by source documents. An Egyptian inscription recording the death of a priestess on the 4th day of the 12th month relates that her successor arrived on the 15th, “when 12 days had elapsed.” Today, we would say that when 12 days had elapsed after the 4th, the date would be the 16th. The Greeks followed the same inclusive method. They called the Olympiad, or the four-year period between the Olympic Games, a pentaeteris (five-year period), and used other similar numerical terms. The Romans also, in common usage, reckoned inclusively; they had nundinae (from nonus, ninth), or market days, every ninth day, inclusive, actually every eight days, as indicated on ancient calendars by the letters, A through H. 205 Of course, mathematicians and astronomers were aware that the reckoning was mathematically inexact, but it persisted in common parlance, as it has even down to the present day in the Orient. Modern vestiges in the West are the phrase “eight days,” meaning a week in some European languages; the Catholic term “octave” of a festival, meaning the day coming one week after the holy day; the musical intervals, such as octave, third, fifth, etc.; and even the medical term “tertian fever,” meaning a fever recurring every other day. The clearest Biblical demonstration of inclusive counting is in the New Testament (see on Acts 10:30 where a period of 72 hours is reckoned as “four days ago,” not “three’”’), but an Old Testament example is in 2 Kings 18:9, 10. The siege of Samaria lasted from the fourth to the sixth year of Hezekiah, which is equated with the seventh to the ninth year of Hoshea, and yet the city is said to have been taken “at the end of three years.” In modern usage, we would say two years, by straight subtraction. Obviously, the Bible writer reckoned inclusively (years four, five, and six totaling three years). A Hebrew boy was circumcised when “eight days old” (Genesis 17:12), that is, “in the eighth day” (Levites 12:3). Similarly, Luke speaks of circumcision “on the eighth day” or “when eight days were accomplished” (Luke 1:59; 2:21). Evidently “when eight days were accomplished” (or “‘at the end of eight days,” RSV) does not mean eight full days from the date of birth, but eight inclusive. Jeroboam II of Israel succeeded his father Jehoash in the 15th year of Amaziah of Judah (2 Kings 14:23), and Amaziah “lived after the death of Jehoash ... of Israel fifteen years” (2 Kings 14:17). A modern reader would mentally add 15 to 15, reaching Amaziah’s 30th year, yet Amaziah reigned only 29 years (verse 2). Inclusive reckoning is again the most logical explanation, since 15 years, inclusive, from the 15th year is the 29th, in which he evidently died. There are other examples. When, at the death of Solomon, Rehoboam was petitioned to lighten the tax burden, he told the people to depart “for three days” (1 Kings 12:5) and then return for his decision “after three days” (2 Chronicles 10:5). They came “the third day, as the king had appointed, saying, Come to me again the third day” (1 Kings 12:12; cf. 2 Chronicles 10:12). Esther asked the Jews of Shushan to fast, and by implication, to pray, for her before she went in to the king unbidden, and then she approached the king “on the third day” (Esther 4:16; 5:1). Obviously, a period of “three days” ended on the third day, not after the completion of the three days, as we would reckon it. All this serves to explain the supposed difficulty in the three days between the crucifixion and resurrection of Jesus. The texts are as follows: Matthew 26:61; 27:40 27:63 (12:40, & 3 nights) 16:21; 17:23; 20:19; 27:64 Mark 14:58 (within) 8:31 9:31; 10:34 Luke 9:22; 18:33; 24:7, 21, 46 John 2:19-21 206 29 66 It is obvious from these texts that “in three days,” “after three days,” and even “three days and three nights” are all equivalent to “on the third day.” One writer (Matthew) uses all three phrases for the same period. The interval from Friday afternoon to Sunday morning is three days, by inclusive reckoning. Since it is clear that this mode of counting was the common practice in Bible times, and widespread in many countries, it is useless to try to understand this period as three full 24-hour days, according to the modern Western habit of counting. To do so violates both historical usage and Biblical statement, and creates a difficulty that would not exist if the ordinary usage of common speech and of examples in the Bible be taken into account. The Length of a King’s Reign - Just as the common mode of expression made Noah 600 years old in his 600th year, or a child 8 days old on his 8th day, and just as a period of 3 days or 3 years ends on the 3rd day or in the 3rd year, although the 3rd day or year is not yet completed, so a reign of 25 years was one that ended in the 25th year. Asa of Judah was recorded as having ruled 41 years, yet he died in his 41st year (1 Kings 15:9, 10; 2 Chronicles 16:13); note also the end of Zedekiah’s 11-year reign in his 11th year (2 Kings 24:18; 2 Kings 25:2-7). This is also demonstrated by the Judah-Israel synchronisms, and was customary in Babylon and Egypt, as evidenced by documents brought to light by archeologists. This was somewhat akin to inclusive reckoning, although the total of a reign was not always true inclusive reckoning. There were two methods of counting regnal years, one of which eliminated the inclusive numbering, and so kept the total number of years correct, as will be explained next. But the system of regnal years was not ordinary folk usage; it was a specialized form of calendar reckoning, primarily chronological in purpose. Regnal Years Are Calendar Years - When the ancients dated events in a certain year of a king’s reign, they were using a calendar dating formula. They were not concerned with how long that ruler had been on the throne when the event occurred, but they used the regnal-year number as the regular designation for that calendar year. This was the common method of identifying the year, for they had no long-term era like our B.C.-A.D. dating. Accordingly, the regnal year coincided with the civil year, beginning on New Year’s Day. The various nations had different calendars, and different New Year’s Days, but the system of counting reigns by their respective calendar years was followed in Babylonia, Assyria, and Egypt, and evidently by the Hebrews also. It seems to have been taken for granted in the ancient Near East. Although a king’s regnal years were equated with whole calendar years, the first and last of his kingship would be incomplete unless he happened to come to the throne on New Year’s Day and die on the anniversary of his accession. Hence an adjustment had to be made, and there were two methods of making this adjustment as described in the immediately following paragraphs. Accession-Year Method of Reckoning Reigns - If King A died during his 35th year, and was succeeded by King B, all documents written in the first part of the year, up to A’s death, would have been dated in the such and such day and month of the 35th year of King A, but during the rest of that year they would be dated in the name of his successor, King B, and the first New Year’s Day in the new reign would usher in a new regnal year of King B. The difference in the two methods was concerned with the unexpired portion of the year between the accession and the following New Year’s Day. 207 In Babylonia, for example, this partial year would be called King B’s “year of beginning of reign,” now known as accession year; and the full calendar year beginning on the next New Year’s Day (Nisan 1) was numbered the first year of the reign. Thus in a series of reigns, the year 35 of King A would be followed by the year 1 of King B. This is referred to as the accession-year method of dating, because the interval from the date of accession to the end of the calendar year is called the accession year, and is not numbered. This method is also sometimes called postdating, since the beginning of what was called the first year was postdated, or postponed, until the first day of the next calendar year following the new king’s coming to the throne. Non-Accession-Year Method of Reckoning Reigns - By the other method, used at times in Egypt, the new king began dating documents in his “year 1” as soon as he ascended the throne, and the year beginning at the next New Year’s Day (Thoth 1 in Egypt) was called year 2. Thus the same year that began as the 35th of King A would end as year | of King B, and A’s year 35 would be followed by B’s year 2, not year 1. This causes an overlap of 1 year in reckoning a series of reigns. It adds an extra year for each reign, for it is the equivalent of inclusive reckoning, numbering both the first and the last year of every reign, when actually each king’s “first year” is only the unexpired part of the last year of his predecessor. Since there is no period called accession year before year 1, this is called the non-accession- year method, or antedating. Both Systems Used in the Book of Kings - These two methods are well documented from ancient Egyptian and Babylonian records. The use of regnal-year dating is shown in the Bible by a number of date formulas. For example, Jerusalem was besieged on the 10th of the 10th month in the 9th year of Zedekiah’s reign (2 Kings 25:1); and “in the fifth month, on the seventh day of the month, which is the nineteenth year of king Nebuchadnezzar” (verse 8), Nebuzaradan came and burned the Temple. There is no indication as to whether these time statements involve the accession-year or non-accession-year reckoning. But certain synchronisms in the book of Kings, in equating a year of a king of Judah with a certain year of a king of Israel, seem to point to the conclusion that both Hebrew kingdoms used both these systems at different times. At the division, after Solomon’s death, Judah seems to have been using the accession-year and Israel the non-accession-year method. In order to survey briefly the differences between these two methods of regnal reckoning, let us return to the hypothetical King A, who dies in his 35th year, and is succeeded by King B. A diagram will illustrate the differing effects of the two methods on the numbering of B’s reign, on the dating of events by regnal- year numbers, and on the totals of B’s and succeeding reigns. The six paragraphs following the diagram will summarize the results I. In the accession-year system (upper), after the end of the year in which one king dies and the next ascends the throne, the first New Year’s Day of the new reign ushers in the year | of the new king. II. ‘In the non-accession-year system (lower), however, the year of death and accession is followed by year 2 of the new king, and so on. Therefore, it follows, as shown by the diagram, that: Il.